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Old Yorkshire 

Edittd br 


lonDon : 

%titn : 

[entered at stationers' hall.] 



G*C*S*I*y C*I»£»y 















N continuing the yearly issue of " Old Yorkshire " in 
a Second Series, the Editor has always borne in mind 
the promise he made in announcing the Series — that 
it should be his especial care to deal with the history 
of Old Yorkshire, and to include only articles which 
shall be reliable authorities on the subject of which they 
treat. After thanking the contributors who have gener- 
ously aided him in this task, and those whose proffered con- 
tributions a bounded space compelled him reluctantly to 
decline, he begs to place his effort in the hands of his sub- 
scribers, trusting they will allow that he has satisfactorily 
redeemed his promise. 

If this Volume, which the Editor issues as very much in 
the nature of an experimental volume, meet with public appro- 
bation and support, it will become an evidence that within a 
limitable period and at a very moderate cost it is possible to 
place on the shelves of the most modest library a history of 
the County which will satisfy all reasonable demands. It has 
been held that the preparation of a history of Yorkshire would 
be an undertaking so vast and expensive as almost to preclude 
the publication of it. The Editor is well aware that, granted 
the method of treatment, some truth lies in that doleful fore- 
cast ; but he is at the same time convinced that the publication 
of a fairly comprehensive history can be achieved on the lines 
of the present volume, the only necessaries to success being 
judicious co-operation and adequate support. He trusts that 
he may be enabled to carry his experiment to the fulness of 


There is an apology due to the subscribers for the delay 
which has clogged the passage of the book through the press. 
That delay arose, in a limited sense, by the change from the 
old lines, and the transfer of the venture to other hands. But 
it was further increased and maintained beyond all proportion, 
and until out of control, by the political crisis which consumed 
the closing months of the present year. As a contribution to 
the history of his time, the Editor records his belief that such 
a crisis will not readily recur ; being, however, forewarned, he 
will now take care that, in the event of its recurrence, it shall 
not produce a similar effect upon the appearance of any 
subsequent volume of this Series. 

In conclusion, the Editor has to thank the contributors 
of illustrations for their generous aid in supplying a most 
costly feature to the work. He owes to the estimable liberality 
of Mn Joseph Scott, Solicitor, Leeds, the gift of the plate of 
Knaresborough Castle, and to Mr. John Ramsden, Pho- 
tographer, the original from which the engraving comes ; to 
the Editor of The Builder, and to his contributor, Mr. G. T. 
Clarke, F.S.A., he owes the plans of the Early Earthworks ; 
as to the former of those two gentlemen, he also owes the 
view of Southwell Minster ; to Mr. John Stansfeld, of Leeds, 
a generous preserver of the relics of monastic and baronial 
heraldry, he owes the seals ; to Mr. Llewellyn Jewett, F.S.A., 
of whose kindness " Old Yorkshire " affords so very many 
instances, he owes the illustrations of the very curious Crowlc 
Cross ; to Major R. W. Moore he owes the Leeds Cross ; and 
to the Rector of Kirk-Deighton, the Rev. J. W. Geldard, he 
owes the view of that Church. It is his hope that the 
possessors of curious illustrations will afford him similar assist- 
ance in the future. 

28, Albion Street, Leeds, 

Christmas, 1885. 


Barrows on th b Yorkshire Wolds 

Pre-historic Fortifications ... 

Earthworks of the English Period.— Middleham. Illustration. 

The Ribblesdale Mounds 
Pickering ... 

The Saxon Church AT Laughton 

TiCKHiLL, Camp and Castle. G, T, Clarke, F.S.A, ... 

„ The Buslis of Tickhill, and the Siege of the Castle 

Southwell Minster 

The Castle of Pomfret. G, T. Chrke, F.S.A, .. 

K iRBY-HiLL Ch urch, Boroughbridge 


DowKERBOiTOM Cave. /, Lotckmore, 
Kirkdale Cave 
The Gipsy Springs, Yorkshire 
KiLDALE Church, Discovrries in 
Gra-ssington, Roman Encampment at. 
,, Lead Mines. J^, Lucas, .. 

Sheef-scoring Numerals .. 
Place-names is Al. fV. H^uater, 
The Ilkley Crosses. /, Romilly Allen, F.S.A.S. 
The Ilkley and Crowle Crosses. fV, Wheater. 

,, Illustration. L. /ewitU F.S.A. 

The Crowle Cross. A, S.Ellis, 
The Leeds Cross, Illustration. R, W, Moore. 
Ilkley, Antiquarian Discoveries AT ... 
Brunanburgh, The Battle of. C, S, Todd, F.S.A. 

,f , , ^n . O. JUtUIS. ••• ... .•• • 

Diocesan History of York 


B.J, Marker. 





• • • ^y 















81, 82, 83 



Bishops and Archbishops of York, Biographical Notices of ... 86 

CowTHORPE AND ITS Church. IV, Wheaier. ... ... ... 91 

,, Illustration. Rev* J. W. GeUart, 93 

Scarborough, St. Mary's Church. Illustration. W, WheaUr. ... loi 

MiRFiELD Church ... ... ... ... ... ... 105 

KiLDWiCK and Farnhill. W, Claridge, ... ... ... ... iii 

Keldholme Priory. W, Wheaten ... ... ... ... 115 

,, Illustration of Porch ... ... 117 

Rosedale Priory. W, Wheater, ... ... ... 123 

,, Common Seal ... ... ... ... 124 

Our Lady of Malton, Priory of. W, Wheater, ... 129 

,, Arms of. /. Stansfeld, .. ... ... 134 

GuisBOROUGH Priory. W, WJieater. ... ... ... ... 134 

„ Common Seal. J, Stansfeld, ... .. 135 

,, Capitulab Seal, Title Page. /. Stansfdd, 

,, Arms of. J. Stattsfeld, ... ... ... 147 

Arthington Priory. W. Wkeater. ... ... ... 148 

,, Vavasour Arms ... ... ... ... 156 

,, Common Seal. J, Stansfeld, ... ... 161 

Campanology. H, T, Ellacombe, M,A» ... ... ... ... 162 

Vert and Venison. W. Wheater. ... ... ... ... 163 

,, A LAUND IN THE FoREST ofGaltres. Illustration. 165 

,, The Chace in Olden times. Illustration, 169 

„ The Parks of Wakefield. W, Wheater^ ... 174 
„ The Park of Wentworth Woodhouse, and 

Wharncliffe Chace. W, H^heater. ... 178 

,, King John at Roundhay Park. IV, Wkeater, 185 

Society and Crime. W, WhecUer. ... ... ... ... 189 

Phases of Old Parish Life. J, Batty,F.R.HS. ... 194 

Knaresborough Castle and Forest. Illustration. IV, IVheater. ... 197 

,, The Keep OF the Castle. Illustration... ... 204 

,, Knaresborough. Illustration. ... ... ... 205 

„ The Interior OF the Keep. Illustration ... 221 

„ The Wharfe AT Ilkley Bridge. Illustration ... 224 

A Feudal Stronghold AND ITS VicriMs ... ... ... 226 

MiDDLEHAM Castlb. IV, WheoUr, ... ... ... 235 

The Knights Hospitallers, A Reuc of. F. Peel, ... ... 256 

The Ancient Cloth Trade. W, Wheater,... ... ... ... 259 

Coal Mining in Halifax. /. Lister y M,A, ... ... 269 

Bradford in the Time of John Wesley. W, Scruion, ... 283 

The Stately Homes of England: Methley ... ... 287 

Place Names connected with Water. C, D, HardcasiU ... ... 290 

-L N DJBA. ... ..I ... ... ... ... ... ^95 

List of Subscribers ... ... ... ... ... 320 


HE Reverend Canon Greenwell remarks that barrows or 

mounds are to be found in nearly all parts of the earth ; but, 

perhaps, in greater abundance in the southern parts of Asiatic 

Russia, and on the northern shores of the Black Sea, than 

Tshere else. In Africa, they are most numerous on the shores 

:he Mediterranean. There are not many of such remains to 

found south of the Desert of Sahara. It might be added that 

they are much more Asiatic and European than African, and are 

sprinkled about all the way west from India to Ireland. The mounds 

which existed on the Yorl«hire Wolds were of a time which might be 

called pre-historic The poems attributed to Homer contain accounts 

of interments similar to those in the barrows. The Yorkshire Wolds, 

where the barrows are found in such plenty, appear to have been at 

one time a sort of island, bounded by the sea and swampy land. It 

was, therefore, a desirable piece of territory, and was well populated. 

The barrows on the Yorkshire Wolds were of two kinds, the long 
and the round ones. The former were the lew in number and furnished 
the least information. They were nearly all placed east and west, the 
east end being wider than the west end. It was believed that the long 
barrows were the burial-places of the earliest people connected with 
barrows. The round barrows were of a later period, as in them were 
found traces of metal. There were also secondary interments in the 
long barrows, of the same kind as those in the round mounds. Many 
bodies were found in some barrows burnt, but how the burning was 
effected was not known, there being no traces of charcoal, although the 
chalk and oolite had been used so as to have bone fixed in the stone. 
The mounds were encircled with stones in a Druidical manner. Pottery, 
urns, ornaments, weapons, and other implements, were found in them. 
The researches at the barrows showed that the people lived i,ooo years 
before Christ, when bronze was only used in small quantities, and when 
the use of iron was unknown. The traces of clothing, bones of domes- 
ticated animals, and other articles, showed that the people were consider- 
ably advanced in civilisation. 


In general form the round barrows are either conical or bowl-shaped. 
It is probable that many had originally an encircling mound or a ditch, 
or both, at the base ; but if such were the case, all traces of these 
enclosures have been destroyed. The barrows were constructed of the 
materials nearest at hand, more commonly of earth than of chalk. They 
are usually associated in groups, but a single barrow is not uncommon. 
As a rule they have been erected on high ground. The bodies buried 
under the mounds occur at various levels, the centre burial being usually 
in a grave excavated in the chalk. Generally, there is nothing to protect 
the body from the pressure of the overlying soil, interments in cists 
being almost entirely unknown in the Wolds. Rarely, the body has been 
protected by a coffin formed of a hollowed tree-trunk. The remains of 
the body, when burned, are sometimes enclosed in an urn. Secondary 
interments are common, and the bodies previously buried have been 
thereby disturbed, and the bones scattered. In some instances the 
burials were by inhumation, in others after cremation, the former prac- 
tice being by far the more common on the Wolds. In cases of burial by 
inhumation, the unburnt body is always found lying on the side in a 
contracted position, with the knees drawn up towards the head. This 
was evidently not due to the requirements of space, but must have 
originated in some settled principle, the meaning of which is not under- 
stood, but which appears to have been common to all mankind at a 
certain stage of development. Perhaps it was in imitation of the natural 
posture assumed in sleep when the individual sought warmth. The 
direction of the body seems to follow no rule. 

The barrows contain numerous weapons and implements of stone 
(including flint), of bronze, and rarely of bone or horn. The catalogue 
of stone implements includes almost all those which occur elsewhere, 
but the bronze articles are very limited. In 248 burials by inhumation 
and after cremation thirty-nine had articles of flint or other stone, ten of 
bronze, and three of horn. From the evidence afforded by the barrows 
it appears that the early inhabitants of the Yorkshire wolds must have 
lived in an organised state of society j that they possessed domesticated 
animals, and cultivated grain ; that they manufactured woollen and 
perhaps linen fabrics ; and that they had attained considerable skill in 
metallurgy, and were acquainted with the manufacture of pottery, though 
ignorant of the potter's wheel. It is believed that it was their custom 
to bury with the dead the wives and children of the deceased, and 
perhaps their slaves. The round barrows yield both dolichocephalic and 
brachycephalic skulls. The shortheaded race were taller, more strongly 
built, and harsher in features than were the long-headed people. With 
regard to the age of the round barrows, the Canon feels safe in not 
attributing to them too high an antiquity by referring them to a period 
which centres more or less in b.c. iooo. 

A tumulus examined near Weaverthorpe in 1865 has given up relics 
almost if not quite unique. In excavating, quantities of red deer and 
other animal bones, all split longitudinally, for the marrow, were found. 


In the centre, in a circular grave of lo ft. diameter, and nearly 6 ft. 
deep into the solid chalk, reminding us of the so-called chalk-pits else- 
where found and not yet clearly accounted for, was the skeleton of a 
Briton, — a warrior laid with his weapons beside him. The body was on 
the left: side, with the head towards the north-east, and in a contracted 
position as usual. The right hand of the skeleton grasped a fine bronze 
dagger of the round-ended and early type. The ovate-oblong blade was 
delicately thin, and the broad end had the thi;ee rivets (bronze) which 
fasten it to the handle, the mark of which still remained. A flint knife 
lay upon the dagger, and below it was a double-pointed awl or bodkin, 
of bronze, — a curious and novel implement. Over the breast were five 
very large jet buttons, and one of clay ; and at the back of the skeleton, 
in the position it must have held when slung over the shoulder during 
life, was the fine bronze battle-axe (a model of the old stone axe) having 
the mark of the wooden handle on the patina. Only one tumulus of 
similar interest to this has been found : that is recorded in Bateman's 
" Ten Years* Diggings." 

An interesting discovery of Celtic funeral urns has been made in the 
railway cutting near the picturesque hamlet of King's Newton, Derby- 
shire, in a situation not hitherto suspected as being likely to afford 
matter for archaeological investigation. The height of the situation, the 
absence of any covering upon the urns save earth, and the paucity of 
other relics such as flints or bronze, prove that one of the early tribes 
had formed here a regular burial-place for the ashes of their dead. 
Cremation had been practised elsewhere, and the urns then brought to 
the grave-hill from the distant place where the funeral pyre had been 
erected. Small vases containing the ashes of infants were found ; but 
in no case did the layer urns contain the smaller vessel called by anti- 
quaries the '' incense cup," or any bones except those ot human beings. 
The ornamentation exhibits evidence of considerable laste and ingenuity, 
one fragment presenting the unusual feature of a double ring of crosses 
carefully impressed by means of a stamp. 


In a lecture delivered a short time back at St. George's Hall, Lang- 
ham-place, on " Pre-historic Fortifications and the Military Engineering 
of our Ancestors during the Stone Age," Mr. Lawson Tait said, every- 
where we find traces of that rude life long anterior to the existence of 
civilisation. There may be distinctly traced the stages of the stone, the 
bronze, and the iron ages, as points of development in man's history ; 
while other countries, not having made such advances, and having flour- 
ished as long, are only still in the stone age — all their implements being 
of stone. The state of a nation's warfare was a sign of its advancement, 
and this was exemplified in the construction of forts. 

The earliest instance of armoury that we know of, was that of a 
chip-flint pebble, which was used either by being attached to a stick, or 


else clutched in the hand. The natural positions of defences used by 
our ancestors were those of an elevated character, and so in the construc- 
tion of forts, the earliest and rudest of which were hill-forts. They were 
first constructed simply as places of refuge, and were made upon little 
table-lands. Afterwards we find that in the erection of these forts the 
masonry improves, and small oval chambers are introduced ; then they 
become regular places of residence. In the county of Sutherland many 
of these forts were built entirely of stone, though earth-forts preceded 
them, and so were constructed on positions which were naturally strong. 
A remarkable feature in the construction of forts is that they were 
invariably built in sight of one another, and, by a system of telegraphy, 
the men in occupation could be on the alert in case of foreign invasion. 
One of these forts, situated in the Orkney Islands, stood a siege for 
nearly six months. Its shape resembled that of a dice-box, and it was 
built entirely of dry stone, no cement whatever being used. In some 
instances, the stones of which these forts were built must have been 
carried some miles* distance, and the industry displayed by the builders 
must have been enormous. Many of these forts are preserved to us 
now in consequence of the difficulty there is in destroying them, they 
being so substantially built. At Ingleborough, in Yorkshire, there exist 
the remains of one built on the top of a hill, which covered an area of 
thirty-one acres, scientifically inclosed by means of ramparts. In different 
parts of the Yorkshire hills, too, trenches have been cut some thirteen 
and fourteen miles in length, The so-called Danes' Dyke at Flam- 
borough, a strong double entrenchment nearly three miles long, and the 
Givendale and Scamridge Dykes, are most probably of this class. There 
are others to be found on the moor near Seamer, and indeed with greater 
or less frequency all over the Wolds. These defences evince in our 
ancestors not only an amount of engineering skill, but an enormous 
amount of patience ; and considering the inefficiency of the implements 
they employed, their works must have involved a considerable amount 
of labour. 









It may be taken for granted that in the Conquests of Yorkshire the 
stands made by the conquered gainst the invader have all been in 
succession at the same places, and that these places were first selected by 
the aboriginal Celts, fortified by them, and held in strength as centres 
of rule and domination. It may therefore generally be taken for granted 
that where the Norman erected his castle, there, in more or less potence 
the rule of the district had been maintained ior two thousand years 
before the uprearing of the baronial citadel. This conclusion is 
abundantly favoured, if not absolutely proved, by recurring evidences. As 
a matter of military expediency it would necessarily be so ; for just 
inasmuch as the first inhabitants would be the makers of the first road 
or path through the forest and over the marsh, insomuch would the points 
of their convergence continue to be the points where power should be 
maintained and where it must also protect itself from being assailed. 
With this assumption in our mind we may read much more of the 
history of the past, while noticing the sites of our baronial fortresses than 
the mere stones of these fabrics are capable of telling us. 

Scarcely five minutes' walk southwards from Middleham Castle is , 
a rather remarkable earthwork which has hitherto escaped critical 
notice. On the Inch Ordnance map it is marked as a camp, but the 
scale is too small to allow any of its details to be shown. The long low 
ridge that separates Coverdale from the vale of the Ure becomes lower 
and narrower as it passes eastward, until it finally ceases altogether about 
a mile short of the junction of the two rivers. A little above Middleham 
the ridge is known as the Low Moor, and is a celebrated training ground 
for race-horses. Upon this ridge, at a point just east of the training 
ground, where it is very narrow and not above loo feet above the town 
of Middleham, is seen the earthwork, which may be thus described :— 
A level space, neariy circular and about 75 feet in diameter, is sur- 
rounded by a circular bank of earth about 7 feet high above the 
contained area, but on its outer side passing down into aditch also circular, 
about as feet to 30 feet deep from the bank, and about iz feet below 


the ground beyond it. This bank, however, which during most of its 
length is a mere ridge, is towards the west expanded into a sort of plat- 
form or mound, about 20 feet in diameter and tolerably level on the top. 
Beyond the ditch which surrounds this work, upon its counterscarp, is 
a second bank, lower than the inner one. . I'he whole of this part of 
the earthwork is about 260 feet diameter by 240 feet, the excess of 
breadth being due to the expanded inner bank. (See Plate,) 

Towards the east, opposite to the broad part, the bank is cut through 
and a causeway crosses the ditch showing that here was the entrance. 
On this side, covering therefore the entrance, is a semi-lunar enclosure, 
appended to the main enclosure and defended also by a bank and ditch. 
In the outer or eastern part of this, opposite to the inner entrance, is 
a second or outer passage formed in the same way. A few yards in 
front of this second opening a slight bank and ditch are thrown for a 
few yards across the ridge, and in advance again of these is a further 
line of the same character, the object evidently being to protect the 
approach, which passed not through but parallel to these two outer 
defences. • The design of the whole is simple, but not without skill, and 
when the earthworks were higher and duly armed with palisades the 
strength of the work would be considerable. Although the appended 
drawing represents truly enough the general plan of this outwork, the 
representation is of far too precise and definite a character, much that 
has been destroyed by time is there restored to freshness and symmetry, 


The Castle-hilL — ^This very perfect and very interesting earthwork, 
an earthwork with a history, stands in a grass-field a few yards west ot 
the parish church, the lofty spire of which is a well-known landmark. 
The churchyard, and possibly the church itself, have encroached some- 
what upon the boundaries of their older and secular neighbour. The 
earthwork is composed of the Castle-hill and an enclosed area appended 
to one side of it. The hill is a wholly artificial mound of earth, conical 
in form, with a flat circular top, about 25 ft. in diameter, while the base 
is about 112 ft. It rises about 30 ft. out of a circular ditch, 12 ft. deep, 
measuring from the level of its outer side, and about 42 ft. broad. 
Outside this ditch, resting upon it, and covering about one-third of its 
circumference on the north-eastern quarter, is a more or less lunated 
enclosure from 5 ft. to 90 ft, across in depth, also included within a ditch 
which communicates at each end with that of the mound, so that, of this 
outwork, the main ditch forms the rear or concave defence, and its proper 
ditch the convex defence or that to the front. Along this convex edge, 
a strong bank 8 ft. high and 15 ft. broad, crests the ditch, which is about 
20 ft. broad, and 6 ft. below the exterior level. The bank is cut through 
and the ditch traversed by a narrow causeway towards the east-north-east, 
no doubt representing the original entrance, which probably was over a 
timber bridge. There may have been other works, but they are not at 


this time very apparent. In the churchyard, a little north of the church, 
is a straight bank, now very low, which may, as at Barwick, have covered 
the approach to the mound, but is more probably a trace of a Roman 
camp, hereabouts not uncommon, and for which the position is very 
suitable. This is a very common, perhaps the most common type of a 
Saxon or Early English dwelling ; for the arrangement is not concentric 
as at Barwick, but the mould is in the general enceinte, of which two- 
thirds or so of its proper ditch form a part, as at Tickhill and Tonbridge. 
Had it suited the Norman settler to inhabit this spot he would have 
placed a shell-keep upon the mound, and built a curtain round the edge 
of the attached area, bringing its ends up the slopes of the mound to the 
keep, as at Hawarden, Warwick, or Tickhill. Here, as at Huntingdon, 
the ditch of the mound shuts it off from the rest of the place. This is 
not the case at Hawarden, nor at Tickhill, unless indeed the ditch at the 
latter place has been filled up on the inner side. 

Laughton belongs to a district full of the traces of Saxon rule and 
occupation, "Morthen" is thought to represent the moor-portion or 
division, and Laughton is no doubt the Law-town, the seat of an early 
Saxon jurisdiction. Laughton appears in the Domesday as the " aula " 
of Earl Edwin. " Ibi habet comes Edwinus aulam," and to it belonged 
fifty-four or fifty-five carucates of land. Edwin was a powerful person, 
being Earl of Mercia, brother of Morcar, and with a sister maiTied to 
Harold. Laughton was the head of a soke which contained the townships 
of Laughton-with-Thropum, north and south Anstan, Thorpe-Salvin, and 
Walls. There seems reason to add to these four more, Lettwell, Firbeck, 
Gilding Wells, and Woodsetts, forming altogether an extensive fee. The 
English lord held also Slade-Hooton and Newhall, and a part of 
Dinnington. The present parish still corresponds with the ancient soke, 
although its ecclesiastical dependencies or chapelries of Walls, Anstan, 
Thorpe, Letwell, and Firbeck were not attached to it until the reign of 
Henry I. The church is not actually named in Domesday, but it is 
undoubtedly of early Anglian foundation, a presumption enhanced by 
its dedication to " All Saints." Laughton, therefore, as the mother church 
of a large parish, the head of a considerable soke, and residence of an 
English Earl; was from the remote times a considerable place. There 
is great fitness in its position, and in the spire of 115 ft. high, which later 
piety has combined with traces of masonry of the age of Henry I. Mr. 
Hunter takes Laughton to be the " Mortigton" or town of the Morthing, 
mentioned in the will of Wulfric Spot, the other places named in this 
early document being around it. The entire soke of Earl Edwin was 
granted by William to Roger de Buisli, and under his rule became a 
member of the Norman Honour of Tickhill, though in the Survey it takes 
precedence of that place, being at the head of the Earl's possessions. 
The descent of I<.aughton from the Conquest is that of Tickhill. It was 
held by its lords in demesne, the rest of the Honour being in the hands 
of tenants, so that the tradition of the Empress Maud having lived here 
may well be true. In the foundation charter of Blyth, Roger de Buisli, 


grants the tythe of the residence, ^* decima aul»," so that the hall or house 
probably survived the Conquest. Long afterwards, 42 Henry III., 
Geoffrey de Lusignan held Laughton in capite from Prince Edward, and 
1st Edward II., he was there seized of a messuage and an acre of land, 
which no doubt represented Earl Edwin's Hall. 


a place which, from the loftiness of its site, is said to catch the first 
beams of the rising sun, and has long gone by the popular and cheery 
description of " Lighten in the Morning." Its true name, Laughton- 
en-le-Morthen, was, as Mr. Hunter interpreted it, " Law-town," implying 
that in early times it might have been the seat of a local jurisdiction, 
though perhaps it might be derived from the Anglo-Saxon " hlaw," a 
hill ; " en-le-morthen " denoting its situation in the moorland district 
where the Mor-thing^ the local parliament of the Danes at least, tran- 
sacted the public business, as most probably the Celts had done a thou- 
sand years before their time. We may well suppose that lofty exposed 
situation to have long continued after the more sheltered and richer 
lands around had been brought into cultivation. There seemed reason 
to suppose that they had in the remarkable earthworks which still re- 
mained, the site of one of a series of Brigantian strongholds^ which a 
late local antiquary who had much studied the subject (Mr. S. Mitchell) 
well pointed out, formed as it were an outwork of the southern portion 
of that powerful people, remains of other of these fortresses being found 
at Tickhill, Roche Abbey, Leys, Todwick, Beighton, Mosborough, 
Holmesfield, Carlswark, Hathersage, and Hope, the actual formation of 
the Brigantian territories following the line of the valley of the river Don. 
Be this as it might, there could be no question that Laughton was a 
place of considerable importance in the Saxon times. The first mention 
they had of it was probably to be found in the testament or will of Wulfric 
Spott, who was stated to have been the Minister. of King Ethelred the 
Unready (978-1017) and who possessed much property in this and the 
other neighbourhoods. From the Domesday Book they learnt that it 
was the property of the great Saxon, Edwin, Earl of Mercia,as the neigh- 
bouring manor was of his brother-in-law, Earl Harold, afterwards King 
of England. In that important document they were also informed that 
Edwin had a hall here, which was doubtless seated on the remarkable 
earthwork already alluded to. The uncommon doorway of the Church 
on the north side, near the west end, was of such rude and peculiar 
character that it might well be considered among the very earliest of our 
ecclesiastical remains, and as dating to a period before the Conquest 
Mr. E. Roberts remarked that the porch of the north doorway was un- 
questionably Saxon. It bore a strong resemblance to the stonework of 
the seventh and eighth centuries. 



Hall Tower-hUl. — ^This also is a very remarkable earthwork. It is 
wholly artificial, and stands on very high ground in a grass field about a 
furlong west of the parish church, and almost within the village. The 
ground is the highest in the immediate neighbourhood, and slopes rapidly 
towards the west. The work is composed of a conical mound, known as 
Hall Tower-hill. It has a slightly hollow summit, no doubt originally 
circular, and 40 ft. diameter, but which has been rendered slightly oval 
and otherwise affected by the slipping of the earth. It is about 30 ft. 
high, and covers a base of about 200 ft. diameter. It stands in and rises 
out of a circular ditch, from 6 ft. to 12 ft. deep, measured from the outer 
level, and here and there partially filled up. The circle is placed within 
a platform of irregular figure, the exterior limits of which are from 15 ft. 
to 60 ft and even 100 ft. from the inner ditch, and which is. surrounded 
by a bank of earth, which, to the south, where the platform is 15 ft, wide, 
rises about 8 ft. above its level. On the north side, the platform is 60 ft. wide 
and the bank 6 ft. high. Beyond the bank in each direction is a ditch. The 
south is the weak side, and there the bank is at its highest, and the ditch at 
its broadest. This higher part of the bank is about 240 ft. long. It ends 
abruptly towards the east These works are less plainly seen on the east 
and west sides. On the latter the natural slope rendered them of rather 
less consequence. The entrance was apparently on the east side, from 
the village. At the north-east quarter, where a new burial-ground 
encroaches somewhat on the works, the northern bank, instead of sweep- 
ing round the platform, seems to have turned in a direct line eastward, 
possibly to cover the .approach. Attached to the above work, on the 
north side, is or was, a large and more or less circular area, enclosed 
within a bank and ditch, and known as Wendell-hill. It is now very 
obscure, partly from the tillage, partly from some cottages and their 
gardens. Whitaker mentions it. 

It is to be remarked that this Barwick earth-work is concentric, that 
is to say, the mound, and its ditches stand within and dear of the above 
described second inclosure, more or less perfect, to the outside of which 
Wendell Hill is an appendage. Also, it may be remarked that here, 
as at Laughton, and unlike Old Sarum, there is no bank on the outer 
edge, or counterscarp of the ditch. In its detached mound and 
surrounding area Barwick may be likened to Pickering Castle (not the 
camp),although the earth-works there, being governed by the character 
of the ground, and altered to some slight extent by the later masonry, 
present more of an angular outline. 

Barwick, or Berwick, usually is a name applied to an appendage to 
a manor. Dr. Whitaker suggests that this particular name may have been 
Bergwic, the village of the berg or burgh, or castle, an etymology which 
would carry back the earthworks to a period before the parochial 
nomenclature was fixed, early in the history of the Northumbrian 
kingdom. However this may be, Barwick is the reputed residence of 


Edwin of North umbria, at the time of his conversion by Paulinus in 
A.D. 620. The works are certainly very unlike any of known Roman or 
British origin and closely resemble those of the district admitted to be 
Saxon. Whitaker is disposed to regard Wendell's If ill as a corruption 
of Edwin's Hill. There is no trace of masonry upon or about these 
earthworks, and no tradition that they were ever inhabited by any 
Norman lord. 


About three miles below the town and castle of Clitheroe, the Ribble 
receives on its right or western bank, the Hodder, the two streams form- 
ing the boundary of a cape of Yorkshire, which there projects sharply 
into Lancashire. The combined waters, thus augmented considerably 
in volume, are projected against the mass of high ground to the south, 
and encircle within their sweep a broad expanse of perfectly level meadow, 
evidently deposited as the river has shifted its course. In the centre of 
the bend, upon its left or southern bank, the river is joined by a third 
stream, the Calder, which flows down from WhdUey Abbey, placed upon 
it about two miles higher up. Here, in this water-girdled flat, a very 
striking position, are two large " mounds," so entitled on the Ordnance 
map. They are placed about a furlong apart, and about the same distance 
from the river. The larger and best defined, that to the south, is oval 
or somewhat pear-shaped in plan, about 27 ft. by 50 ft. on the table-top, 
and about 30 ft. high. The top is scarred as though it had been built 
upon, or perhaps partially opened. The other is less defined in outline, 
and not quite so high. Neither has any surrounding ditch, nor any sort 
of appended earthworks. They are possibly or probably sepulchral, and 
although placed most conveniently for defence, do not appear to have 
been so intended. The walk to the river side from Whalley is a pleasant 
one, and there is a ferry a short distance from the mounds. 


On the right bank of the Beck, a little below but in full view of 
the castle, is a curious earthwork of the circular type so common in 
Yorkshire. It is placed on the summit of a round hill, 200 feet or so 
above the river, and a few score yards to the west of it. It is composed 
of a central mound and circumscribing ditch. The mound is not, like 
those of Barwick and Laughton, wholly artificial, but the contents of 
the ditch have been thrown inwards, and the ground thus increased to a 
height has been trimmed and scarped. The mound, as at present seen 
is conical with a circular and fiat top, surrounded by a light bank or 
breastwork about 4 feet high. The mound is 90 ft. in diameter at the 
top, and about 190 ft. at the base, and 20 ft. high. It rises out of a 
circular ditch, about 10 ft. broad, and at present not above 6 ft. deep. 
The entrance seems to have been on the south-east quarter. The 
position though slightly lower than that of the castle, commands a much 





finer and more extensive view, not only of the tower and castle, and up 
the rocky ravine down which the river descends from the Cleveland 
Moors, but far eastward and south over the fertile vales of the Seven 
and the Rye, from Kirkby Moorside and Helmsley to the wooded ridge 
of Slingsby and New Malton, a fair and lertile region, and one full of 
objects of antiquarian interest. 


Upon the right of the Tipkhill-road, scarcely clear of the town, is a 
deep valley, containing a brook which descends from the south-east and 
flows across the town to feed the Don. Upon the left bank of this 
stream is ati oblong knoll, which looks very much as though it had been 
a Saxon earthwork. 


The earthwork so called is situate about 4 mile east of the town of 
Mexborough, and upon the eastern and subsiding end of the ridge upon 
a higher and broader part of which the town is built The Don is here 
flowing eastwards about a quarter of a mile distant, the earthwork being 
on its left bank. Also it is placed between two roads which unite a 
little to the east of it and lead to the adjacent castle of Conyngsborough. 
Thus although the ground to the west is considerably higher than the 
work ; that to the north, south, and east is much lower, and before the 
country was drained or fully inhabited, was probably a marsh. To the 
immediate north also lies the course of the Dearne, which joins the 
Don about two miles lower down. The site, therefore, though not 
lofty, was on the whole well chosen, and was especially strong on the 
west, whence the Danes, the most dangerous of the Saxon foes, were 
likely to make their approach. The site actually occupied by the works 
is well marked, about 50 feet above the adjacent ground, and perhaps 
80 ft. above the Don. The work is composed of a circular mound, girt 
by a ditch, appended to the outer side of which are two wards or en- 
closures, each with its bank and ditch. The mound is about 25 ft. 
above the adjacent ground, and nearly 35 ft. above the bottom of the 
ditch. The top is no longer fiat, having been rounded by time and 
weather, so that its original diameter is lost, also it is scarped as though 
it had been dug up. At the base it is about 120 ft. diameter, and the 
ditch may be 12 ft. more. On the outer edge or counterscarp of the 
ditch is a bank, steep where the ground is level, small and low where it 
falls more rapidly. East of the ditch is a lunated enclosure, the notch 
being the side abutting on the main ditch. This area is about 120 ft. 
east and west by 136 fu north and south. It is contained within a bank 
and beyond that a ditch. Thus, so far, the preneral plan of the work is 
a figure of 8, the mound occupying one circle and the outer ward the 
other. The notch between the two circles is, however, covered on the 
north side, by a smaller work, about 45 ft. diameter. This, resting upon 


the two circles, is itself about a quarter of a circle. It also has its bank 
and exterior ditch. The approach to the work is from the south-west 
As the way ascends the ridge, on the left is seen a small curved bank 
and ditch, by which it is covered from the west. On. reaching the outer 
edge of the ditch of the mound the road skirts it for a few feet, and then 
passes into the rear of the lesser ward, by means of a causeway which 
divides the main ditch from that of its outwork. Thence it is continued 
along the edge of the main ditch, until it reaches two causeways, one 
leading into the larger ward, the other upon the foot of the mound, the 
entrance to which was thus protected by the junction of the two wards. 
The works are wholly artificial, and have certainly been both higher and 
deeper, and probably rather more extensive. Enough, however, remains 
to show that the work belongs to the same class with Laughton, Barwick, 
Wincobank, Pickering, and Tickhill, and therefore has been a Saxon or 
Early English strong residence. According to Matthew of Westminster, 
the Saxons were defeated by the Britons in this neighbourhood, A.D. 
487, at Maesbeli, which has been supposed to be at or near Mexborough, 
and no doubt in those early days the Yorkshire dales, and especially 
those about Doncaster, and the old Roman seats, were the scenes of 
many such contests, although probably such an earthwork as Castle-hill 
belonged to a more settled period, when the Saxon leaders had possessed 
themselves of landed property, and had laid the foundations at least of 
law and order. Mexborough appears in Domesday as " Mechesburg," 
which seems to be a recognition of the burgh or castle. Ulfac, Ulchel, 
and Ulcheld then held five carucates under Roger de Buisli, the tenant 
in chief. Roger's lot included the four great earthworks of Tickhill, 
Laughton, Barwick, and Wincobank. 

From the Builder. G. T. CLARKE, F.S.A 


Tickhill Castle is an excellent example of a pre-Norman or English 
earthwork, composed of mound, fosse, and lower ward, converted into 
a Norman castle. It exemplifies exactly the manner in which the Nor- 
man engineers treated earthworks of this description, and how such works 
gave rise to one of the two great types of a Norman castle, that with the 
shell-keep. Tickhill is Laughlon on a larger scale, the only difference 
being that the ditch of the mound is not carried wholly round it, but is 
wanting towards the attached area. Either it was never formed, or, what 
is not improbable, was filled up when the Norman works were con- 
structed, or, as at Cardiff, at a much later period. Something analogous 
to this seems to have taken place at Kenilworth. 

In the original construction of this fortress advantage was taken of 
a knoll of soft sandstone rock to form the base of the mound. This 
was scarped, the ditch dug, and the material employed in forming the 
upper two-thirds of the mound. A modem cave in the side shows this 
natural base. The castle is composed of the mound, and a court or 
ward appended to its western side, the whole included within a ditch. 
The mound is conical, about 60 ft. diameter at its table top, and about 
60 ft high, above the ward. The ward is a rounded and more or less 
circular area, save where it touches the mound, and includes about one- 
quarter of its circumference. The exterior ditch follows the figure of 
this ward, and of the uncovered three-quarters of the mound : hence in 
plan it resembles somewhat a figure of 8, and it is this notch in the out 
line that makes it probable that the mound ditch was once complete, 
and the two parts of the fortress were, as at Barwick, distinct. The 
domestic buildings stood in the lower ward, on its western edge, opposite 
to the mound upon which was the keep. The gatehouse stands on the 
southern edge of the ward, between the domestic buildings and the keep. 
The curtain or connecting wall is broken down to the east, but elsewhere 
tolerably perfeci. The ditch is filled up on the same side, and its place 
occupied as a kitchen-garden and by stables. 


Upon the summit of the mound are seen the foundations of the 
keep, a decagon, the sides of which average i6 ft. ii in., of which each 
angle was covered by a flat pilaster of 4 ft. broad, and very slight pro- 
jection. The door seems to have been towards the south-west, of 4 ft. 
6 in. opening. It lay between two sides of the exceptional length of 
20 ft. The wall seems to have been, at the top of the plinth, 10 ft. 
thick. The shell was apparently faced with ashlar. The whole building 
has been taken down with some care to the top of the plinth, a mere 
plain chamfer, formerly about 6 in. above the ground, and now covered 
to its level. Thus the actual dimensions of the plan are preserved, and 
the position and breadth of the entrance. It is said there is a well 
within the area, a few feet inside the place of the door. If so, it is at 
present entirely concealed. 

The keep at this time is ascended by seventy-five stone steps in a 
straight line on the western face. Possibly this was the original approach. 
If so, the path from the head of the stair must have passed for 20 ft. 
round the outside of the keep. The steps terminate below under the 
shelter of the curtain. The two ends of the curtain ascend the mound 
about two-thirds of its height. Probably they were continued to the 
summit, but no foundations are now seen at the keep level, and the 
plinth of the keep shows there was no bond. The curtains which thus 
ascended these mounds rarely were bonded into the keep, and do not 
seem ever to have risen to its full height. On the contrary, they seem 
to have only risen to the level of the top of the mound or those of the 
keep, the parapet probably being continued so as to stop the passage 
round its base. This seems to have been the case at Tunbridge, 
Berkhampstead, and Tamworth. At Hawarden the curtain abuts against 
the keep about 10 ft. high, but with no original bond, and with a door- 
way in it opening outside the base of the keep. The curtain which 
enclosed the lower ward is here from 10 ft. to 13 ft. thick, and 20 ft. to 
30 ft high, with a plinth at its interior base. It rises out of a bank which 
forms a ramp or terrace 15 ft. broad, on both outer and inner sides. 
Inside, this ramp is about 8 ft. above the court-level. Outside, it forms 
a walk all round the fortress, being carried by a bridge over the gateway, 
and in a step or notch round the slope of the mound. The curtain is 
entire from the mound to the dwelling-house, about 240 ft., along the 
north front, but to the west it is concealed by the house which represents 
the domestic buildings of the castle. It also remains from the house to 
the gatehouse, and about 50 ft. or 60 ft. beyond it along the south front. 
Towards the south-east about 300 ft. are gone, but the last 78 ft., where 
it again ascends the mound, are tolerably perfect. Where the outer wall 
skirts the mound, it has on its upper side a revetment wall, 6 ft. high, and 
which may have been higher, and crested with a parapet to defend this 

The exterior ditch is broad and deep, and in part contains water. 
Formerly it was fed from an adjacent stream, which flowed all round it. 
Beyond the ditch was a bank of earth, of which traces and portions 


remain, especially towards the north. It is difficult to say whether there 
was a second ditch, owing to the encroachments of the roads and 

The gatehouse deserves special notice, as an original and early 
Norman structure. It is 36 ft. square, with walls 7 ft. 6 in. thick, and has 
a round-headed-gatewfiy at each end, of 1 2 ft. opening with a plain rebate 
for doors, but no portcullis or chamfer. The inner space was covered 
with timber, and there was an upper story. This may have been partially 
rebuilt ; it contains in the wall over the inner door a large Tudor window, 
probably an insertion. There is no staircase. The structure much resembles 
Porchester before the alterations. It is placed upon the curtain, with a bold 
exterior, and still bolder interior projection. The outer front of the first 
floor is ornamented with four stiff rude pediments, each a right-angled 
triangle, with a rude figure at the apex of each, and in the hollow angle 
or gutter, joined each pair. The tympana are filled with square blocks, 
each carved with an undeveloped dog-tooth ornament. A plain string 
marks the division of the two stages, and so far all is Norman. But 
although the upper part is unaltered, the lower part has been masked by 
a Decorated gateway with portcullis groove and pointed arch, while in 
front of and fianking this arch two walls, 6 ft. thick, project 15 ft. and 
contained between them the drawbridge. Above and upon these, con- 
cealing the upper part of the arch of entrance, is a low flat bridge, which 
carries the exterior walk, or chemin de ronde^ over the entrance, and from 
which the grate was worked. Had it not been for this bridge, and its 
Decorated connections, it might have been supposed that the chemin de 
fonde was a meie modern pleasure walk, whereas it is clear that it was a 
part of the defence, a work covering the foot of the wall, and no doubt 
strongly palisaded. There is no trace of a parapet. 

The gatehouse seems Early Norman, probably with most of the curtain 
it was the work of Roger de Buisli before 1089. The keep looks later, but it 
must have been part of the original design, and possibly the works begun 
by Roger were completed by his son. In the Decorated period there 
were probably considerable additions. Perhaps, when the gatehouse 
was masked, and the bridge thrown over it, the curtain also was repaired 
a new parapet added, and the chemin de ronde formed. Leland speaks 
of a hall, now gone. Where the chapel stood it is not known. A door 
case which may have belonged to it has been removed and set up inside 
the gatehouse, and outside is an old oak door of the style of James I., on 
which are carved the words, — 

"Peace and grace 
Be to this place." 

The entrance-way now leads up to the gatehouse across a modern 
bridge, over the wet ditch. To the south of the place is a tributary of 
the river Tome or Thorne, which covered the front. 

This is one of the most curious castles in Yorkshire, not only for its 
pure Norman gatehouse, and the undisturbed foundation of its shell-keep, 
but because it shows how the Norman lords availed themselves of an 


English seat, and how their architects or engineers accommodated 
their defences to the already existing earthworks. It should be studied 
in conjunction with Pickering for the general plan and the Norman works, 
and with Barwick-in-Elmete and Laughton-en-le-Morthen for the general 
resemblance of the earthwork. Unfortunately there is no plan. 

As a place of high antiquity, both before and for some centuries 
after the Norman Conquest the importance of Tickhill as a stronghold, 
and the head of an extensive lordship was very considerable. Mr. Hunter 
suggests " The-Wickhill," in allusion to the village mount, as a probable 
etymology for the name, and cites " Thunder-cliffe," or " Th' Under 
Cliffe," as an analogous case. This must be received with very consider- 
able hesitation, if it be not absolutely rejected. It is much more probable 
that this compound word Tick-hill should be interpreted The hill with 
a roof on<i the word Tick being from the Saxon word TJucen a roof or Tice 
abeam. This derivation would obviously carry us back to an earlv 
domestic- occupation of the earthworks. It seems that near Sheffield 
Castle was a mall green called " The Wick-er," and ''Ticken-hall," near 
Bewdley, was the seat of an early fortress. Tickhill, however, though 
obviously an early name, is not recorded in Domesday, but is thought to 
be included in Dadsley, a name still extant in the immediate neighbour- 
hood. In *' Dadesleia, Stanetone, and Helgaeli," Elsi and Siward held 
eight carucates, — Roger de Buisli held seven in demesne ; there were also 
thirty-one burgesses, a class whose presence has been held to indicate a 
burgh or castle. The family — called also de Bussi, Buslei, and Buthlei — 
sprang from Bussi near Neufchatel. Roger de Buisli was tenant in 
chief of the above and other manors, comprising the honour of Tickhill, 
a division certainly based upon an earlier fee, of which Tickhill was the 
chief seat The Norman Honour numbered sixty-five and three quarters 
knight fees, and extended from Yorkshire into the shires of Derby, 
Lincoln, N otts, and Leicester, including one manor in Devon. It appears 
from Domesday Book that this manor, Sandford, was given to de Buisli 
with his wife Muriel, by Queen Matilda — cum uxore sua, Tickhill, which 
seems to have been sometimes called Blylhe, which, however, was also 
the name of a place in the adjacent part of Lincolnshire, was the chief 
seat of the powerful house of De Buisli during their somewhat brief 

Roger de Buisli received Tickhill from the Conqueror, who erected 
it into an honour in his favour. Roger had a choice in his wide Yorkshire 
domains of three ancient English seats, Laughton-en-le-Morthen, Mex- 
borough, and Tickhill. He selected the last ; and the two other sites 
retain their English earthworks, unaltered by Norman masonry, and 
changed only by time. Laughton seems to have been originally superior 
even to Tickhill, perhaps as the residence of Earl Edwin, being named 
in the Domesday Survey. Roger himself may have fortified Tickhill with 
masonry, the gatehouse and much of the wall being probably his work. 
The foundations of the shell-keep look rather later, but may too be of 
this date. He was also the founder of Bljrthe Priory, in 1088, which he 


made dependent on the Abbey of Mount St. Catherine. He died 1098, 
and was succeeded by his son Robert, who died childless in the reign of 
Henry I. The descent of Tickhill now becomes obscure. Roger had a 
brother Ernald, who held six fees under Tickhill ; and a sister Beatrix, 
from whom descended the Earls of Eu. On Robert's death, Tickhill 
was claimed by Robert de Belesme as the next heir ; and, as he was 
powerful, and supported his claim by payment of a heavy fine, or bribe, 
he succeeded. On his death, however, King Henry stepped in, and took 
possession. The castle remained for a time, with some brief intervals 
in the crown. William Fitz-Godric held it in 1142, and Stephen, Earl 
of Eu, for a time. Ralph, Earl of Chester, had it in 115 1-3, and Lacy 
of Pontefract. Henry H., however, seems to have settled it upon 
Eleanor, his queen, who founded the '' Chapel of St. Nicholas within 
the walls.'' 

It descended to Richard I. In his absence it was seized by Prince 
John, and besieged for Richard by Pudsey, Bishop of Durham. When 
John inherited it as king, he annexed his mother's chapel to the chapter 
of Rouen. John was frequently at Tickhill, which is remarkable, as there 
was no park or chase annexed to it. H e was here six times between 1 200 
and 1 2 16 for at least eleven days. The Queen was stopping there in 
1 201, the Sheriff paying 25/ioJ for her sustenance ; he also pays for what 
appears to have been consequent upon the royal visit, ;^4/i8/4 spent 
in repair of the castle wall, and the houses in the castle. Early in John's 
reign, however, the Earl of Eu, being powerful, claimed Tickhill as the 
husband of Alice, heiress of Henry Earl of Eu, and representative of 
Beatrix, sister of Roger de Buisli. Ralph de Issoudon, or de Lusignan, 
her husband, and earl in her right in 1197, seems to have been son of 
Geoffrey de Lusignan, who was to marry a daughter of King John, in con- 
sequence of which the king agreed to restore Tickhill to Ralph and his 
wife, and John de Bassingbourn was ordered to give possession, which 
was supplemented by an order to the same effect, i Henry III. Mean 
time another claimant appeared, in the person of Idonea, representative 
of Ernald, Roger de Buisli's brother ; she had married Robert de Vipont, 
a baron much employed by John, and not unfrequently in connexion 
with Tickhill. Thus in 1 204 he was concerned in certain repairs at the 
castle, as also in 1206, which included a barn and stables. In 1207 he 
was to be paid for these repairs, and he was also employed upon the 
king's castles of Nottingham, Bolsover, the Peak, and Scarborough. In 
1208 five dolia of red wine, such as would keep, were to be sent to him 
at Tickhill, for the king. Idonea, Vipont's wife, held by descent six fees 
in Tickhill, and now claimed the rest against Countess Alice, 6th Henry 
III. Alice had the best of it; But in 9th Henry III. she went abroad, 
probably to her Norman estates, and in consequence Tickhill seems to 
have lapsed to the Crown. 

Henry HI., when king, granted it to Prince Edward, who in 1254, 
settled it u^on Eleanor of Castile, but in 1259-60, Edmund de Lacy, 
constable of Chester, used the phrase ** Baronia mea de TikehuU,'' as 
''• B 


though in possession as absolute lord. Prince Edward, however, granted 
it to his cousin Henry, son of Richard, king of the Romans, in 1263. 
In 1296 John, Earl of Eu, revived the family claim. He was 
grandson of Alphonso (son of John, king of Jerusalem), by a daughter of 
Countess Alice. His claim was speedily set aside, he being an alien. 
In 1 318 the king granted to Ralph, Earl of £u, who had married Joan 
one of the daughters and heirs of Dennis de Merlawe then dead, the 
• custody of the moiety of the manor of Laughton, co Ebor, and other 
manors to hold to the legitimate age of Margaret, the other daughter 
and heir, returning ;^47 i6s. 6id. per year, and ^10 of increment. 
He had also grants of some Irish estates belonging to the same 
Dennis. This was the last assertion of the right, but a cetitury later 
it was remembered, when Henry V. created William Bourchier Earl 
of Eu and Lord Bourchier of Tickhill, titles only, not connected with the 
property, which remained in the Crown. 

In February, 1322, the castle was besieged for three weeks by 
Thomas of Lancaster, and this siege is one of the charges brought against 
him on his trial : — "Et misit homines suos .... ad obsidendum 
castrum domini Regis de TikhuU; et quaedam ingenia, ad projiciendum 
petras grossas super castrum prsedictum, et homines in eodem castro ex 
parte doming Regis existentes ; qui quidem proditores castrum illud, per 
tres septimanos continue insultando et debellando, obsederunt,et quosdem 
homines Regis ibidem interfecerunt.'* The castle was defended gallantly 
by Sir William de Anne, and relieved by the king in person. Tickhill 
was again settled upon a queen, in the person of Philippa, who died in 
1369. In 1362, Edward exchanged Tickhill with John of Gaunt, against 
the honour of Richmond, and it descended with the other estates of the 
duchy of Lancaster. In the Parliamentary struggle it was held for the 
king, but surrendered after Marston Moor, and was dismantled. When 
thus held, it was defended in advance by the moat and by the palisades 
on the counterscarp. T'he foundation of the chapel was dissolved, 
ist Edward VI. The Castle now belongs to the Earl of Scarborough. 

From The Builder. G. T. CLARKE, F.S.A. 




On the death of Hugh Montgomery, Earl of Shrewsbury, slain by 
King Magnus of Norway, in 1103, his brother Robert de Belesme, pre- 
sented himself to William Rufus and offered him three thousand pounds 
sterling for the Earldom. Having thus secured it, he exercised great 
cruelties on the Welsh during four years. He built a very strong castle 
at Bridgenorth, on the Severn, transferring the town and people of Quat- 
ford to the new fortress. He also laid claim to the lands of Blythe, in 
Nottinghamshire, in right of his cousin, Roger de Bushlis, who had 
there founded a priory dependent on the abbey of Mount St. Catherine. 
He obtained a grant of these lands from the King for a great sum of 
money. But as his wealth augmented by the possession of such vast 
territories, he was inflated with pride, and becoming a follower of Belial 
abandoned himself without reserve to flagitious and cruel deeds. His 
violence and cupidity knew no bounds, and respected no persons. He 
had already forcibly erected castles — those of Saone and St. Remi du 
Plain — on the property of others in the county of Maine, on the posses- 
sions of the abbeys St. Peter de la Contoure and St. Vincent the Martyr, 
using them for the grievous oppression of the peasants. The valiant 
Count Elias hearing this, he did not behave like a coward, but encount- 
ered Robert in arms on the river Roullic, in the territory of the Saonois, 
and invoking the holy Bishop St. Julian, in the name of the Lord gave 
him battle, and defeated and drove him with shame from the field, 
although he commanded superior forces. In this engagement Robei t 
de Courci was wounded, losing his right eye; Goulfier de Villeret, 
William de Moulins, Geoffrey de Gac6, and many others were made 
prisoners. William de Moulins was the eldest son of William de Mou- 
lins by his wife Aubrey ; Geoffrey de Gacd was perhaps a son or relative 
of Ralph Tete d'Ane. 

The family of Bussi, Buslei, or Buthlei, sprang from Bussi, near 
Neufchatel. Roger's principal seat in England after the Conquest was at 
Tickhill. It appears in Domesday Book that he had a great many 
manors ; one of them, Sandford, in Devonshire, was granted by Queen 
Matilda to him and his wife on their marriage, cum uxore sua. His 
wife's name was Muriel. The male line of their descendants failed in 
1213, and their possessions passed into the hands of the familjr of Vipont 
(Vieux-Pont) by the marriage of Idonea, their great grand-daughter, with 
Robert de Vipont. 

In the troubles arising out of John's treachery to King Richard 
during the latter's absence, we find recorded by Roger de Houden in 
1 193 : — All the principal men of the kingdom met together and laid 
siege to Windsor, the castle of the Earl of Mortaigne. Geoffrey, Arch- 
bishop of York ; Hugh Bardolph, the King's Justiciary ; the Sheriff of 
York, and William de Stuteville, assenibling their forces, came to Don- 
caster and fortified it. But when the Archbishop of York wisbeH to 


proceed thence and lay siege to Tickhill, a castle belonging to the Earl 
of Mortaigne, Hugh Bardolph and William Stuteville would not agree 
thereto, because they were laymen of Earl John ; on which the Arch- 
bishop of York left them, with his people, calling them traitors to the 
King and his realm. The King of England still remaining in the custody 
of the Emperor of the Romans, all people were surprised at his thus 
delaying ; and some, in consequence of the predictions of the Earl of 
Mortaigne, who always predicted that he would never return, doubted 
about him and his ever returning. In consequence of this, Walter, 
Archbishop of Rouen, and the other justiciaries of England, although 
they had compelled the Earl of Mortaigne to surrender, and had nearly 
taken his castle of Windsor, made a truce with the Earl of Mortaigne 
until the feast of All Saints, the Castles of Nottingham and Tickhill 
remaining in the charge of the Earl as before. But the Castles of Wind- 
sor, Wallingford, and of the Peak were given into the hands of Queen 
Eleanor, the mother of the Earl of Mortaigne, and of some other custo- 
dians, who were to deliver them into his hands if the King, his brother, 
should not come in the meantime. When Hugh, Bishop of Durham, 
who had in the meantime been laying siege to the Castle of 'i'ickhill, 
heard of this he was greatly vexed, as he now felt sure of taking it ; but 
by the command of the said justiciaries he took his departure, leaving 
his task incomplete. 

Richard landed in England from captivity on the 12th March, 11 94. 
On the sixth day, about the third hour, he left the port of Swiene ; and 
on the day after, about the ninth hour, landed in England, at the port 
of Sandwich, it being the third day before the ides of March, and the 
Lord's day. John was excommunicated. Upon this all the persons 
who had charge of the siege of the castles belonging to Earl John 
returned to t-heir homes. Accordingly, the Bishop of Durham, to whom 
had been intrusted the siege of the castle of Tickhill, levied a large army 
in Yorkshire and Northumberland, and other parts of his lands, and laid 
siege to it. Earl David, also brother of the King of Scotland, with 
Randolph, Earl of Chester, and the Earl of Ferrers, with a great army 
laid siege to Nottingham Castle. In like manner the castle of Lancaster, 
of which Theobald Fitzwalter, brother of the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
had charge on behalf of Earl John, was surrendered to him. Nottingham 
and Tickhill made a stout resistance to the besiegers. But on hearing 
of the King's arrival the people in the castle of Tickhill, with the permis- 
sion of the Bishop of Durham, sent two knights to see if the King really 
had returned, and to offer their castle to him. The King, however, 
refused to receive it, unless they would place themselves at his mercy 
without any exception ; and accordingly they returned and told Robert 
de la Warr, the constable of the castle, and the rest of the garrison, the 
King's intentions. Upon this, after conferring with the Bishop of 
Durham, who had promised them safety to life and limb, they surren- 
dered to him in the King's behalf, the Castle of Tickhill. 

The garrison of the Castle of Nottingham, however, did not send 
any of their number to meet the King, who, being consequently much 


exasperated, came to Nottingham on Friday, the day of the Annuncia- 
tion of our Lord, with such a vast multitude of men and such a clangour 
of trumpets and clarions that those who were in the castles were 
astonished on hearing and seeing this, trembling came upon them, and 
they were confounded and alarmed. But still they would not believe 
that the King had come, and supposed the whole of this was done by 
the chiefs of the army for the purpose of deceiving them. The King, 
however, took up his quarters near to the castle, so that the archers 
from the castle trussed the King's men at his very feet. The King 
being incensed at this^ put on his armour, and commanded his army to 
make an assault on the castle, on which a sharp engagement took place 
between them and the people in the castle, and many fell on both sides 
killed and wounded. The King himself slew one knight with an arrow, and 
having at last prevailed, drove them back into the castle, took some 
outworks which they had thrown up without the gates, and burned the 
outer gates. 

On the 26th March, 1194, the King ordered his stone-engines to 
be put together, having come to the determination that he would not 
make another assault on the castle until his engines of war had been got 
in readiness ; but he ordered gibbets to be erected near the casde. on 
which he hanged some men-at-arms of Earl John, who had been taken 
prisoners outside the castle. On the 27th, Hugh, Bishop of Durham, 
and those who had been with him at the siege of Tickhill, came to the 
King at Nottingham, bringing with them the prisoners who had been 
taken in the Castle of Tickhill, on which the King went forth to meet 
them. On seeing the King, the Bishop of Durham dismounted, and 
the King in like manner went to meet him and embraced him, after 
which, remounting their horses, they repaired to the siege. On the 
same day while the King was sitting at dinner, Ralph Murdac and 
William de Wendeval, constables of the Castle of Nottingham, sent two 
of their companions to see the King, who, after having seen him, 
returned to the castle to tell those who had sent them what they had 
heard and seen respecting the King and his preparations. When 
William de Wendeval and Roger de Montabum heard of this they went 
forth with twelve others from the castle, threw themselves upon the 
King's mercy, and returned to the castle no more. 

Next day, the 28th, through the mediation of the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, Ralph Murdac, Philip de Worcester, Ralph, his brother, 
and all the rest who were in the castle, surrendered the castle to the 
King, and threw themselves on the King's mercy for life and limb and 
worldly honour. On the 29th, Richard, King of England, went to see 
Clipston and the Forest of Sherwood, which he had never seen before, 
and they pleased him greatly ; after which, on the same day, he returned 
to Nottingham. On Wednesday, 3 ist March, Richard, King of England, 
held the first day of his Council at Nottingham, where were present 
Queen Eleanor, the King's mother; Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
who sat on the King's right hand; Geoffrey, Archbishop of York, 


who sat on his leil hand ; Hugh, Bishop of Durham ; Hugh, 
Bishop of Lincoln; William, Bishop of Ely, the King's Chancellor; 
Wiiliam, Bishop of Hereford ; Henry, Bishop of Worcester ; Henry, 
Bishop of Exeter ; John, Bishop of Whitheme ; Earl David, brother of 
<he King of Scotland ; Hamline, Earl Wareone ; Randoiph, Earl of 
Chester ; William, Eart of Ferrers ; William, Karl of Salisbury ; and 
Roger Bigot. On the same day the King dispossessed Gerard de 
Camville of the castle and shrievalty of Lincoln, and Hugh Bardolph of 
that of Yorkshire, of the Castles of York and Scarborough, and of the 
custodianship of Westmoreland, and set up alt the offices before 
mentioned for sale. Accordingly, after the Chancellor had offered to 
give the King for the shrievalty of Yorkshire, that of Lincolnshire and 
that of Nottinghamshire, one thousand five hundred marks at the 


beginning of the agreement, and every year an additional hundred 
marks for each of the said counties, Geoffrey, Archbishop of York, 
offered the King three thousand marks for the shrievalty of York, and 
every year an additional hundred marks ; on which the Chancellor being 
outbid, the Archbishop obtained the shrievalty of York, and accordingly 
became a servant for the King and threw himself into the King's power. 
On the 31st March the King held the second day of his Council, 
at which he demanded judgment to be pronounced against Earl John, 
his brother, who, against the fealty he had sworn to him, had taken 
possession of his castles, laid waste his lands on both sides of the sea, 


and made a treaty against him with his enemy the King of France. 
Judgment was accordingly given that John had forfeited all rights in 
the kingdom. The Council sat a third day on Saturday, ist April, when 
Gerard de Camville was arraigned for harbouring some robbers who had 
plundered the goods of certain merchants going to the fair of Stiimford ; 
and it was said they had set out from his resideifce for the purpose of 
committing the robbery, and having committed it returned to him. 
They also accused him of treason, because he had refused to come at 
the summons of the King's Justices, or take his trial for the aforesaid 
harbouring of the robbers, and for taking the castles of Tickhill and 
Nottingham. Camville denied all these charges, and gave pledges to 
defend himself by one of his freeholders. On the same day the King 
appointed the close of Easter as the day of his coronation at Winchester; 
he then proceeded to Clipston to meet the King of Scots, and gave 
orders that all who had been taken at the castles of Nottingham, 
Tickhill, Marlborough, Lancaster, and Mount St. Michael should meet 
him at Winchester on the day after the close of Easter. On the 3rd, 
Palm Sunday, the King of England stayed at Clipston, and the King of 
Scots at Worksop, on account of the solemnity of the day. On the 
4th the two Kings came to Sewell (Southwell). On the 5th to Malton, 
where the King of Scotland demanded of the King of England the 
dignities and honours which his predecessors had enjoyed in England. 
He also demanded that the earldoms of Northumberland, Cumberland, 
and Westmoreland, and the earldom of Lancaster should be given up 
to him, as enjoyed by his predecessors, to which the King answered that 
he would satisfy himself by the advice of his Earls and Harons. 

The King was crowned at Winchester on the 18th April, 11 94, and 
on the 19th Hugh, Bishop of Durham, of his own accord, no one 
compelling him to do so, gave up to the King the county of Northum- 
berland, with its castles and other appurtenances ; and the King ordered 
him to deliver the same to Hugh Bardolph. When William King of 
Scotland heard of this he immediately offered the King of England 
15,000 marks of silver for Northumberland, with its appurtenances, 
saying that Earl Henry, his father, held it by the gift of King Henry IL, 
and that after him. King Malcolm, his son, held it in peace for five 
years. Upon this the King of England, after taking counsel with his 
people, made answer to the King of Scotland that he would give him 
the whole of Northumberland, excepting the castles, for the said sum ; 
but the King of Scotland declined to receive it without the castles. On 
the 2oth the King of England caused the more wealthy persons to he 
separated from the rest of those taken prisoners in the castles of Tickhill 
and Nottingham, and the other castles of Earl John, and to be placed 
in prison to be ransomed ; while the others he let go on their finding 
sureties that they would appear at his summons and abide by the judg- 
ment of his court; on which each of them found sureties for ibo marks 
if he should not return to the court of the King. 

Roger de Howeden. 



It so happens that many of our finest examples of English archi- 
tecture are not easfly to be got at, — such as Tewkesbury, Beverley, 
Ripon, and Southwell — all exquisite specimens, but ail^ more or less, 
difficult of access. To take Southwell for instance, a sort of pilgrimage 
must be undertaken. In the first place we have to leave the county of 
York and enter that of Nottingham, but in doing so we can hardly 
regard our pilgrimage as foreign to our county, Southwell Minster was 
always an adjunct of the Archbishops in York. It occupies the site of 
the church founded by our missionary Bishop Paulinus, and dates in its 
present state from 1109. The town was also the seat of a palace of the 
Archbishops of York now represented by the ruins of its chapel, and hall. 
Suppose the platform of the Great Northern Station at Newark reached : 
then there is that other station from whence you shall be conveyed to 
Southwell : in your anxiety to reach this, you hardly dare cast a look at 
the fine church, and the remains of the old castle. Useless speed ! 
Vou will most probably find that you have to wait something like two 
hours for the next train ; so there is nothing for it, but to walk back into 
Newark and make a closer acquaintance with the church — no bad 
alternative ; seeing that it is one of the finest in England. After this, 
you reach the so-called Southwell station. Still, the place itself is two 
miles off; but a pleasant walk is no hardship, especially if the reward is 
to be so great, for Southwell Minster is really what Rickman describes 
it, — ** a large and magnificent edifice," — a cruciform structure 306^ feet 
from east to west and 1 22^^ feet along the transepts ; combining Norman, 
Early English, and Eaily Decorated, all of the finest description. The 
north porch and some of the doors are excellent specimens of the former 
period : the choir and transepts, particularly the east end of the former, 
have Early English work, that can hardly be equalled ; and there are 
some ornamental portions of a later character, such as the stalls and 
sedilia, of peculiar beauty : it is said that the latter were for a long time 
carefully cased up by heavy and unsightly woodwork, and that their 
existence was only discovered by one of the choir boys climbing to the 
top of the unsightly erection, and by his weight bringing it to the 
ground : the result would be looked upon with more pleasure if the 
visitor was not obliged to hear that the freak cost the boy his life. 

But perhaps the most attractive part of the building is the chapter- 
house a specimen of Early Decorated work, upon which almost 
every form of ornament has been lavished in the most abundant 
profusion. Here, indeed, the forms are so peculiar and so elaborate, 
that nothing short of the most careful study would be of the slightest 
service. Although the room is small, a month might easily be spent 
there ; and even then, only skilful fingers and the most untiring industry 
would produce any great result. While looking through one of the 
local guide-books, I met with the following sentence, taken from some 
old author, — ** The minster is large and heavy, and of no particular 


beauty." Now, Rickman says, " it deserves the study due to a 
cathedral ;" and so far as my own observation goes, I am inclined to 
agree with the latter authority ; but sti'l I would advise all who can do 
so to judge for themselves, for the above few notes, together with the 
accompanying sketch of the Chapter-house from the north, are the only 
results of a hasty visit to Southwell Minster. , 



"Our histories," says Swift, "are full of Pomfret Castle ;" and 
although this has long ceased to be the case, and Pomfret be now 
famous but for the cakes and the cultivation of the root employed in 
the soothing of catarrh and the adulteration of railway coffee, it was 
once a very famous, and is still a very interesting place. Whence came 


the name of ^^Pontefract," and when and where its bridge was broken 
down, are questions over which antiquaries have long stumbled, seeing 
that the Aire, the only stream of the district needed to be traversed by 
a bridge, is two miles from the town and quite out its girth. It appears 
from Norman charters that the name of the place was Kirkby, a name, 
no doubt, bestowed upon it when church and hamlet were founded as 
a Christian settlement, in the old days when King OsWftld of Northum- 
bria embraced the new faith, an event probably commemorated by the 
cross which gave name to the wapentake still known as of Oswald's or 
Osgod's Cross. Kirkby, however, is not named in Domesday, though 
probably then a burgh. It is evidently included in the manor of 
Tateshall, or Tanshelf which belonged to the King, and appended to 
which was the soke of Manesthorp, Barnebi, and Silchestone. Tateshall 
formed, and still forms, a part of the town of Pontefract. No doubt 
this is the " Taddenes Scylf," where in 947, King Eadred received 
the fealty of Archbishop Wulfstan and the Northumbrian Witan, 
with their speedy breach of it, as recorded in the Anglo-Saxon chronicle. • 
The place must even then have been of importance, and there can be 
but little doubt that the Witan met on the site of the later castle. It 
continued to be an important place, for at the Conquest it was a demesne 
of the Crown, and is recorded in Domesday as rated at 20/, having three 
mills, and containing; a hospital for the poor. Domesday, no doubt, 
means Pontefract Castle, when it records that, " Omnis tonwur sedet 
infra metam castelli Ilberti secundum primam tnensuram^ et secundum 
notfissimam mensuram sedet extra, ^^ Meta is here clearly the castle garth 
or boundary of its immediate lands, not the military enceinte or curtain 
about the position, with respect to which no measurement could be in 
error, nor is it the Castelry, which was a much larger area. 

The parish of Pomfret, which is large, is composed of six townships, 
of which one is Pomfret proper. The parish is one of twenty composing 
the wapentake or hundred. Leland calls the fortress "Snorre- 
Castle." Confer Knaresburg, Cnorres-burg, the tribe's-burg, people's- 
burg — as opposed to the Pundcburg (Boroughbridge). This double 
association between Pundeburg and Pundefreit, Snorre's Castle and 
Cnorres-burg has a latent but very expressive meaning. Leland says that 
before the Conquest it belonged to Richard Aschenald, and then to Ailric, 
Sweine, and Adam, his son, grandson, and great-grandson. This last 
had two daughters, married to Alex, de Crevequer and Adam de Mont- 
begon. Dodsworth calls Aschenald, Aske, still a great Yorkshire name, 
and points out, what indeed is very evident, that the Norman works 
stood in part on an artificial hill, on which no doubt stood the house 
of the English lord, dispossessed by the Conqueror. Ailric is a real 
person, and a Domesday land-owner, who before the Conquest held 
many manors. Sweine, his son, inherited and gave a church and chapel 
to the monks of St. John the Evangelist. Ailric held his lands, much 
reduced, under the Norman grantee, as did Sweine, and Adam Fitz 


Sweine, who founded Bretton Priory, and died about 1158, having been 
a very considerable person. Charters by both Sweine and Adam are 
found in the Pomfret cartulary. 

William I. was at Castleford on the Aire in the winter of 1069, and 
as he stayed there three weeks he probably found the means of inspect- 
ing so strong a place as the English House at Kirkby, and when he 
granted the district to Ilbert de Lacy it may reasonably be supposed that 
he followed his usual practice of directing a castle to be there built. 
Mr. Freeman suggests that the name of "Pontefract" may have 
arisen from some incident connected with this passage of the Aire ; 
others have thought that, like Richmond and Montgomery, it was an 
imported name. Ordericus, however, as Mr. Freeman remarks, refers 
to it as FractuS'Pons^ not Fons-FractuSy " Fex , • prapediiur ad fracii 
pontis vadUf^ as though the words were in a state of transition from a 
description to a proper name. The word " Pontefract " as a name 
should now be abandoned as wholly untenable, in the sense of antiquity. 
It appears to be nothing but the mere coinage of some scribe who could 
not convert the old English name of Pundefreit or Pumfreit, into Latin. 
It can be proved that in the twelfth century the spoken name of the town 
was Pumfreit, and when vernacularly recorded it is so written on 
some occasions, and on others it is written Pundefreit, or Pundefrid. 
King John called it Pumfreit and his book-keepers so wrote it That 
it has been written Pons Fractus (in its declensions) is about as indica- 
tive of its real name, as that Pons Burgi was the spoken therefore real 
name of Borobridge, which by the way King John's book-keepers chose 
to write Pundeburg. As to Pomfret the " Broken-Bridge ** theory is 
completely exploded ; as to Pundeburg it was never appUed, and yet 
the " Pons '* of the mediaeval scribe has to do duty in both places. Burgh 
or Borough was the old name of Borobridge — even Drayton so uses it — 
and the terminal bridge seems to be due to the " Pons " of the latinist. 

The change of name certainly was adopted slowly, for while an early 
charter by Robert de Lacy, the second lord, has the passage, ** de 
dominio suo de Kirkbi," a later one has •* Deo et S^* Johanni .it 
Monachis meis de Pontefract,'* while Hugh de Lanval, the intrusive 
lord, as late as 11 20, employs the older name. Camden derives the 
name from a breaking down of a bridge or causeway that traversed the 
marshy valley still called the Wash, the springs of which rise close 
N.W. of the castle and cross its approach from Knottingley, at Bubwith 
Houses, where, in the time of Edward IL, John Bubwith held lands 
juxta veterem pontem de Fonteftact^ about a quarter of a mile from the 
castle, which, indeed, proves the existence of a bridge, though not of a 
broken one. How water came to be here collected will be explained 
when the defences of the casde are treated of. It would seem that at 
Pomfret as at many inland castles, a dam was thrown across a valley 
below the place, and thus provision made for defence and for the working 
of a mill. This seems to have been the case here below the northern 
front. The valley was converted into a lake, employed to feed two 


mills, of one of which traces remained in 1806, and the other, the lower 
mill, was removed in 1766, when the dam was levelled and the pool 
converted into a meadow. Bubwith Bridge no doubt crossed the pool 
at what is still called " the Wash." A few marks of Roman occupation 
have been discovered here, and but few. Legeolium, the station of the 
district, seems to have been at Castleford, three miles distant. 

But whatever may have been the origin of the fortress, or of its 
evidently pre-Norman earthworks, its recorded history commences with 
Ilbert de Lacy, to whom William granted Knottingley, a large portion 
of the wapentake, and other lands, including about 150 manors, chiefly 
in the West Riding, — where they fill seven pages of Domesday-book, — 
Nottingham and Lincoln. Those in Yorkshire were erected into 
an Honour, of which Pomfret, the strongest and most important place, 
became naturally the chief seat. Ilbert, though no doubt ot near kin to 
the Herefordshire Lord of Ewyas and Holm-Lacy, was a different 
person. He is thought to have built Pomfret Castle before 1080, com- 
mencing it probably in consequence of the visit of the Conqueror, in 
1069. If bir H. Ellis be right, and it be alluded to by the Domesday 
entry, " Omnis tornour sedet infra metam castelli Ilbertir it was speedily 
completed. Ilbert also endowed the chapel of St. Clement within the 
castle, which, in some form or other, long survived. He lived into the 
reign of Rufus, from whom he had a confirmation of his grants. By 
his wife, Hawise, he left Robert and Hugh. 

Robert de Lacy, called from his birthplace, " of Pomfret " claims 
to have built Clitheroe, which has, indeed, been attributed to the second 
son. He also had a confirmation from Rufus. By Maud, his wife, he 
had Ilbert, who, with his father, on the death of Rufus, joined Curthose 
against Henry I., and fought at Tenchbrai. Both were banished, and 
Robert was disseized of Pomfret in favour of William Transversus, and 
then of Hugh de la Val, who held it to the reign of Stephen. Robert 
finally regained the honour, but King Henry claimed 2,000 marcs, and 
De la Val had 150/. for the demesne lands, and 20 knights' fees, which 
are entered in the Liber Niger in 1165 as held " de veteri feodo Pontis- 
fracti." Robert confirmed some of De la Val's grants to Nostel, and 
founded the Clunaic Priory of Pomfret. 

Looking at the general evidence afforded by the remains of this 
castle, it is clear that it was a strong place in pre-Norman times ; those 
who fortified it placing the mound, at what was naturally the weakest 
point of the position. The greater part of the remaining masonry is 
Norman, and not improbably early. The enceinte wall, the buildings 
connected with it on the west platform, the rear wall of the platform, the 
old postern, the interior of the Keep, and the magazine, all seem to be in 
substance Norman. Of the Early English and Decorated kinds very 
slight traces are left visible; but it is clear that under the house of 
Lancaster much was added in the Perpendicular period. Probably the 
buildings on the north-east platform were constructed, S. Clement's 


chapel was rebuilt ; Swillington Tower added, the keep refaced and 
much done in repairing the chambers within. Ruined as the place is, 
and reduced to a mere garden of liquorice enough remains to interest 
very deeply those who are conversant with our ancient military structures, 
and especi^ly such of them as are of Saxon or English foundation, and 
have been recast to suit the Norman fashions of defence. 

The position and dimensions of the castJe were worthy of the great 
barons by whom it was constructed, and far too noble for the events 
with which its name is associated. North~east of, and one-third of a 
mile from, the market-cross of Pomfret, there is seen a very remarkable 
table of rock, oval in form, the sides of which are in part a cliff of from 


30 ft. to 40 fl. high, rising out of a talus, which, on the north, south, and 
eastern faces, descends into two deep natural valleys, which unite on the 
north-eastern front. At the south-west end is also a natural depression 
dividing the rock from the town ; it has been deepened somewhat by art, 
as the cliff has been scarped and, where necessary, revetted, so that the 
i;;eneral result was the production. of an almost impregnable stronghold. 
This description, however, requires, as regards the east front, some little 


modification. Here, immediately beyond the wall, is a ditch nearly all 
artificial, and beyond it a nearly level area, beyond which, again, is the 
natural valley. As it was necessary to cover the ground, it was walled 
and converted into what was called the barbican, really a double ward 
outside the castle, covering its main entrance. The castle was thus 
composed of the main ward, occupying the table-rock, and the outer 
and inner barbicans covering its south-east front and entrance. The 
main ward occupies the whole summit of the rock. It is in plan an 
irregular oval, 150 yards north-east and south-west, and 103 yards in its 
cross diameter. Of this area a segment at the south west end, 37 yards 
deep, or on the '* sagitta," is occupied by a raised platform containing 
the keep and remains of various buildings. A smaller segment at the 
north-east end is occupied by the bases of other buildings, including the 
chapel. If the arrangement be likened to the deck of a ship, the keep 
end will be the poop, the other end the forecastle, and the large inter- 
mediate space the waist. 

The present appearance of the north eastern platform is a bank of 
earth, irregular, and about 20 ft above the area level. In plan it is* 
rather semilunar, and evidently composed of the basements and ruins 
of buildings, the soft red sandstone of which readily becomes converted 
into soil. The face towards the ward, standing from 2 ft. to 6 feet high, 
shows the base mouldings and plinth of a range of buildings that rose 
from the main ward level, and seem to have included a polygonal tower 
or turret. All that is visible is of excellent ashlar, with stones of large 
size. The workmanship is mainly in the Perpendicular style. In the 
rear, along the edge of a cliff, is the curtain -wall, part of which is a revet- 
ment filling up the irregularities of the rock. This platform is returned 
a few 3'ards along the east front against the curtain, and there is seen 
the basement of St. Clement's Chapel, more than once rebuilt since its 
first Norman foundation The curtain along the crest, where the cliff is 
high, seems to have been a mere parapet. On the north-east point, 
where there is only a slope, the curtain is very lofty, and of prodigious 
thickness ; much is broken away, but what remains shows it to have 
been 15 ft. thick at its base and 11 ft. at 24 ft. high. The main gate 
was in this curtain near the south end. It seems, from the drawings, 
to have been covered by a small square tower, the exterior and interior 
portals not being opposite. 

The main interest of the castle attaches to its south-western plat- 
form. This is about 20 ft. above the main ward, and at its southern 
angle there is raised upon it a conical mound, fiat-topped, and rising 
about as high again. Towards the main ward this platform is supported 
by a revetment wall from 12 ft to 14 ft. high, of good rough ashlar, of 
large stones, having a base of 4 ft., and above this a plinth of about 4 ft. 
more, the two offsets being plain chamfers. This, no doubt, carried a 
curtain-wall. In the wall, near its centre, is a broad-arched recess, called 
" the King's seat," probably from a tradition that Richard II. sat there. 


At the north end the platform is returned about 25 yards along the west 
curtain. Various indications show that this platform was covered with 
buildings, most of which, like the retaining wall, were of Norman date, 
and of which the basements remain, though much covered up. Of the 
enceinte or curtain-wall that supports the outer face of this platform only 
the lower 30 ft., or revetment, remains. This commences some way 
down the slope, and is prodigiously strong, being built against the rock. 
At the south-west angle was the Treasurer's or Pix 1 ower, the ruins of which 
still encumber the slope. Passing southward, the wall rises and becomes 
more perfect. In its exterior base, about 30 ft. below the rampart, is a 
Norman postern, very perfect, and probably in the base of the old Red 
Tower. Then, behind, and on the level with the top of the wall, are 
remains of early buildings. One presents the end of a round-headed 
vault of about 16 ft. span, of rude rubble, but springing from good ash- 
lar walls, and having a later- inserted window. This is called " King 
Richard's Prison." Near this is a rectangular shaft, 8 ft. by 4 ft., but a 
few feet down increased to 8 ft* square, a round-headed arch supporting 
the upper half. It is now about 40 ft. deep^ and dry. It is called a 
well, but is more probably the shaft of a garderobe. 

Beyond this rises the mound, the top of which is circular, and 
about 20 yards across, and 40 ft. to 50 ft. above the main ward, and 
much more above the exterior base of the enceinte of which it 
forms a part. Those who formed the mound no doubt gave 
it a natural slope all round, and placed their structure on its top, 
and, making it a part of their line of defence, carried the general palis- 
ade to its summit from either side. The Normans, on taking posses- 
sion, proceeded in a different way. The soft rock, forming the core of 
the mound, on the outer sides, they cut into the figure of a three-quarter 
round mural tower, and then faced it with a very solid wall, so that 
though really a solid bastion, it had all the appearance of a magnificent 
round tower, 70 ft. diameter. When this segmental bastion had been 
carried to a height of 50 ft. or 60 ft., that is to the level of the top of the 
mound, the wall was continued round, and the cylinder completed, so 
that the mound was crowned by a regular shell keep of 60 ft. diameter, 
and probably 25 ft. high, which was really, what its ^substructure only 
seemed to be, — 2l tower of masonry. As the rock was of irregular figure, 
this process was repeated, a second smaller bastion was formed to the 
north, and probably a third. Leland speaks of the donjon as composed 
of three large and three small roundlets. However, only two now remain. 
These grand bastions still form the finest part of the castle, standing as 
they do high above the road from the railway station into the town, upon 
the crest of a steep slope. They are faced with large blocks of sand- 
stone, of excellent open jointed ashlar work, with a bold set-off at the 
base. Advantage was taken of the soft character of the rock to excavate 
the interior into cells and staircases, some of which are still open. 
In the large bastion, near a covering angle, at its exterior base, a 


shoulder-headed doorway, a postern, opens into a round-headed pas- 
sage, partly cut in the rock, and partly vaulted. From this one 
way leads into a mural chamber ; another up a steep flight of steps, cut 
in the rock, but having a series of shoulder-headed hanging arches to 
support the roof. At a height of 30 ft. this stair leads to an open 
gallery above, commanding the postern, and from this again ascends, 
covered, to the base of the keep proper. Boothroyd gives three other 
excavations, one of which contained the well mentioned by Leland. 
Besides these the remaining fragments of the keep proper contained the 
base of a well-stair, probably ascending to the battlements, and a shaft, 
perhaps from a garderobe about that level. 

The main entrance to the castle was a few yards east of the keep in 
the south curtain. From the gate a narrow stair ran up the curtain into 
the keep, and is yet seen. Another, on the other side, still descends 
from the keep towards King Richard's prison. From the keep a spur 
wall descends the slope, and was intended to cover the approach, as at 
Hawarden and Coningsborough. It evidently crossed the ditch, and 
formed part of the barbican. Thus the keep could be reached rapidly 
and directly by three ways, all narrow and well defended, one from the 
outside by a postern, another from the main gate, and a third from the 
west ramparts. In substance the masonry and arrangement of this keep 
are clearly Norman, but the whole has been refitted, and no doubt 
refaced in the Perpendicular period. Mention must be made 
of a very curious and early excavation in the main ward. 
On the surface, a few feet from the king's seat, a flight of rock-cut 
steps descends nearly north-west and at 70 ft. distance is the 
mouth of a square shaft, lighting a passage below. Descending, thirty- 
three steps lead steeply down a passage, 4 ft. broad, with a hanging roof. 
A little way down, on the right, are traces of a cylindrical staircase, no 
doubt the original way in, but now destroyed with the tower, in the base 
of which it may have been. At the foot of the stairs is a plain round- 
headed door-case, apparently of Late Norman date. Beyond this the 
stairs re-commence, and ten steps lower the descent ceases and the 
passage forks, a short branch running north, and one, a trifle longer, 
east. Before the fork, part of the passage is vaulted in fine-jointed ash- 
lar, with two plain round-headed ribs. In the wall, on the right, is a 
round-headed recess for a lamp, and the commencement of another 
passage, also round-headed, but left as a mere recess. Above the fork 
opens the shaft, here seen to be a truncated pyramid, about 6 ft by 12 
ft., and 30 ft deep. At the fork the salient is occupied by two small ol>- 
long cells, with pointed roofs. They communicate with each other and 
passages by narrow lancet doorways. The excavation is now called the 
magazine, and may have been so used at the siege ; but it is of Norman 
and Early English date, and probably was intended for a cellar. The 
arrangements of the cells are scarcely suitable for a prison. The 
present entrance is clearly an addition. 


There remain some exterior points to be noticed. Leaving the 
keep hy its postern, and going north-west along the foot of the west face, 
the wall is seen evidently to be Norman, and near the centre of this 
front is the original Norman postern. There are upon. the face of the 
wall two broad shallow pilaster strips, 8 ft broad by 6 in. projection, 
between which is a plain roundheaded relieving arch, and below is a 
segmental-headed doorway, of 4 ft. opening, without portcullis but with 
a rebate for a door, and holes for two stout bars. This opens into a 
straight vaulted passage, about 5 ft broad, lofty, round-headed, of ex- 
cellent ashlar, and clearly Norman. It runs about 15 ft., and is then 
choked up. It no doubt ends in a well-stair, which might readily be 
excavated. In later, probably Perpendicular times, this postern has 
been disused, the door converted into a loop, and blocked with the 
usual window-steps within. Following the base of the cliff along the 
north front, it is seen to have been carefully made good with masonry ; 
and at the north-west angle, under what was the Queen's Tower, a large 
rift in the rock has been lined with ashlar, and spanned by a round- 
headed arch in good masonry. It looks like a large cavalry postern, but 
is merely a recess. At the foot of the talus on the west front, and 
about 180 yards outside the wall, are the remains of Swillington Tower, 
an outwork built by Thomas Earl of Lancaster, and in which he is said 
to have been imprisoned. About half of the basement remains. The 
tower was 46 ft. square, with walls 10 ft. 6 in. thick. It was intended 
to command the approach from the north, and was of great use during 
the siege as a flanking defence. Doubtless a double wall connected it 
with the main ward ; but of this there is no trace. 

Nearly all the traces of the Barbican are gone, but its memory and 
site are preserved in Barbican House, Row, and Garden, and there re- 
mains a fragment, probably of the lower gate, between Ass Hill and the 
Castle chain. There were two approaches, one from the town and one 
from the great church, which met in the outer ward of the Barbican. In 
front of the north entrance there still remains a good but late Tudor 
House, into the front of which has been inserted a grand old stone 
heater shield, bearing the three lions of England and a label of three 
points, carved in bold relief, a relic probably of the royal occupation of the 
castle. The style of the shield is Early, and the blazon points to the eldest 
son of a king of England before Edward Ill.introduced the lilies of France. 

Boothroyd's birds-eye view gives a general notion of the castle 
before it was destroyed. There were eight mural towers, — the Keep, 
the Red Tower, the Treasurer's, or Fix Tower, Swillington Tower in 
advance of the wall, the Queen's Tower, the King's Tower, Constable's 
Tower, and the Gate-house. All, save the keep, were rectangular, 
perhaps Norman. Of these only the keep and the ruins of the Fix 
Tower are traceable : the rest, with the great hall, kitchens, and lodgings, 
were carefully removed by the Farliamentary contractor, though probably 
a few pounds spent in excavation would still show the basements, and 
establish a general plan. G. T. Clarke, F.S.A. 

From The Builder, c 


As a close coincidence with Fomfret, and a further illustration of the 
Old English method of providing for the rites of Christianity when 
adopted by them, apart from but still protected by their military stations, 
I here add a notice of 


Kirby-Hill Church was re-opened for divine service in May, 1870. 
A short time before, in consequence of the dilapidated condition of the 
church, the opinion of Mr. Gilbert Scott was obtained. His plans were 
adopted, and the contract for carrying out the restoration entered into. 
Owing to limited funds, the original contract did not embrace all the 
restoration necessary to complete the church in its integrity, but this has 
since been done. The church is of great antiquity, and many remains 
of carved crosses and other stones, evidently of Saxon origin, have been 
found during the progress of the works. The south porch doorway is 
Norman, but the remains of two former doorways still exist beside the 
present one, some arch-stones remaining of one, and the jamb and 
carved impost of another. The Norman arcade dividing the nave from 
the north aisle has been restored. Some mural painting discovered 
upon the arches has been preserved. This arcade, also, from the 
appearance of the stones, is an insertion in a Saxon wall. The north 
aisle has been entirely rebuilt. In pulling down the walls of the former 
aisle, a fragment of tracery was found belonging to an ancient Decorated 
window. The design was traced, and has been carried out in the new 
windowSr The whole of the seats in the church are now of oak, made 
from the original design, with carved poppy-heads finials, and the 
ancient seats found in the church have been re-used. The main features 
of this church now present a similar appearance to what they did cen- 
turies ago. 


The erection of this Castle by Robert de Stuteville son of one ol 
the Conqueror's Lieutenants, may be referred to the reign of Henry L, 
HOC — 1 135, The site has not been explored, and I therefore cannot 
give full particulars. There are, however, the usual features of the adopK 
tion of a previous stronghold. On Spaunton Moor, hard by, there are 
tumuli ; on the site of the nunnery of Keldholme British weapons have 
been found, and within half a mile of the military station there is the 
Kirk-by which indicates the foundation consequent upon the introduction 
of Christianity. 



PPER Wharfedale, abounding in limestone rocks, has several 

interesting caves which are little known and seldom visited, 

and not the least interesting of these is Dowkerbottora Cave, 

about twelve miles from Skipton, on the hill top between 

Cilnsley and Hawkswick-t The tourist will not easily find 

t without careful directions or a guide, for it is hid away in one 

if the flats near the hill top, and cannot be detected till you are 

:lose upon it, as the entrance is from the level. At the present 

time, the best landmark to it is the heap of clay and gravel 

which the last party of explorers hauled up and left within a few feet 

of the mouth. 

The present mouth of the cave is very remarkable, a fall of rock 
and earth having divided the cave into two portions, while the true 
mouth has been discovered some yards away to the west The descent 
into the cave is very precipitous for about 30ft., but when you reach the 
floor you soon see traces of the last working party, Mr. E, B. Poulton, 
M.A., F.G.S., of Oxford, assisted by some ten or twelve undergraduates 
from the Colleges, who spent the long vacation of August and September, 
1881, in searching for relics of former inhabitants. These gentlemen 
obtained the services of two experienced miners from Grassington, and 
must have gone to considerable expense in planks, poles, barrows, and 
tackling, much of which is still under ground, as though it was intended 
to return at some future day and continue the researches. The party 
lodged at the pretty village of Hawkswick, about a mile away in the 
valley, and it is understood that they returned to their college duties at 
the expiration of their holiday with a stock of health and energy certainly 
not less, and probably more, than if the they had rusticated at the seaside 

X What have we in these two names. Dow -ker -'bottom and Hawks-wick ? Ilai 
the former been the "Dovc-carr," and the latter the " Hawks-slalion " or village? 
Are both the figurative 01 satirical appellations of some Dano-Aiiglian or Celtic 
neighbour and possibly enemies of the olden time? — A record in fact of some border 
slmggle between the settled "Doves" and the invading "Hawks." Qjnfet 
DeSAnay — vuJge Dowesbuiy — and Ravensthorpe. 


Mr. Poulton read an interesting paper on their discoveries at the 
meeting of the British Association held at York in 1881, but as that 
paper was not published, the following extracts and digest have been 
taken from the report of the Yorkshire Geological Association, to which 
that gentleman read a paper on the same subject in the same year. He 
first alluded to explorations conducted by Mr. Jackson, of Settle ; Mr. 
Farrar, of Ingleborough House ; and the late Mr. Denny, of Leeds ; 
who, although not conducting their work so systematically or thoroughly, 
found undoubted evidence of the cave having been occupied by Romano- 
British inhabitants. A coin of Antoninus Pius, a.d. 131, and one of 
Trajan, A d. 98, were found at different periods, as also flint instruments, 
broken Samian ware, portions of human skeletons, bones of various 
animals, such as red-deer, Irish deer, roebuck, wild boar, ox, and primi- 
tive dog. The most interesting specimen was a nearly perfect skeleton 
of a gigantic red-deer, with antlers of great beauty, which was found by 
Mr. Farrer, at a depth of about two yards below the floor, lying on a bed 
of hard stalagmite. Mr. Farrer, in a paper read before the Yorkshire 
Geological Association in 1865, considered that the deer, from its great 
size, could not have entered at the present mouth, but most probably 
crept in by the original entrance, and lay down to die. There was also 
found a portion of the horn of the megaceros (Irish deer), a large 
ruminant contemporary with the mammoth and rhinoceros. This 
represents a pretty considerable lapse of time since these creatures walked 
the earth, for the mammoth and rhinoceros iire inhabitants of the torrid 
zone ; we may therefore consider that this island was then joined to the 
mainland of Europe, and of the same temperature as Central Africa. 

Mr. Poulton found the eastern division of this cave 463 feet in 
length, composed of three chambers, varying in height, until at the end 
of the last chamber, the roof gradually approached the floor, ending in a 
pool of water some three feet deep, the walls uniting just beyond the 
pool in rocks of irregular, step-like shape. The whole of the floor was 
covered with stiff clay, and strewn with limestone blocks which had fallen 
from the roof. There were marks on the walls indicating that at no very 
distant date the pool of water had been 12 feet deep, while the clay 
bottom showed that the fine sediment had slowly filtered through the 
fissures of the rock, and deposited itself in the waters of the pool in 
which there was no current. Nothing was found in the first chamber, 
which had previously been well worked, but the second chamber had 
been very little disturbed, and to this the party directed their attention. 
A shaft was sunk in the centre of this chamber, and numerous relics 
were found, such as broken pottery, bones, metal implements, and half 
of a broken spindle whorl of Samian ware. Very many rubbed and cut 
bones were found, which probably had been used as knife handles, and 
the bowl end of a spoon-shaped fibula, pierced by a central hole, and 
ornamented with circles having dots in their centres. These ancient 
cave-dwellers had evidently done their best to make their home com- 
fortable, for charcoal was found among the debris^ with pot boiler stones 


of micaceous sandstone, as also a slab of sandstone used for baking cakes. 
The western side, which is much smaller, was also explored, but nothing 
was found there to indicate the presence of man beyond the first chamber, 
though there were many bones among the dibris which bore indications 
of having been washed in. Altogether it can hardly be said that this 
latter party of explorers found much to encourage them in the further 
prosecution of their work, though they certainly cleared up several 
disputed points and corrected some erroneous opinions which had been 
formed as to the condition and history of the cave. Mr. Poulter proved 
conclusively that the supposed floor was in most places the accumulation 
of fallen masses from the roof and clay which had been washed in, and 
he quite believed the true floor would be found many feet below, and 
possibly containing specimens of the older fauna found in such abun- , 
dance in the Victoria Cave. He also found the true mouth of the cave ; 
but as he saw no traces of the human occupants beyond the first chamber 
on the western side, he concluded that they had used the present 
entrance. He considered also that much more yet remained to be dis- 
covered, and expressed the hope that he might continue his investigations 
in the following year ; a hope, however, which has not been realised. 

The tourist and cave-hunter would find himself well repaid by an 
excursion to this most ancient dwelling ; but let him not attempt to 
explore its dark and mysterious passages alone, as, although provided 
with a candle, misgivings are apt to arise as to what would happen in the 
event of a sprained ankle or broken limb. Nothing more awesome can 
.well be conceived than the loneliness of these tomb-like chambers, where 
no sound is heard but the occasional drip of the water from the roof and 
your own suppressed breathing. There is a strong mephitic smell of 
decomposing carbonate of lime, and your light in the larger chambers 
does little more than make the darkness more horrible. But companion 
or no companion, you return to daylight and the upper world with a 
joyous sense of relief and a feeling as though you were entering a con- 
servatory from the chill air of a November morning. These cave-dwellers, 
though they paid no rents or rates, must have had an uncomfortable time 
of it, for a place more conducive to rheumatism and colds could not well 
be found ; neither can they have been men of a high order ; most 
probably they were hunters, subsisting on the fish and animals which 
would be abundant in the valleys below. 

There are two other very interesting caves in the locality which the 
tourist will be well repaid for visiting ; one at Arncliffe, about three miles 
farther up Litton Dale, and the other above Kettlewell, on the road to 
Coverdale ; but these do not come within the scope of the present paper. 
It will be a fit conclusion to this description of an ancient cave-dwelling 
to say that there are more unpleasant and unprofitable ways of spending 
the inside of a fortnight than in exploring the hills and valleys of Upper 
Wharfedale, where the tourist, the fisherman, the geologist, the botanist, 
or the antiquary may each indulge their congenial taste. 

Leeds. (From Z. M, Weekly Supplement.) J. Latchmore. 



Kirkdale Cave, which is situated midway between Kirbymoorside 
and Nawton, has for more than half a century attracted the attention of 
the curious. The village also is as celebrated for its solitary church — 
the origin of its name — as for its famous cavern, the grave of numerous 
troops of hyaenas and other animals of geological fame. The little 
church, standing in the depth of the dale, by the side of a mountain 
stream, and overshadowed with woods, contains a priceless gem for the 
archaeologist — a sundial which states of itself that it was constructed by 
Haward and Brand the priest in the days of Earl Tosti and 
King Edward the Confessor.* Mr. Martin visited the spot in the summer 
of 1877, and made a few notes, from which he extracts the following: — 
'^At a distance of about two miles westward of Kirbymoorside, a 
narrow lane, flanked by high hedges, leads the traveller into 
Kirkdale. The road is crossed by an open stream, spanned by a narrow 
wooden bridge. Before crossing the stream, an opening of some two or 
three yards in the hedgerow, on the northern side of the road, suddenly 
revealed an excavation. To turn aside and inspect the quarry was but 
the occupation of a moment, and as nothing extraordinary appeared in 
sight I was about to proceed, when, looking towards the limestone rock, 
which rises to a considerable height, on the eastern side, my attention 
way attracted to two large apertures ; one of these would be about three 
feet square, the other about three feet by five feet, their height from the 
base of the quarry about four yards. A glance at my guide-book informed 
me that this was the far-famed ELirkdale Cave. 

This cave was discovered in 182 1 by some quarry men wha were 
engaged in baring the rock. Whilst removing a quantity of shale, they 

♦ The church at Kirkdale, near Helmsley, has a very ancient sun-dial, with Saxon 
inscriptionB, on a stone over its south door. The inscription of the Kirkdale sun-dial 
is the longest extant of the Anglo-Saxon period, and a most valuable example of the 
pure English of the eleventh century. The following is a literal translation : — ** Orm, 
Gamars son, bought St. Gregory's Church, when it was all broken down and fallen ; 
and he caused it to be made new from the ground, to Christ and St Gregory, in 
Edward's days the King, and in Tosti's days the Earl ; and Haward me made and 
Brand the priests ; " from which it is supposed to have been made about the year 1060 
as Tosti, here mentioned, fourth son of Godwin, Earl of Kent, and brother to King 
Harold, was created Earl of Northumberland by Edward the Confessor in 1056. At 
the west end of the church there has been found a highly ornamented tombstone with 
Runic characters, which is thought to be of the time of the sixth or seventh century. 
The Kirkdale dial is also inscribed, in old English — ** This is the day's sun-marker at 
each tide." There are seven lines, with eight equal spaces of day-time ; the primary 
lines being distinguished by cross-bars. The secondary lines of division are much 
shorter than the primary, and the E.S.E. line has a peculiar mark of its own. These 
give greater variety to the design, and convince one that this example is later than that 
at Edstone ; for had it been earlier, the Edstone artist could not have been ignorant 
of what had been done at so short a distance from his own parish, and would not have 
failed to copy what are certainly great improvements. For a diagram of the above^ 
with the original inscriptions, see the learned paper by the late Rev. D. H. Haigh, 
formerly of Leeds, in the Yorkshire Archoiolog, Journal^ vol. v., p. 149, &c. 


Struck upon the entrance, and soon the mouth of the cave was disclosed, 
stored with a vast variety of bones. Dr. Buckland made an exploration 
soon after it^ discovery; and gave the length as about loo yards ; he 
also found the remains of about 300 hyaenas and twenty other different 
animals, including the tiger, bear, wolf, elephant, hippopotamus, ox, and 
rhinoceros. It was after the discovery and exploration of the cave that 
Dr. Buckland wrote his " Reliquae Diluvianae " — a work in which he 
endeavours to prove the universality of the Noachian deluge, and signifies 
that the beasts of the field in the hour of peril resorted hither as a place 
of common safety, with, of course, the most disastrous result. 

It was impossible to inspect this ossiferous cavern, where the relics 
of so many extinct species of animals have been preserved, without 
being carried backward by a transcendent sweep of thought to those 
early pre-historic epochs of our island, respecting which we know so 
little, but upon which, thanks to the researches of modern science, we 
are gradually gaining clearer light, when, amid dreary caves and gloomy 
forests, the savage wild beasts had their lair, and, issuing forth in quest 
of prey, were wont to prowl at large, unmolested, unrestrained, no human 
hunter ever near to dispute the freedom of their forest range. Before 
the adventurous voyagers from Gallic shores had landed on our coasts ; 
in the remote past, among primeval woods and marshes, when the huge 
hippopotamus disported in our rivers, and the elephant trampled through 
wood and brake ; when Whitestonecliffe was washed by the dashing of 
the deluge, and the vale of Pickering was a turbulent lake ; or probably 
at an era more obscure and distant still, in those far-off recondite 
geological periods ere the glacial phenomenon of Northern Europe had 
locked the land for ages in halls and castles of ice, when Britain was 
still joined to the mainland, and the Thames and the Humber were but 
tributaries of the Rhine, and the wild boar had its lair in what is now 
the bed of the German Ocean — at such a period and so remote, even 
then it may have been, that the fiercest of the forest brood, the dread 
hyaena, gorged and growled in Kirkdale cave. 


There are on the Chalk Wolds of Yorkshire a number of remark- 
able springs bearing this name, and if not strictly ebbing and flowing 
wells, as those at Chapel-en-le-Frith, Derbyshire, they approach to them 
in their character of being intermittent. These springs are of great 
volume, and extend over a district of several miles, and water the dale 
towns above Driffield, passing through Wold Newton, Rudston, Thorpe, 
and Boynton, and finally discharging themselves into the sea at Brid- 
lington Quay. Although they supply several mills in their course, they 
entirely disappear in summer, and suddenly and in great volume reappear 
in autumn, and the stream is called by the villagers the Gipsy Race, 
from its sudden rise and rapid flow. 


Some years ago a railway tunnel was cut through the Chalk 
Wolds for the Malton and Driffield Railway^ and it was supposed to 
have diverted the source of these springs which have considerably 
diminished of late, and caused much inconvenience and drought 
on the estates through which these waters used to flow, more 
especially to that of Mr. Wentworth Bosville, of Thorpe Hall, whose 
ornamental waters, of over 10,000,000 gallons, were entirely dependent 
on these springs for their supply. It was thought desirable to have the 
district surveyed by an engineer, to see if it were possible to regain the 
springs by making an outlet for them on a lower level. This has been 
done by Mr. J. F. Fairbank, and, we are told, a supply equal to 
i,ooo,oco gallons per week has been obtained at Rudston, to the great 
satisfaction of farmers and others in the neighbourhood, who suffer 
much during the summer season from drought in the parched-up chalk 


In the course of the works executed here in 1867, just within the 
line of the north wall of the church, a series of interments, laid east and 
west, with the head of one near the feet of the next, were found to the 
number of seven or eight ; and with them a number of weapons of iron 
and articles of bronze. Among the former were three swords, an axe, 
three or four daggers (presumably : from the state of corrosion it is hard 
to say decisively that one at least is not a spear or javelin-head), a knife 
in a bone handle, portions apparently of spurs, &c. Among the last is 
a pair of tweezers, a curious object consisting of two legs, each 2 in. long, 
set square in the ends of a cross-bar (about half the length of the legs), 
and terminating each of them in movable rings, not unlikely a means of 
suspension for some object or objects unknown ; the remains of two 
hemispherical bowls of thin metal, about 2^ in. in diameter at the mouth, 
and perforated with four small holes near the rim, which probably or 
certainly formed parts of a balance. A plug of lead was also met with, 
which, from the green metallic matter about it, seemed to have come 
from a bronze or bronze-lined socket ; and a shield-shaped and decorated 
plate of bronze, which may have been the shape of a sword or dagger- 
sheath. A small wooden frame was also found, and a movable panel, 
inclosing a small plate of lead, about the thickness of half-a-crown, and 
J in. by i in. in dimensions. The church was dedicated to St. Cuthbert. 

A writer in the Yorkshire Gazette considers, — ^the axe-head, and one 
at least of the swords, are so characteristic that they belong to the period 
of the Danish occupation of Cleveland. The dispossessed owners of 
Kildale, named in Domesday, were Orme and Ligulf j and there can be 
no reasonable doubt that they were heirs — at least successors — to others 
whose nationality was as distinctly declared by their names, as in the 
case not only of these two, but in that of twenty-one more out of the 
twenty-seven owners in Cleveland specified in the Domesday Book. It 


is scarcely a mere surmise that some of the earlier of these settlers — 
perhaps not quite the earliest— might be buried within the limits of a 
Christian edifice and yet not without the accustomed weapons of their 
heathen fore-elders. The swords lay with the blade obliquely across the 
bones of the leg, the hilt at the right hip. The axe lay on the insteps 
of its one-time owner, so that its helve must have reached up to or 
towards his right hand. One or two skulls found with them were so 
unusual in their iorm as to lead to the suggestion that they may have 
been those of the Danish lord's slaves or thralls from the far north, or 
even remoter regions. The dale owes its name, Kildale — a corruption 
of Ketel-dale — to a Danish proprietor, Ketel being a northern personal 



A few notes on the discovery by me of a vast Roman encampment 
at Grassington, in Upper Wharfedale, have awakened considerable 
interest among archaeologists in all parts of the country. Grassington 
is nine miles north of Skipton. It is a very ancient market town, whose 
commercial beginnings are now obscured in the dimness of the past, 
it may however be assumed that they reach directly into the history of 
Olicana and the Romano-British days. The name of the place has, I 
now believe, a different etymology than all previous authorities have 
supposed. Dr. Whitaker in his *• History of Craven," referring to the 
fertility of the neighbourhood, thinks Grassington may mean " the town 
of Grassy Ings," but that it was probably, as also was " Gargrave," from 
" Garri," a Saxon personal name. In a foot note, however, he says, 
" Still I hesitate about this etymology." The researches of later scholars 
have removed all doubts as to the origin and meaning of the name, 
Grassington — or as it is written in the days of the Plantagenets Gersing- 
ton, and still locally so pronounced — was a Saxon clan-station as the 
medial syllable ingy of its name certainly indicates. The compound 
word may be taken to mean the station of the tribe of Ger, Gar or Garri, 
who would be one of the leaders of the invaders, pushed forward 
from Ilkley to occupy and subdue a place formerly held under Roman 
control. In the light of the British and Roman remains of forts and 
intrenchments now known to exist in great perfection in the township, 
and the name by which the locale of one portion of them was anciently 
known, this derivation seems proved. 

The original name of Grassington Wood —now called Grass Wood, 
was '^ Silva Garrs." In this wood are the British forts, and the name no 
doubt distinguishes them from the open and exposed earthworks of the 
Romans on the high ground above. The word "Silva" is distinctly 
. Roman, and means " wood " or " woody.** ** Gars " is also a common 
name in the township to this day. We have in Grassington places 
called " Garr*s-hill,*' " Garr's-lane,*' and " Garr's end." " Garsington " 


was once the name, and it has also been written '' Garston." It is still 
locally known as '^ Gereston " Thus the conclusion that the name is 
historical, is amply supported. There is no doubt that if some proper 
system of research could be organized, many startling evidences of 
ancient occupations would be brought to light and disclose conditions 
of which we are at present completely ignorant. When I discovered 
the British stronghold or rock fortress in Grasswood in 1870, the inhab- 
itants of the district were very incredulous, but an inspection of the 
remains soon convinced them that the works were such as could never 
have been made for any peaceful or pastoral purposes. In addition to 
the above there are circular fortifications at the Park Stile entrance, 
covering several acres of ground. The boundaries of these enclosures 
are well defined by boulder stones, and quite sufficient to satisfy the 
most sceptical of their purpose as a means of defence. Across the 
approach to a rock called Gregory Scar, there stretches a formidable 
trench, of from ten to fifteen feet in depth when first made. The main 
fortifications are on the highest hill or rocky elevation in the wood, 
reached from Gregory Scar, but almost perpendicular on all sides. 
Every possible approach to the chief fortress, it is evident, was defended 
by earthworks. To take a place of such strength it would be necessary 
to employ a large army, and an army well generalled. 

Besides the almost inaccessible rocks in Grass Wood, there was a 
British encampment on the top of Addleborough or Aysgarth Moor, 
defending Wharfedale from attack by the Romans from Bracchium 
(Bainbridge). There was also a trench in Scale Park, near Kettlewell, 
to prevent a surprise by way of Coverdale, where at Thornton Steward 
the Romans had a station. The British who occupied the district were 
the Brigantes, and driven from their capital, Isurium, now Aldborough, 
they would very likely make here a determined stand for liberty. If so, 
the date was a.d. 70, when the Roman Propraetor, or Governor, was 
Petilius Cerealis. The Roman general was the celebrated Agricola. 
The Romans hemmed in the British all round by planting stations at dif- 
ferent points. For the final dispersion of the Brigantes, and the destruction 
of their stronghold in the mountain fastnesses they have pushed forward 
an outpost from Ilkley to Grassington, and that this outpost was one of 
very considerable strength, is partly confirmed by the extraordinary size 
of the encampmont left there. Whatever plan may have been adopted 
and whenever executed, there can be no doubt that we have at Grass- 
ington a Roman encampment of such dimensions and preservation as to 
astonish all archaeologists. It is not less than three quarters of a mile 
in length, and half a mile at least, in breadth. 

The lines of the entrenchments are well defined, rising several feet 
above the ground, and by measurement some of them are 22 ft across. 
The intrenchments are square and oblong. The encampment, like all 
Roman works of that character, is divided into two portions. In the 
portion facing the enemy three successive series of intrenchments for 
some distance, and then more according to the ground, are plainly 


traced. I noticed that the inner intrenchments are nearly always quad- 
rangular. The Romans did not, however, altogether confine themselves 
to a quadrangular figure,— especially in their summer or temporary 
camps. The site of the encampment at Grassington appears to have 
been previously occupied by the British, for several circles occur, and 
in one instance the Romans have sent their earthworks right through 
what has evidently been a British structure. Plenty of water was close 
at hand for man and beast. In one part of the encampment there rises 
an artificial mound, where the Roman standard may have been planted 
in view of the whole army. The main encampment is distant about 
a quarter of a mile from Grassington ; but I have noticed remains 
which may be those of an outpost at Garrs End, corresponding with 
those of another outpost at the bottom of Lea Green, near to a place 
bearing still the significant name of Bell Fort. " Garrs End " properly 
describes the commencement of the Roman intrenchments. The 
mounds which are within the camp should be excavated, as they will 
probably contain interesting Roman relics. 

There is evidence that lead ore has been smelted near the Roman 
station, and at a very remote date. Few, if any Roman coins have 
been found in the neighbourhood. Report speaks of some having been 
found once in Grassington Beck. When I have opportunity I purpose 
to more thoroughly explore the township, and obtain a correct survey 
of the remains to which I had the honour to call public attention. I 
may say that Grassington people are as incredulous respecting the 
Roman encampment as they were of the British forts. One old farmer 
says: — " They are nobbut sheep fouds, or places weer they've grown 
potatoes or patches of corn." When asked if sheepfolds were generally 
built according to one great plan, and with divisions of such gigantic 
proportions as those of the camp, he was fairly nonplussed, and con 
fessed that he could not tell what the remains were. If the people of 
Grassington are wise, they will popularise the Roman encampment in 
their township as much as they can. The Yorkshire Axchaeological 
Society will, of course, pay the place an early visit. I see from the 
Scotsman that the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland is making itself 
fully acquainted with all British and Roman remains over the Border. 
No discovery is allowed to pass unnoticed. Investigations are being 
pursued in different counties of a character similar to those demanded 
by the antiquities of Grassington. 

Bolton. (From Z. if. Weekly Supplement^ Bailey J. Harker. 

A correspondent " Celtic^ Bradford," induced by Mr. Barker's state- 
ments to visit these interesting remains, continues the subject : — Having 
partly examined Grass Wood, we were anxious to pay a visit to a place 
about two miles distant, on the opposite side of the river, where it was 
reported some old foundations were to be seen. Under the cheerful 
guidance of the genial-hearted farmer we were conducted to the hill-side 
in question, and were most agreeably surprised to find circles of stone 
and earthwork of similar character to those in Grass Wood, but in 



better preservation. They are situated on the brow of a hill on a series 
of almost level benches or plateaux above one another, the highest, and 
apparently the last, being considerably the most extensive and best 
fortified by a natural cliff of limestone, which appears to have had any 
slack or deficient points filled up with limestone rock to the natursd 
level of the plateau, and thus completed the semi-circle of defence in 
front. Across the middle of this camp a wall of rough boulders, about 
6 fl. wide appears to have been built, almost facing the series of circular 
camps lower down the hill-side. There is also near here a circular pit, 
about 7 ft. diameter, with walled sides and entrance about 2 ft. wide, 
which may possibly have been covered for shelter or habitation. If 
these are the remains of defensive forts, they are in equally as good a 
position as those in Grass Wood, and are nearly in sight of each other. 
If the antiquarian and archaeological societies of the Riding would com- 
bine together, and assist in getting all the information possible respect- 
ing all the prehistoric remains in their separate districts, they would be 
carrying out a much-needed work, and would doubtless throw much 
useful light on many particulars at present little understood, and might 
explain many things that are now only theory and supposition. If any 
one be wishful to examine the site mentioned above, I have no doubt 
he may do so on application to Mr. John Fell, of Chapel House Lodge. 


As a further evidence of the comparatively unchanged character of 
the inhabitants of the Yorkshire dales even from the Celtic period, as 
well as their undisturbed pastoral occupation, Mr. John Wrightson 
states, in the Agricultural Gazette^ that " The Dale shepherds still use 
the old counting in Nidderdale and Swaledale, in Yorkshire; iu 
Wasdale, Borrowdale, Man, Cornwall, and other places where the Celt 
lingered. The numeration appears to be closely related to Sanscrit, 
Hindustani, old Welsh, modern Welsh, and Romany." He gives the 
numerals from one to twenty which are used in the districts of Knares- 
borough, Old Welsh, Middleton-in-Teesdale, and Nidderdale. 


Yah Catterah. Bumper. 

Tiah. Horna. Yah-de-bumper. 

Tiah de-bumper. 




















Old Welsh. 






Deg-or-dec . 







Saith. . 
















































The place-names in the West Riding including or ending in the 
words hail^ al^ ale^ ele^ &c., according to the index to the Post-office 
Directory, are Adel, Adle, (Adele)^ Beaghall alias Beal {Begale^ 
the hall of bracelets, crowns, garlands, the things with which warriors 
were decorated ; Athelstan was '* of earls the lord, of heroes the bracelet- 
giver" — a significant name occuring so near to the station at Castleford, 
and the entrenchment which afterwards came to be called Pomfret), 
Birstal, Burnsall {Brifteshalle\ Campsall (Cansale^ the soldier's hall), 
Cattal {Cathall^ the hall in the wood of the Britons, Coed-at)^ Elmsall 
(ErmeshalU the hall of Erm or Orm, a chieftain), Gomersal i^Gomershal^ 
the hall of Gomera, a chieftain), Gowdall, Hampall, Hampole {JfanpoH 
the Hednes or Hannes hai^ the gabled or pinnacled hall), Hensall {Hengsfs 
halt)y Idle, Kiddal {Chidal, the white or chalked [limestone] hall, Saxon 
Cilct^ chalked), Loversall {Geureshall^ another chieftain), Newall 
{Niuuehallcj derivation apparent), Nostal (Osele, the osl or east hall), 
Ordsall, Pannal (the hall of mistrust, Saxon Paca, a deceiver, see Painley, 
J^a^kenAall), KowaX (JRuhail^ the rough, stormy hall); Sandal, several 
varieties of form ; Sandhalla, derivation apparent ; Siddal, Sicklinghall 
{Sidtnghall ), Snydale (Snitehala^ the hall on the piece cut off, from the 
primeval woods probably). Standi (perhaps the stone-hall), Tyersall ; 
Warsill or Warsall, Woodall, many varieties, derivation apparent, and in 
some instances referring to a timber structure which would certainly be 
of later date, Wooldale (the hill-hall), and Worral (withalay the hwithal^ 
the white hall.) The names given in bracketed italics are the 
day names of the above places ; the same distinction is adopted in 
those that follow. There are many others consisting of lone houses, of 
which I know a few, as Smeathalls, near Byram ; several Gowdales or 


Cowdalesj Fishlake (^/Jc^/?, the fish-hall; Szxon, Ftxas, Jlsces, fishes), 
Foxholes {Foxeie^ the cattle-hall ; Saxon, Feole, gen, foes, cattle, hence 
property in living animals), Frickley I*richenhall^ the half of the freeman ; 
Saxon, Freo^ free ; Frigan^ to set free ; Friga^ a free-man, a lord), Fris- 
inghall (the hall of the free-man*s children), Damal (the hall of defiance; 
Saxon, dyrrari), Skellow {Scanhalla^ the shining hall), Tanshelf {Tates- 
halhy a chieftain), and others, some of which the writer may have 

Johnson may be quoted as to the meaning of the word hall — Hal, 
Saxon; halle, Dutch. 

1. A court of justice ; as Westminster Hall. 

** O ! lost too soon in yonder house or hall."— PoPB. 

2. A manor house, so called because in it were held courts for the tenants. 

'' Captain Sentry, my master's nephew, has taken possession of the 
haU-house and the whole estate." — Addisok. 

3. The public room of a Corporation. 

''With expedition on the beadle call, 
To summon all the company to the hall." — Garth. 

4. The first large room of a house. 

" Courtesy b sooner found in lowly sheds, 
With smoky rafters, than in tap'stry halls 
And Courts of Princes." — Milton. 

In the guildhalls of " famous London town " and elsewhere, and in 
the town halls of our boroughs, we have an illustration of the ancient 
meaning of this word ; and in the Hallmote {Eal-gemote) we have the 
very Saxon court convened for the business of the locality. We have 
another illustration of the ancient use of the hall continued to a much 
later date in the translation of the Gospel according to St. Mark — " And 
the soldiers led Him (Christ) away into the hall, called Pretorium ; and 
they called together the whole band." The latin word Pretorium meant 
the residence of the magistrate, and was identical with the administration 
of justice. Tennyson also uses the word in the sense of rule and power 
rather than domestic life — 

For Arthur on the Whitsuntide before 
Held court at old Caerleon upon Usk. 
There on a day, he sitting high in hall, 
Before him came a forester of Dean 
Wet from the woods — 

And again — 

For this was Arthur's custom in his hall ; 

When some good Knight had done one noble deed 

His arms were carven only ; but if twain 

His arms were blazoned also ; but if none 

The shield was blank and bare, without a sign 

Saving the name beneath. 

The ancient use of the word hall was, therefore, as a stronghold in which 
justice and punishment were dispensed. The places in whose names it 
occurs seem, then, to have been places set apart by the Saxons for the 


administration of, justice, or at least, for the execution of the law. 
If this be so, those places whose names end in a/, &c., have a significa- 
tion which bears upon the Saxon colonisation and their steps in the 
reduction of the Britons to servitude. It appears to the writer that the 
hah have been the very earliest subordinate settlements j the first to 
succeed the clan-station ; the outposts planted to watch the Celt and 
protect the clan-station ; in other words, the guard-house established to 
maintain order and punish crime on the frontier. 

Started from the clan-stations and the old Roman castra^ the most 
potential points of occupation, which of course have been the first 
settlements, the Aa/has been then established for police purposes; a cordon 
has thus been drawn round the clan-station, or several clan-stations have thus 
been linked together, and inside this cordon order has been established and , 
firm possession gained. Then would follow the development of the clan, 
and the worths^ the tons^^ the hams^ and the leys would be occupied by 
the cadets of the family and the subaltern officers. Of these subdivisions 
the worth would be superior; it signifies an estate, that is, actual 
possession and ownership. I believe the positions of these hah clearly 
indicate this order of things. In consideration of this theory, let us take 
Castleford, one of the prime military stations, and with it the four clan- 
stations — Knottingley, Kellingley, Kellington, and Pollington, on the 
lower Aire, which reach down to the marshland and the cessation of 
population. They are connected on the river line by Smeathall, Beaghall, 
Rowal, Sandhall, Hensall, and Gowdall ; and on the hill line by Tanshelf 
(Tateshalle in Domesday — Pontefract is not as yet), Weldale, Nostal, 
and Snydale. Of these names it will be seen that one only, Hensall, 
signifies possession ; the rest are all descriptive ; an arrangement that 
would naturally come to those who identified a position and not a 
property. Smeathall may mean the smoky or smoke-blackened hall ; 
Beaghall means the hall of crowns or garlands ; Bosworth cites a Beahsell^ 
" the hall of bracelets ;" Rowal seems to be the Ureog-al^ the rough or 
stony hall, which may indicate the increasing inhospitability of the country. 
Hensall is Hengst*s-al, literally the hall of the stallion, but figuratively 
the post maintained by some redoubtable champion, like unto a horse 
as to his strength and valour, as was Hengst, the first Saxon invader of 

Adel, Adhill, A^dle, an old Roman frontier post, connects Arthington 
and Leeds. Are we to look for the roots of this word in Ald-hal, the 
Old Hall, see Aldwoodley, Alluuoldelei, the *' old-wood enclosure," 
close by ? but at the same time we must not forget that Alward held 
Arthington and Adel in Edward the Confessor's time. However, the 
common ownership is very significant. Kiddal is the link that binds 
Collingham, with its other outpost at Sicklinghall, to Parlington, Swill- 
ington, and Lasingcroft. The denser clan-stations of the west, 
Manningham, Drighlington, Bowling, Stanningley, Carlinghow, and the 
ancient foundation at Dewsbury, have around them Birstsd (Briteshall in 
Domesday), Gomersal, Chidsell, Knowl, Idle, Frisinghall, Tyersall, and 


Ordsall ; Bingley, Cottingley, and Cullingworth have Hallows Hfll ? 
(Hal-low, the Hall-hill), Hallas Rough Park, Hallas Hall ; Arthington 
has Adel, Pannal, and Newall ; Hunsingore has Cattal, Sicklinghall ; 
Darrington has Hound-Hill Hall ; Doncaster, another prime military 
station, and the clan-stations of Rossington, Edlington, &c., have 
Campsall (the soldier's hall), Sandal, Standi, Skellow, Scanhaila.) Then 
the marshes intervene, which means that population and with it opposition 
ceases. Loversall, Elmsall (the chieftain's name comes in here, the hall 
of Erm or Orm), Hampole and Haslington, a minor clan-station. Near 
Halifax, an old Saxon settlement peculiar in itself, and not of the genus 
worthy tofif ham^ or leyy and the clan-stations at Stanningley and 
Illingworth, we have Woold-all — the Wald-hal, the Hill-hall, Snydal and 
Siddall, and perhaps Saltenstall, Rawtenstall, and Heptonstall. At 
Rotherham and Sheffield we have Hallam, Worrall, Woodall, and Darnal. 
At Ripon, Walkington^ and Markington, we have Warsill, Killinghall, 
apparently a minor dan station, elevated to such by the necessities of 
potential occupation, yet an offshoot from the major station ; Arkendale 
was of old Arkil-dale, that is the dale of Arkil, a Danish chieftain of the 
time of the Conquest and evidently a later colonisation than its 
surroundings. Crakehall {Crachell in Domesday), Cundall {Cundd in 
Domesday), and Givendale, which may be another subordinate dan- 
station raised from a hai^ where greater power was needed than in 
ordinary cases ; and so the repetition occurs. 

The above is not put forward as a conclusive account ; it may 
perhaps turn out to be erroneous when thoroughly investigated. The 
theory sought to be established or upset is simply this— The Saxon 
colonisation of Britain was methodical ; it proceeded on a military basis 
within measurable limits of time; it was throughout an act of conquest 
conducted by chieftains of whom not a little is known, or may be learnt 
by careful inquiry ; it was not the result of absorption and the survival 
of the fittest of an indiscriminate, undistinguished mass, spreading their 
operations over an undeterminable period of time. The development 
was from the Roman stations, as the invasions were on the Roman lines ; 
military rule obtained from the base to the forepost, and was secured 
before cultivation was commenced in the intervening spaces. Local 
knowledge can alone supply the necessary information. In obscure cases, 
where the ancient hals are represented by a solitary farm-house or have 
been absorbed by large towns, the map does not always suffice ; some of 
them have been entirely swept away, but traces of them Imger sometimes 
in the names of fields, sometimes in woods or in the names of streams 
or bridges, and of any of these correspondents would confer a favour by 
furnishing an account. In all cases, in addition to the written form of 
the word, the vulgar local pronunciation, and, as far as possible, the 
ancient form of spelling, should be given. There may also be some 
obscure or forgotten clan-stations, the names and sites of which might 
also be given through the medium of these columns. 

Leeds. W. Whkater. 


A Decayed Industry. 

Grassington, a quaint little town in Upper Wharfedale, nine miles 
from Skipton, has long been noted for its lead mines, belonging b)/ 
manorial right to the Dukes of Devonshire. The present Duke has 
only a few acres of land on Grassington Moor, on which the office and 
mining agent's house, with outbuildings, now stand ; but he claims all 
stone and minerals beneath the sod. 

Probably the lead mines have been worked for two or three centu- 
ries, as this has been the staple industry of the little town for several 
generations, and many of the houses and cottages have dates over the 
doors going back to the seventeenth century. At that period the town 
was an ancient market town. In 1292 Robert de Plumpton was sum- 
moned before the Judges at York to answer for free warren in all his 
domain lands in Nestefield, Gersington, and Idel, and for having a 
market and fair, amends of the assize of bread and malt of all his 
tenants in Gersington, which belong to the dignity of the Crown. Robert 
claimed the liberties by Charter of Edward, then King, given in 1280, 
which he produced, granting to him and his heirs for ever a weekly 
market on the Friday at his manor of Gersington, and a yearly fair there 
of three days duration, viz., in the vigil, the day and the morrow of St. 
Michael, except the market and fair be to the harm of the neigh- 
bouring markets and fairs ; and free warren in all his domain lands of 
Nestefield, Gersington and Idel so long as these lands are not within 
the metes of the King's forest. It would appear to be safe to assume 
that this prosperity had some connexion with a local occupation beyond 
that of agriculture. On the 12th Nov., 1465, the King granted letters 
patent to Sir William Stanley, Kt., and Joan his wife, the widow of Sir 
John Lovell, Lord Lovell, and to their lawful issue of the Castle 
Manor and Lordship of Skipton-in-Craven, the Manor of Marton-in- 
Craven, with all the towns, townships, &c., thereto belonging, and 
also the Mines of Coles and Leede and all other possessions 
and other appurtenances to the same Castell, Manors and Lordships 
belonging, with all the other towns, townships, hamletts, &c., veynes 
of Coles and Leede, and all other possessions in Craven, which came to 
oure handes and possession by strength and virtue of an Acte of At- 
teyndre of John Clyfford Knyght, late Lord Clyfford." 

This early prominence is a fact highly illustrative of the ancient 
importance of the now decayed town, once a Roman outpost and 
garrison, afterwards a Saxon clan-station and a main point in their sub- 
jugation of Wharfedale. There is evidence in the Roman encampment 
at Grassington that lead ore has been smelted. The miners also 
frequently drive into old workings in their search for the veins of lead. 
These mines may, indeed, be said to be a continuation of those old lead 
mines, ten miles away, near Pateley Bridge, which date from the time of 



the Romans ; and it is an interesting circumstance in connection with 
the latter mines that some years ago there was found hidden among the 
stones on the moor an old **pig" of lead, about half the weight of those 
now smelted, with the name of the Emperor Trajan (a.d. 98) stamped 
on it. The population of Grassington shows a steady decline since 
1851, when it stood at 1,138. In 1861 it was 1,015, in 1871, 830, in 
i88ij 617 ; but this is partly owing to the dosing of a spinning mill, 
which was worked in 1842 as a worsted mill, since converted into a 
cotton-spinning mill, but now closed altogether, as the cost of transit — 
being nine miles from the nearest railway station — ^puts it out of the 
power of the present owner (Mr. Joseph Mason, of Gargrave) to com- 
pete with manufacturers more conveniently situated. Still, the mill and 
machinery are kept in good order, in hope of the long-expected day when 
the projected line to Kettlewell shall be completed. 

The mines in question, during their most prosperous days, employed 
between one and two hundred men and boys, who lived in the 
towns of Grassington and Hebden, about two miles away from the works. 
They worked in periods, or shifts, of eight hours — the first commencing 
at six a.m. and running till two p.m. ; those coming on at two would 
work till ten ; and when demand was good, and the mine was worked 
" all round," another set of men and boys worked through the night till 
six o'clock next morning. While staying a few weeks in this unfrequented 
but delightful district, the writer was introduced to an old but very 
intelligent man, who has worked for half a century under the Dukes of 
Devonshire, and knows the whole process of mining, from blasting the 
rock to smelting the ore. The information now given was elicited from 
him in an afternoon's visit to the now deserted workings. One thing we 
will note in passing. My guide was on the shady side of 70, as before 
observed ; but his step was firm, his back was straight, and his eye was 
clear. Moreover, his father, who had followed the same calling, was 
still alive, though upwards of 90 years of age ; so we may conclude that 
hard work and exposure on the moors breeds a hardy race. These 
miners appear to have been a steady class of men, for the most part 
chapel-goers, and of sober and careful habits ; though out of the small 
wages which they earned (an average of 17s. per week) it was almost 
impossible for them to save money. Indeed, it has often been said that 
the shopkeepers of Grassington were the real workers of the mines, as 
they gave credit to the men, who, when they were successful in their 
" takes," paid their debts. 

On the last Saturday in each month the mining agent, from the 
window of the office, put up «the various ** takes," such as driving the 
galleries in search of the veins, sinking the shafts, or getting the ore and 
rubbish to the surface, which work was usually done by the fathom (six 
feet), the price varying according* to the difficulties met with. Sometimes 
the workings ran through ground so soft that the sides required propping 
with wood every foot of the way ; sometimes rock of the hardest mill- 
stone grit had to be blasted with powder or gun cotton, and the work 


proceeded slowly. The nature of the ground was, however, pretty well 
known to both the agent and the men, who were not very particular in 
the price at which they took the work, as they knew that if they made 
too good a monthly bargain, the price would be pulled down next 
letting; or if, on the other hand, they had taken it too dear, they 
would next time be allowed to have it correspondingly cheap; i>., 
they would demand more and get more for their work. 

There was, however, this disadvantage for the owner, that if the 
men found they had easier work than they expected, they were tempted 
to spin out their time in order to deceive the agent. All candles, pow- 
der, and gun-cotton were charged to the men, and the tools were weighed 
out to them at the commencement of the month — so much iron, so 
much steel — these latter being credited to them when returned at the 
end of the month, so that they were only made responsible for the wear 
and tear. Thus a check was kept upon them, and it became their 
interest to prevent waste. 

The depth of the shafts and workings varied from 40 to 80 fathoms 
(/>., 240 ft. to 480 ft.). The veins of lead ore are, unlike the beds of 
coal, found to lie perpendicular, or with a slight inclination towards the 
north, and can be followed as deep as it is profitable to work, the thick- 
ness varying from a few inches to several yards, though the thickness of 
the veins was no criterion of their richness, many of the smaller and 
thinner veins being more profitable and purer than the thicker ones. 
Another peculiarity of this ore is that the veins have an almost invari- 
able east to west direction, so that in driving the workings, a gallery 
from north to south is sure to intersect the veins if lead is there. When 
ore is found and brought to the surface, it has to go through quite a 
succession of washings, grindings, and screenings, before it is finally 
sorted into heaps according to its various qualities and fit for sending 
to the smelting mills. It must be borne in mind that pure lead is never 
found, it has some mixture of rock, mostly millstone grit, and all this 
must be separated from the ore. One of the latest money items spent 
by the present Duke was for the fitting up of a crushing mill to separate 
the rock from the ore. This is done by immense and ponderous wheels 
capable of crushing the hardest rock, and the motive-power is water, 
which turns a noble wheel of 36ft. diameter, or io8ft. circumference. 
When the earthy and stony particles by which the ore is surrounded 
have been crushed and washed away, the last process is the smelting, by 
which the metal is melted in furnaces, run off into pans, and taken by 
immense iron ladles while in the liquid state and run into moulds hold- 
ing about I cwt. The lead cools sufficiently in about five to seven 
minutes to be turned out in bars called " pigs," which are weighed, and 
each one marked according as it weighs over or under the cwt., and 
piled with others in slacks ready for sale or removal. 

The smoke from the furnace of this smelting-mill has to traverse a 
flue a mile long before it eventually emerges from the chimney on the 
top of the hill. Formerly the hill-side, for hundreds of acres round, was 


destitute of verdure, as every green thing was killed by the poisonous 
vapours. No sheep or cattle could be safely pastured on the adjoining 
hill-sides, as the wind frequently carried the smoke long distances and 
affected everything on which it fell. But a few years ago a clever Welsh 
mining agent of the Duke's suggested this alteration in the fiue, by 
which, instead of escaping immediately from the furnace to the chimney, 
the smoke is made to traverse a long distance, and by means of several 
condensers, fixed at various points, it is rendered comparatively harmless, 
and made to deposit its leaden fumes in such quantities that it soon 
repaid the first outlay, and has since been thousands of pounds to the 
credit of the workings. Two or three sweepings per year of this immense 
flue resulted in the recovery of many tons of the purest lead, which would 
otherwise have been worse than wasted. The hill-side is green again, 
and sheep and cattle may now be safely pastured in the neighbourhood 
of the chimney. The mining operations were discontinued about three 
years ago, but as there was a quantity of ore on hand the smelting-house 
was kept going about another twelve months, so that this might all be 
worked up. There is still about 50 or 60 tons of pig lead stacked in the 
yard, the proceeds of a consignment of ore from the Buckton Mining 
Company, the last work which these furnaces have done, and it was rather 
melancholy to see already the evidences of decay and ruin where for so 
long a period an industry had given employment to so many families. 
The Duke of Devonshire has upwards of 1,000 tons of pig lead stacked 
at Gargrave station ; and it will give some idea of the depreciation in 
value and the unprofitable character of lead-mining when it is known that 
the price is now about ;£" 10 per ton, whereas upwards of j;^20 per ton 
was the market price ten years ago. This is partly owing to foreign 
competition, by which lead, more easily and consequently cheaper got 
than our own, is poured into the market, and partly because lead is not 
now nearly so much in demand as formerly, other compound metals 
having largely superseded it. 

The hill-sides in the neighbourhood of the smelting mill are dotted 
over with the remains of the workings, looking in the distance like large 
mole-hills, but not a soul now goes near them except from curiosity. 
The ladders by which the various levels were reached, the iron trucks, 
rails, tools, and various gears have all been brought to the surface, and 
are heaped together in a rusty pile of old iron, too far from a railway to 
make the carriage worth any price being offered. The barrows are 
under cover, and the remains of the last fire raked out from the furnace ; 
the great water-wheel and crushing mill are left properly oiled, the wire 
rope in goodorder round the drum, but it is too evident that the works 
will not be resumed. The Duke is said to have carried on the mines 
for the last ten years at a positive loss. If this is so, however, there is a 
handsome set-off against it, as my informant assured me that some 
twenty-five years ago he could not have been making less than twenty 
thousand pounds ])er annum out of them. The history of these mines 
is an illustration of the well-known mutability of all earthly things. New 


industries spring up, old ones decay, and populations naturally congre- 
gate where work is plentiful. As for the good people of Grassington, 
they are firmly convinced that nothing but railway communication can 
revive the spirit of the place. There is one thing it certainly would do ; 
it would open up to the tourist and holiday-maker one of the finest dales 
in Yorkshire, and bring into public notice one of the most charming 
summer resorts for the lovers of nature, and in some degree relieve the 
pressure which is felt in the month of August on all the Yorkshire coast 

From the Z. M, Weekly Supplement J. Lucas. 


On the occasion of the visit cf the Yorkshire Archaeological and 
Topographical Society to Ilkley, Mr. J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A. (Scot), 
read a paper on the Ilkley Crosses. He said : The history of the Ilkley 
Crosses takes us back to the dawn of Christianity in the North of England, 
when Yorkshire formed a portion of the kingdom of Northumbria, which 
extended from the H umber to the Forth. Shortly after the departure 
of the Roman legions from Britain the English invasion burst in all its 
fury upon our shores, and separated the Church of Ireland from the rest 
of European Christendom by an intrusive wedge of heathenism. No 
sooner, however, had the English settled down in their new home than 
this wedge of heathenism, which had been driven by sheer brute force 
into the midst of a Christian community, experienced the moral strength 
ofthe Gospel of Christ pressing on it from both sides. • Thus, whilst 
Augustine brought the Christianity of Rome to the shores of Kent, 
Columba carried the Celtic Christianity of Ireland to lona, whence 
Aldan went forth as a missionary to Lindisfarne, where a centre was 
established for the conversion of Northumbria. The moral effect of 
Aidan's teaching was to substitute civilisation for barbarism. One of the 
material results which accompanied it is now before us in the beautifully 
sculptured crosses which, after being associated with the changing 
fortunes of Ilkley for a thousand years, still bear witness to the triumph 
of the religion of Christ over that of Woden and Thor. 

The earliest Christian memorials in Great Britain are rude pillar 
stones, untouched by the chisel, except where an inscription is cut in 
debased Roman capitals on Cryptic oghams, the language being either 
Latin or Celtic. They belong to the transition period between Paganism 
and Christianity, and are found only within the purely Celtic area of 
Wales, Scotland, Ireland, and the West of England. Some of these 
pillar stones are possibly as old as the fourth or fifth centuries, although 
the dates of none of them have been ascertained from historical evidence. 
Next in age to the pillar stones come the elaborately-carved crosses such 
as those at Ilkley, ranging as regards date between the seventh and 
eleventh centuries. The characteristic features of these crosses are as 


follows : — (i.) The cross is either hewn out of one block of stone or the 
head is formed out of a separate piece and mortised into the shaft; the 
whole being firmly fixed in a solid stone base or socket (2.) The shaft 
is of rectangular section, tapering towards the top, and the head has four 
circular hollows at the angles formed by the intersection of the limbs, 
and the limbs are often encircled by a ring. (3.) The ornament is 
usually arranged in panels, separated from each other by horizontal 
bands, and a bead or cable moulding runs up the angles of the shaft 
(4.) The ornament is typically Celtic, and similar to that found in the 
MSS. and on metal work of the same period in Ireland, consisting of 
spirals, with expanded ends, key patterns arranged diagonally, interlaced 
work, dragonesque shapes, scrolls of foliage, and scenes from Scripture. 
(5.) The inscriptions when they occur are generally to the effect that 
" A erected this cross to the memory of B. Pray for his soul.*' The 
characters are either Saxon uncials, Irish minuscules, or Scandinavian 
runes, and the language Old English or Latin. 

'rhere is considerable difference of opinion as to why these crosses 
were erected. Some, such as those formerly existing at Ripon, marked 
the boundaries of sanctuary, others are no doubt memorial, and I think 
it quite possible that many were set up by the early missionaries to 
commemorate the conversion of a particular district, and to mark the 
site of the church which was to be built when the necessary funds were 
collected. The dates of most of these crosses can only be arrived at 
approximately, but it is known that the characteristically Celtic patterns 
with which they are adorned originated in MSS. in the seventh century, 
and attained the highest perfection in sculptured stone work in the 
beginning of the ninth century and in metal work in the tenth and 
eleventh centuries, finally becoming extinct after the Norman conquest. 
The Lindisfarne Gospels exhibit the most perfect specimen of the 
Hiberno-Saxon illumination we possess, and its date is known to be 
between 698 and 721, as it contains a memorandum showing that it 
was executed by the order of Bishop Eadfirth, the successor of St Cuth- 
bert. The magnificent Celtic cross at Clonmacnois, which marks the 
culminating point of Celtic art in stonework, bears an inscription showing 
that it was erected by the Abbot Colman to the memory of King Hann 
Sinna, and its date is therefore fixed by historical evidence as being 914. 
The processional cross of Cong, which is the best style of Celtic metal 
work, bears an inscription fixing its date in the year 1123. Having now 
discussed the subject from a general point of view, I propose to call 
attention to the peculiarly interesting features of the Ilkley crosses. 

The first historical notice we have of these monuments is in Cam- 
den's Britannia, where they are briefly referred to as " pillars of Roman 
work.*' All that now remains of what must once have been three very 
beautiful crosses are the complete shaft of the central one and the muti- 
lated shatts of those on each side. The mortice holes for fixing on the 
heads of two of them still exist, and in the grounds of Myddelton H4II 
is a portion of one of the heads. A few years ago the base of the central 


cross was surrounded by three circular steps, which concealed the lower 
portion, as can be traced by the weathering of the stone. One of the 
other shafts was used for a long time as a gatepost in the churchyard 
wall, and was consequently shockingly defaced. All three shafts are 
now securely fixed in a new stone base, and it is to be hoped that there 
is no further chance of injury. The centre shaft is the most important, 
both on account of its great size and the special interest of the sculptures. 
On one side are the symbols of the four Evangelists, and on the other 
the Lord holding a pastoral staff. From the third to the thirteenth 
centuries Christ surrounded by the symbols of the four Evangelists is one 
of the most common subjects oi Christian monuments, but the method of 
representation changed considerably as time went on. In the Catacombs 
at Rome, in the early centuries, Christ is symbolised by the cross and the 
four Evangelists by four books, or scrolls at each of the corners ; or, 
again, Christ is represented as the Agnus Dei, standing upon the Moun- 
tain of Paradise, from the base of which issue four rivers which are the 
four Evangelists. As early as the sixth century we find the Evangelists 
symbolised by the four beasts described in the Apocalypse, St. Matthew 
having the face of a man, St. Mark that of a lion, St. Luke that of a 
bull, and St. John that of an eagle, and they carry either books or scrolls 
in their hands. Generally the bodies are those of winged beasts, but on 
the Ilkley cross the bodies are human. This curious deviation from 
the usual method of representation occurs only in a few rare instances, 
as on a Saxon slab at Wirksworth Church, in Derbyshire, and in one or 
two MSS. Above the Norman doorway of Adel Church is a good 
example of Christ as the Agnus Dei surrounded by the four symbolical 

In connection with the present subject it may be mentioned that 
the cross at Clonmacnois, in Ireland, sculptured with scenes from the 
life of Our Lord, is referred to in the Irish annals under the date 1060, 
as the " Cros na Screaptra," or Cross of the Scriptures, and the same 
name might fairly be given to the cross of Ilkley. Three of the panels 
of the central shaft are sculptured with grotesque animals arranged 
systematically in pairs and facing each other, or shown simply with 
one paw upraised and the tails interlaced. The two sides are orna- 
mented with scrolls of graceful foliage, such as occur on many of the 
stones of this period within the ancient Northumbrian area, but not in 
the Celtic MSS., or on stones in Scotland north of the Forth, or in Wales 
or Ireland. The carving on the two smaller shafts is of similar character 
to that on the centre one, consisting of conventional foliage and animals, 
together with interlaced work, and in one case a human figure holding a 
book. The meaning of the monstrous animal forms found so frequently 
upon the stones of this class, has not yet been satisfactorily explained, 
but, perhaps, a study oi the various manuscripts of the middle ages may 
eventually throw more light on the matter. In addition to the shafts of 
the three crosses in the churchyard, there are fragments of at least two 
others preserved within the church. In conclusion, I hope I have sue- 


ceeded in showing that the Ilkley crosses axe historical landmarks of the 
very highest importance, both as bearing witness to the establishment of 
Christianity upon this hallowed spot one thousand years ago, and testi- 
fying to the comparatively advanced stage of art culture in Northumbria 
at that remote period. 


Ihe paper on the Ilkley crosses, recently read by Mr. J. Romilly 
Allen at a meeting of the British Archaeological Society in London, a 
report of which was published in The Yorkshire Weekly Post of the 5th 
January, 1884, opens up a most interesting subject, although it entirely 
fails to deal with it in a conclusive manner. It is a subject worthy of all 
consideration, but it has received little that is serious. The form and 
appearance of these ancient monuments, full of visible information we 
have yet failed to read, and carelessly misnamed " crosses," are very 
well known to most people, intimately known, we have no doubt, to 
all who have visited Ilkley. Their origin and meaning are, however, 
quietly put down as matters of very great obscurity ; and in the general 
ignorance the unoffending emblems have been hastily and unworthily 
relegated to " paganism '* and all the horrors associated with it. They 
are works of art, rude it is said, but still works of art ; yet what they 
mean and why they have been constructed are matters which are con- 
veniently said to be either in Egyptian darkness, or plainly the repre- 
sentation of some of the diabolical orgies or practices of unchristian 
savages, according as the faith of " honest doubt " or some one of the 
" creeds " attempts their elucidation. This, we believe, is a mere grat- 
uitous and ignorant assumption. 

It is possible that without being " pagan " and typical of orgies, 
blood- offerings, and Druids, or " the triumph of Christianity over Pagan- 
ism,*' or vice versa ^ they are entirely secular and political, and were never 
intended to have any reference to any creed or church until the Church 
itself began to distort their meaning. This we shall endeavour to show 
by the facts that surround them and the localities in which they are 
found. We will first consider the early story of Ilkley with reference to 
the crosses. Ilkley is well known to have been a Roman station, bearing 
the latinised name of Olicana. It was a garrison of some strength, and 
during the Roman domination watched upper Wharfedale, at the head 
of which the Celts resided almost in unbroken freedom so long as they 
did not disturb the public peace, for the preservation of which the Roman 
garrison was kept up. The Roman domination was succeeded by that 
of the Saxon, who acquired by conquest that which his imperial pre- 
decessor could no longer hold. It is well known that, in accordance 
with military art, the Saxon conquest was made on the lines established 
by the Roman, whose outposts were among the very first places occupied 
by his successor and pupil in the art of war. Ilkley, therefore, which 


could be readily reached by means of good roads and supported along 
open communications, was seized long before the surrounding country 
was penetrated, much less occupied and reduced to subjugation. But 
at this point the similarity between the two occupations entirely ceases. 
During the four hundred years of his undisturbed domination the Roman 
showed no noteworthy signs of colonisation ; during the four hundred 
years of undisturbed Saxon domination the conqueror had absolutely 
overrun the country and made the whole of it his own, even to the 
effacement of the native race. It is in this fact we find the initiation 
and prosecution of an order of things unknown to the Roman. 

Colonisation means reaping the fruits of the earth, which necessarily 
means the buying, selling and barter of goods. In an unsettled country 
buying and selling, the storing and transfer of commodities, can only 
take place where law and order prevail ; that is, where the strength of 
the occupier is consolidated. In the Saxon domination, then, from its 
earliest commencement to its latest development, the laws of commerce 
had to be attended to, and the market and place of business must have 
been the garrison town. As the area of occupation increased, so would 
the garrison towns multiply, and with them the markets, but with this 
difference, the market would increase in inverse ratio to the strength of 
the garrison, which would diminish and eventually die. Ilkley may be 
taken to have been one of the earliest market towns established in the 
Saxon domination. How the other market towns came to be established 
I shall proceed to show as wave after wave of new comers arrive and 
push beyond the last settled frontier. 

The site of a Saxon clan-station is well defined by the word ing 
compounded in its name. About Ilkley we have the clan-stations 
Arthington, Addingham, and Grassington, and the stations descend the 
/ valley by Collingham to Hornington, at the very spot where the Wharfe 
enters the Ouse. The process that obtained in Wharfedale is repeated 
elsewhere. The steps of the Saxon conqftest of Airedale, from the point 
of its invasion at Castleford, the Roman station Legtolium^ are 
uncommonly well marked both westward and eastward, and as inter- 
esting in their vestiges. 

Castleford, or as it was called in Danish times Castraford, was the 
Roman castrum-legeoltum " the camp of the people,** the root-word ieod 
people being also found in the neighbouring places, Leeds, Ledsham 
and Ledston, the two latter of which rose out of the waters at Kippis, 
the hill that stopped the water inundation, according to the combination 
of the Saxon words cepan^ to stop, detain, and ea water. From Castleford 
eastward we have the recurrence of the clan-stations at Knottingley, 
Kellington, Pollington, &c., down to Armyn, where the waters of the 
Aire mingle (Sax. mengan^ to mix) with those of the Ouse and create 
Marshland, at the extremity of which we have Adlingflete, ** the naval 
station of the tribe of ^Ethel or the noble," on the river Trent. And in 
recurrence with these clan-stations we have places whose names end in 
al as Baghal, Roal, Campsall, and down to Crowle, which I take to be 


Cro-al, on a goodly hill abruptly rising some loo feet out of the middle 
of the waters, and marking the edge of the inhospitable fens, where the 
mingled floods of the Trent and Ouse still maintain a swamp that^ de- 
spite all drainage and labour, is one of the most desolate nooks in York- 
shire. It is not unlikely that the first syllable of the place-name is some 
mutilation or modification of the Saxon creag^ which is our crag^ a rough 
broken rock, or point of a rock, a designation which fairly answers to the 
site of Crowle. 

Those places whose names end in al were the sites of Saxon hals^ 
frontier posts pushed forward from the clan-station for a further grasp 
of ground and the maintenance of order on the frontier. They followed 
the clan-stations as the clan-stations succeeded each other. The Saxon 
hal was a place established for police purposes, a common hall, a hall of 
justice, and for the transaction of the business of the community ; not 
the private establishment that the word has since come to describe. The 
original meaning of the Saxon hal still lingers in our guildhalls and town 
halls, which are the seats of a tribunal and not a discussion forum where 
the commonweal is to be considered in Council, which was a Hanshus, 
such as Athelstane granted to the men of Beverley. What, then, Ilkley 
was before the domination passed on to Addingham and Grassington, I 
take it that Crowle was, a frontier post whence a portion of the country 
was reduced to law and order, and where traffic was safely engaged in 
before a further portion of the country was settled and methodised. 

'i'he early history of Crowle is lost in everything but conjecture and 
the faint light that the surrounding place-names afford in conjunction 
with its own. Whatever the Cru-hal might receive its designation from 
in the days when it was but a towering hill in the midst of bogs formed 
by the bursten waters of the Trent and Ouse, and dissevered from the 
Isle of Axholme, or whatever clan-station it might be the frontier post 
of, are matters that need not be discussed here at present ; but I may 
be allowed to assume that it was such a hal and the frontier post in 
which a Saxon garrison was maintained to prevent trouble being wrought 
by the Celts, dispossessed of their fertile and hospitable lands and driven 
into the boggy wilderness which still retains the ominous name of 
Marshland Crowle is now a border parish, having one part in the 
county of Lincoln, and the other in the county of York. It was one of 
the very earliest of the possessions of the Abbey of Selby, to which it 
was given with its church. As a seat of population and Christianity, 
it unquestionably extends into the Saxon days. Its name is locally 
pronounced Cru-ox Crio-al ; in the Conqueror's time it was written 
Crull ; "eodem modo Crull, scilicet, una hundreda quaejacet in vice- 
comitatu Lincolniensi," says the Charter ; a place having soc and sac 
which then were things belonging to high jurisdiction, and a mark of the 
habitation of power. The designation " a hundred," equivalent to a 
wapentake, acknowledges a political importance far beyond that of a 
mere country town ; it raises it into the territorial and municipal 
significance we might expect a frontier post would have and m^ntain 


when it was the last that could be established by reason of the cessation 
of land. Ilkley could not maintain this distinction (or the simple reason 
that the conquests were pushed far beyond it. 

In the parish church of Cnill there is a mutilated pillar now serving 
as a lintel of the doorway between the church and the tower, which pillar 


has been a " cross " precisely similar in kind and purpose to those at 
Ilkley. The point I now wish to ui^e is that these crosses are distinctly 
political, and have no dogmatic connection with Christianity ; they mark 


a social event in the Saxon domination, and are not private memorials 
ro the relics of pic^ty or superstition, but public institutions and the 
emblems of dominion— in truth the " pillars of empire." I notice that 
Mr. J. Horsfall Turner, writing of one of these " crosses " at Walton, in 
Vol. iv. of " Old Yorkshire," says " the number of crosses in the line of 
the great Roman road from Mancunium,ui2 Cambodunum to Eboracum 

is very remarkable Near Slack or Scammonden are High 

Cross and MapUn Cross, and in the north-west comer of Raistrick 
Churchyard is the base of a beautiful floriated cross. Still following the 
Roman road ... is Walton Cross, which bears Roman indications 
in its name." I do not know what the " Roman indications " are, but 
I find that the crosses are on the Roman roads, the mediums of com- 
munication and means of conquest, and I believe that Walton in its 
very name gives a distinct point in the establishment of the Saxon 
domination. I trace the etymology of Walton to the lun of the Walle, 
the spot where the (Welsh) native Celts formed an establishment between 
. some of the intermittent advances of the conquerors. The Saxons 
would find Walton to be a " nest of thieves " just as soon as the arrival 
of a new clan or other reinforcement demanded an extension of 
territory — a process repeated even now in other lands where the Saxons 
do congregate. The Celts would then have to be dispossessed, no doubt 
at the point of the sword, for the natives like modern Zulus and Maoris 
were very much given to fighting. Having driven the Celts off, the 
conqueror would then "fix" himself, and in a short time rear his ''cross" 
which would not be a but pillars, sometimes 

cross at all, but a plain and rude, at 

" pillar of Empire," other times decorated 

the mearc-stan and according to the style 

visible emblem of his of the time in which 

domination, the mar- they are built, still are, 

ked-spot where gov- as they always have 

ernment was admmis- been, the Indication of 

tered, and where the the siteof the market, 

market might be held and the strongest 

and provisions brought evidence that the 

from the exterior in "pillarofEmpire" was 

safety and under the ■. created to mark the 

protection of law, for ' place of government, 

the purposes of barter. and that around the 

Is not the fact that pillar there must be 

" Market - crosses," Scarborough butter cross, an observance of law 
which are not crosses, and order. I give here 

an illustration of the Scarborough " Butter Cross," as the conventional 
type of a pillar adopted in the days of settled Christianity. Such 
crosses are familiar objects in most of our ancient market-towns, and 
bear no mark of the Church about them, except their name and 


This subject is worthy of further consideration, and the combined 
action which alone can throw full light upon it. If the theory be correct, 
it will apply not only to Yorkshire, but to the entire kingdom; the 
discussion of it is therefore open to anyone, and the wider it ranges the 
surer the deductions to be formed from it ; if it be not correct it is not 
difficult to demolish it, and its destruction will certainly furnish much 
information which cannot fail to add to our knowledge of the origin, and 
the reason of the being of those remarkable monuments of the past. 
An enumeration of all known crosses and their localities is desirable. 

One word more as to the cross at Crowle. The chasm of which it 
forms the lintel is the rough, heedless, makeshift work of some negligent 
and penurious official, vicar or churchwarden, and is said to be of recent 
date, the stone being found in the wall when the aperture was made. It 
would probably cost ;^5, perhaps less, to have the now mutilated pillar 
removed from its present position, to some more suitable one, and the 
doorhead decently made, which would certainly be no disadvantage to 
the church, and therefore cannot be opposed en that score. There can 
be no question whether the stone by its exhibition and the lesson it 
would teach, is worth such a sum ; for it is most curiously illustrated as 
to its uncommon and highly suggestive emblems, and, according to our 
opinion, is earlier than the pillars at Ilkley. The church itself is a sad 
ramshackle structure in the last stage of patchwork, decrepitude and 
unsightliness, eminently worthy of being improved off the face of the 
earth; but the tower, wherein the stone was found, is more worthy and 
evidently a specimen of the handiwork of the later abbots of Selby. It 
may have replaced the Norman structure that the earliest of them raised 
some three or four centuries before, at the time when the Saxon church 
was given to them by Galfrid de la Wirchi. Under these circumstances, 
it seems very likely indeed that the ** pillar of Empire," originally stood 
in the market place or churchyard, and that when its signification had 
been lost (in the Norman time, or perhaps even much later), it was 
seized upon as good for building purposes, although a memorial of 
paganisiHj and wailed into the fabric of the sacred edifice. If it should 
turn out that the poor stone was not a dreadful memorial of horrid rites, 
of druidical blood and thunder, of pagan orgies and demoniacal torture, 
but the simple indication of established law and order, the discovery 
will accord with our belief, and it will greatly gratify the feelings of many 
people to see the poor pillar after its many vicissitudes restored to its 
original use in the market-place it indicated * * in the days when the earth 
was young," how much more than a thousand years ago. 

From the Yorkshire Weekly Post W. Wheater. 



Although this interesting relic had been inspected from time to time 
by antiquaries, the discovery of the Runes upon it was left for the Rev. 
J. F. Fowler, M.A., F.S.A., of Durham University, in 1868. In the 
Reliquary for July, 1869, are drawings of it with an article, I need hardly 
say not by Mr. Fowler, making it support the theories of Jacob Bryant ! 
Dr. Ellis, of the Manor House, obtained leave for the stone to be 
temporarily taken out, so that all sides might be photographed, and the 
buried portion of the inscription revealed. I believe it is illustrated by 
Professor Stephens of Copenhagen, in a supplementary volume to his 
splendid work. As to the origin of the ornament in so called " Irish " 
MSS, and these early crosses that is evident to anyone who has given 
due study to the history and grammar of art, and avoided the theories 
of literary men with which the subject is overlaid and obscured. These 
interesting monuments are their best interpreters. They will teach us 
more than books. 

The Crowle Cross very plainly tells us : — 

1. That the single stone which formed the shaft and lower limb of the 
cross was used by the Norman masons as a lintel for the west door of 
the church then building ; and not by modern churchwardens as sug- 
gested. That the semi-arch over it and filling in of lozengy masonry is 
of the same date. The splayed edge was worked when it was inserted. 
The tower into which this door opens is of later date. This is not the 
only shaft of such a cross so used ; in Cundall Church,* Richmond- 
shire, for example, the same thing was done. 

2. That it was a personal memorial is evident from similar examples 
in Scotland particularly one which it very much resembles at Kilcroinan 
in Argyleshire, although of much later date, which has this inscription 
in Lombardic letters . — " Hie est crux Caleni McHeacn et Katherinae 
uxoris ejus." This is engraved in the publication of the Spalding Club. 
There are represented man and wife as at Crowle, and below himself on 
horseback, as he was wont to be the most of his time. At Crowle there 
is even the shield, but it is altogether ruder than the Scottish example. 
Very many of these Scottish crosses bear equestrian figures, and early 
ones carved with spirit and truth. 

3. That so much remains of the lower limb of the cross itself that 
the form and character of the whole can be imagined. 

4. The inscription may or may not be the original one, and Professor 
Stephens has not quite satisfied himself about its meaning. 

*That such a ** cross " has been similarly found in Cundall [jU the Cund-hall) church, 
I take to be another proof of my theory. I notice that the ancient Clan-station of 
Fawdington is in the modern parish of Cundall, another corroborative incident. There 
is a village Crondall, in Hampshire, standing on the Roman road to Silchester where 
Roman coins have been found. This is also corroborative. Ed. 

Whr Leeds Ci^oss. 


5. That it evidently stood erect in the churchyard, and probably 
before any stone structure, when a stavekirk, or wooden church, the 
earliest erection, occupied this site. There was a church here in 1086, 
as we learn from Domesday Book. Stone would have to be brought to 
this spot by water from beyond Doncaster. This stone is 6ft. 6in. long, 
I ft 4in. wide, and loin. thick, and being, if I recollect right, an oolitic 
limestone, would weigh over 8 cwt In Crowle Churchyard are the 
remains of the shaft of a cross and base of the thirteenth century, as the 
form of the stop shows. This shaft has been cut down, and a bronze 
dial (dated) placed on the top, with a handle to help you to mount the 

Westminster [From the Yorkshire Weekly Postl. A. S. Ellis. 


The Rev. G. F. Browne, M.A., Fellow of St. Catharine's College, 
Cambridge, delivered a lecture on " The Leeds Cross and other old 
English Crosses," in the Lecture Hall of the Church Institute, Leeds. 
The lecturer, in the course of his most interesting address, said that the 
north-eastern part of England was very much richer in sculptured stones 
than the whole of the rest of England put together. There was nothing 
in the world to compare with these stones, except the collection of great 
sculptured stones in the east of Scotland, which, however, greatly 
differed in character from those to be found in this district. The 
characteristic of English sculptured stones was that they were pillars 
with a cross head, whereas the Scotch crosses were fiat sculptured stones 
with ornaments on both sides. Turning to the Leeds Cross, he said 
that it had not got on it anything purely Celtic or Hibernian. It differed 
from a large number of Yorkshire stones in not having on it anything 
which could be described as Hibernian in art. He had heard it said 
that the Leeds Cross must have assigned to it a lateish date because it 
had some scroll work upon it, and scroll work was a proof of late date. 
He had taken some trouble to investigate that question, and had come 
to the conclusion that, so far from scroll work being a proof of late date, 
it was a proof of the earliest date. Scroll work was favoured by those 
who took the Roman side in the great controversy between the Roman 
and the Celtic Church 1200 years ago. Those who took the Celtic side 
of the question would have nothing to do with scroll work. When the 
scroll work was very badly executed he was inclined to place it at an 
earlier date, but good scroll work was a proof of the great antiquity of 
a cross. On the Leeds Cross there was a limited amount of interlacing, 
and very little of that was comparatively good. Interlacing work, too, 
was a sign of great antiquity. 

Passing on to the figured panels on the Leeds Cross, they were 
five in number. Usually with stones of this kind one found the four 
Evangelists represented by their special symbols, and this was the case 


with the Leeds Cross, on which also he believed there was a figure of 
our Lord. The various panels of the Leeds Cross were then explained 
by the lecturer by means of tracings. One of the panels represented, 
he believed, the Scandinavian Saga of Wieland Smith carrying off the 
swan maiden. The Scandinavian Society had decided that this supposi- 
tion was true, and that the panel in question had not its like in the 
whole world besides. He then referred to another very interesting stone, 
which was dug up at the same time as the Leeds Cross, and which had 
an inscription. That stone was missing now. He was afraid that it was 
adorning some rockery, and he should be glad if that lecture were the 
means of its being restored. The stone was of the same character as 
the cross. His supposition was that it was placed over the tomb of 
Onlaf, King of Northumbria and Dublin, in 941. Leeds would be a 
very central place for a Danish king to make a settlement in> and after 
Onlaf's death near Lindisfarne, it was very probable that his body was 
brought to Leeds and buried there. In conclusion^ he said that his ex- 
planation as to the work on the panels of the Leeds Cross must be 
taken as supposition rather than fact ; still he was bound to believe that 
the explanation given was in all probability correct Major Moore 
rather questioned the truth of the explanation with reference to 
Scandinavian mythology, asking how we were to account for the fact 
that certain portions of the cross dealt with Christian symbols and 
certain portions with mythology. The lecturer said that if the cross 
were to commemorate the death of Onlaf, who was a Christian, it was 
also feasible that, being descended from the Scandinavian kings, the 
feats of the Scandinavian demi-gods should also be commemorated 
upon his tomb-stone. 

The history of this Leeds Cross, since its revival, is not without 
some little interest. I will give it briefly in the words of one, who, from 
his point of view, speaks with authority. His account is a naive and 
very excellent illustration of the manner in which such ancient things 
were dealt with half a century ago. The account is given in a letter to 
the Editor of the Builder^ and is worthy of reproduction for that 
reason. It is perhaps unnecessary to say that since the date of the 
letter Mr. Chantrell has made the people of Leeds " a present of their 
own old Cross;" but it is rather astonishing to remember that 
Mr. Chantrell was not treated as a common " abstractor of goods not 
his own," when he presumed to take the Cross away. The letter says : — 

" Will you kindly spare me a corner in your valuable paper for a few 
remarks in answer to the incorrect statements respecting this cross, made 
by Professor Westwood and Mr. Way, in their joint paper read at the 
last meeting of the Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and 
Ireland, an account of which appeared in the Builder on the i5lh of 
July, 1S65. In justice to Mr. Chantrell, architect, who I expected 
would have answered for himself, I cannot do better than give a concise 
history of the discovery and fate of this cross. 


**In the year 1837, Dr. Hook, then Vicar of Leeds, now Dean of 
Chichester, commissioned Mr. Chantrell to prepare plans for the re- 
building of the Parish Church. During the demolition of the old walls 
(more particularly the tower) the architect discovered that many of the 
stones were carved, whereupon he offered rewards to any of the work- 
men who should find any sculptured stones. By this means he obtained 
a large and valuable collection of these ancient relics^ and had them 
removed to his residence near Leeds. After clearing off the mortar, 
and thoroughly cleansing the specimens, he discovered he had nearly 
the whole of one cross (the one now in question) and the greater portion 
of a smaller one. In 1839, he read a paper on the discovery of this 
cross, before the Leeds Philosophical and Literary Society ; and after- 
wards in London, before the Royal Institute of British Architects, 
illustrated by drawings, and I believe castings in plaster from the cross. 
Since the discovery, it has been taken the greatest care of, and has 
formed a pleasing feature in Mr. Chantrell' s garden, wherever he has 
resided. It is now with him in the county of Sussex, not far from 
Brighton ; and, strange enough, the vicar, the cross, and the architect 
are all located in one county. I only trust, at the proper time, 
Mr. Chantrell may be inclined to make the Leeds people a present of 
their own " old cross *' (around which, no doubt, the early Christians 
worshipped, before a church was erected in Leeds), so that it may once 
more rest beneath the roof of the Parish Church, after its long sojourn 
in the south of England. 

**H. W. Chantrell." 



A FURTHER interesting discovery has been made which bears 
testimony to the occupation of Ilkley (Olicana) by the Romans. A 
large, roughly carved mural tablet, bearing an inscription (partly 
obliterated by time and the action of fire), was dug up in the course of 
excavation at the Rose and Crown Inn, Ilkley, which is close to the 
Parish Church, and probably within the boundary line of the Roman 
town and fortifications. The circumstances of the discovery briefly 
are : — Mr. Wall, the landlord, having decided upon forming some gardens 
at the rear of the hotel, this necessitated certain excavations, in the 
course of which those engaged on the work came upon an old rubble 
wall, and while clearing this away a large block of stone was found about 
2ft. down, which seemed to have been used as a foundation. On turning 
this over it was found to bear signs of rough carving", hence it was 
removed to a place of safety, the dirt adhering to it was cleared off, and 
then it was seen that it bore both a figure, somewhat roughly carved, 
and an inscription. The stone is 6ft. long, and measures 3oin. across 
the centre, which may be taken as its width. It is in a very rough state 



indeed. The back— that part which fortunately was uppermost — 
evidently has never been worked at all, not even squared, but resembles 
an ordinary flat piece of stone before being worked and as from the 
quarry. The face of the stone has, however, been worked, with the 
exception of about i5in. at the base, which shows signs of having been 
below the surface at some gemote period. The figure occupies about 
three feet, or one-half, of the entire stone, and is, of course at its upper- 
most part It represents a female with the right hand pointing 
upwards, while the left falls losely by the side. Underneath is an 
inscription of some kind, the first two lines of which are all but 
obliterated — the stone showing evident signs of a fire having been 
kindled upon it — but the third and bottom lines are plainly visible. 
The inscription, so far as can be made out, is as follows : — 


H . S . £ 

The last are apparently only initial letters of some well-known words, 
probably " hie sepulta est," — is here interred. The first letters of the 
third line, " Annorvm xxx." would indicate the age of the deceased, 
thirty years, but the other portion is uncertain. Photographs of the 
stone have been taken, and " rubbings ** sent to various well-known 
authorities on antiquarian matters, including Dr. Bruce (of Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne), author of "The Roman Wall;" Mr. J. Romilly Allen; 
Mr. G. W. Tomlinson (secretary of the Yorkshire Archaeological Society), 
who re-forwarded it to Mr. Thompson-Watkin. Mr. Holmes, from 
information sent him, thinks that it is a Roman monumental stone, and 
bears some resemblance to that found in Ilkley some time since, and 
given in WardelPs " Historical Notes of Ilkley, Rombald's Moor," &c. 
Mr. Allen is also of a similar opinion, and Or. Bruce, though not giving 
a decided opinion, thinks it is a funeral stone, and that the inscription 
will probably begin with the letters D.M. {diis mamdus), to the Gods of 
the shades. Next would follow the name of the deceased, who would 
appear to have lived thirty years, from the inscription ANNORVM XXX., 
and he thought he could also see words CON j'ux. The letters in the 
last line H S E (hie situs est) were plain enough. Further excavations 
have been made tiv the hope that something else might be discovered; 
but nothing of moment has been come upon. 

Leeds Mercury. 


SvMEON of Durham assigns the battle to a place called " Weondune " 
or " Ethanwercke." Now these names of Weondune or Ethanwercke 
look as if they had been taken down by Symeon from some verbal 
description of the battle, and appear to have been spelled by him 
phonetically, in accordance with the sound conveyed to his ear. Does 


not " Weondune " mean "Weighton," and " Ethanwercke " "earthen- 
work.** The latter word in Symeon's phonography represents pretty 
closely the way in which it would still be pronounced by an East Riding 
rustic. Now Little Weighton and its neighbourhood are, and always 
have been, notorious for their extensive earthworks, mounds, &c., and 
for their abundant springs of water. It stands, too, on the way or path 
that in Roman times, and for long subsequently, led from Brough on 
the Humber, to York, to Beverley, and to Wawne Ferry ; hence its name 
Weighton. All places bearing that name are so called from being 
situated on some ancient way or path, from the Anglo-Saxon '* weig *' (a 
way), and " ton " (a town) ; therefore the way-side town. Again, was. 
not Brunanburgh (with the omission of the final " g ") the name by 
which the Ancient Britons designated Weighton ? The Cymric, Celtic, 
or Welsh, it is known, was the language of most of the tribes of Britain. 
In the Welsh, the letter " u '' is pronounced like our '• oo " in poor, the 
letter '* y " like " u " in fun. Thus, the word " Brwynen " (a path)- is 
pronounced " Broounen ; " and if we add " burg " to it we haNe 
** Brunenburgh," the way or path town, answering to the Saxon Weighton, 
or way-town. The word burg or borough, however, is not a Welsh but 
a Gaelic word, and I hold it to be contrary to the sound principles of 
philology to endeavour to derive the name of a town, river, or mountain 
from words of two different languages. So I apprehend that " burg " 
has not been the true termination of the word, but ** bur," pronounced 
'* boor," this being the Welsh and Ancient British for an intrenchmei.t 
or intrenched camp ; thus Brunenboor would be the British name for 
the earthworks, intrenchments, <kc , on the path or way from Brough to 
Beverley, at the place the Saxons called Weighton. 

That Brunenboor was also, in Saxon times, the pronunciation of 
the name of the place where the battle was fought, may be seen from 
the Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, where the word is spelt Brunenburh. Have 
we not in Little Weighton found Brunanburgh 1 The author of the old 
Norse poem, " Egils' Saga," describes the battle-field as a rough open 
space, with a forest of trees, scrubs or bushes, such as furze, juniper, 
broom, &c., affording shelter to the fugitives. He also states that a 
certain town stood towards the north, and that downs or brakes lay 
between the forest and some river. The battle-field is also described as 
a plain, which was filled with the dead bodies of the slain. In the parish 
-if Skidby, north of Cottingham, and south of the liberty of St. John of 
Beverley, about half a mile south of Little Weighton — the Brunan- 
burgh of my hypothesis — four ipiles from Brough, and between five and 
six miles south-west of Beverley, there is on the high Wolds a large 
sheep-farm, part of which has been called from time immemorial ** the 
plain.'* This plain is of considerable extent, and at an elevation of 
some three hundred feet above the sea-level. It overlooks a fine open 
country, has the town of Beverley on the north, and downs or brakes 
between it and the river Humber on the south. The plain on the south 
towards the Humber,looking westwards, has a somewhat rapid descent 

68 oLb YORksHiRM. 

into an adjacent valley, from which again rise hills to the south and 
west, through and along which is the old Roman road from Brough on 
the Humber to York, Beverley, and Wawne Ferry. The earthworks 
extending from Brough to beyond Little Weighton enclose these hills 
within their line. Along the whole extent of '* the plain " long trenches 
are found in every direction, in which the remains of many thousands of 
bodies of men and horses, the remnants of leather belts, accoutrements, 
iron-bossed shields, dresses, armour, &c., have been from time to time, 
and are still, found. The quantity of remains found in these trenches 
was formerly so large as seriously to interfere with the marling operations 
of the farm. The trenches are in parallel lines, about seven feet deep, 
and nine feet in diameter at the top. They were first discovered on 
digging pits for chalk. How completely this fact illustrates those lines 
of Dryden :— 

Then, after length of time, the labouring swains, 
Who turn the turf of these unhappy plains, 
Shall rusty pikes from the ploughed furrows take, 
And over empty helmets pass the rake. 

The dead, evidently having been too numerous for burial in the ordinary 
way, even on fields of battle, were gathered in masses and burnt in these 
long trenches. At the bottom of each trench was found three inches of 
charcoal and about twelve inches of bone-earth, bones, &c. Was it on 
this " plain " that the Battle of Brunanburgh was fought ? In support 
of this suggestion we have — (i) The fact that 944 years after the battle 
it is still filled with the dead bodies of the slain ; (2) there are woods 
around it ; (3) there is a certain town (Beverley) to the north ; and (4) 
a river (the Humber) to the south. Besides these facts, there are other 
circumstances in connection with " the plain '* which carry us back to 
the fight. One hill, westward of AnlafFs intrenchments, and overlooking 
the valley, is known as " Rush Hill," significant of the retreat of the 
defeated army, and after their being pursued by a rush of their enemies 
down the hill to their fleet at Brough. On the west of Rush Hill are 
*' Westanwoods," derived from the Saxon words denoting waste, ravage, 
and violence. Again, we have " Thickerdales," derived from the Saxon 
word denoting the lance, spear, or pike, and signifying, as the late Mr. 
Edward Witty, of Cottingham thought, the station of Athelstan's lancers 
or spearmen. We find, in another part of the plain, " the Cowlers," 
derived from the Saxon word denoting freemen ; and this may have been 
the station of the Saxon bowmen or spearmen. There is also, in another 
part of the plain, " the Blackery," derived from the Saxon word signifying 
to shine, dazzle, glitter ; denoting, it may be, the quarters of the West 
Saxon and Northumbrian warriors. Then we have " the Hindercroft," 
where, we may presume, the Saxon reserve was posted. Midway between 
the two camps, and in the centre of the plain, we meet with " the 
Stripes," derived from the Anglo-Saxon word denoting contest, battle, 
&c ; and here we may fairly presume the first great shock of the battle 
took place. Again, we have " Beatrix Garth," derived from a Saxon 


word denoting fighter or champion ; and beyond Beatrix Garth, but just 
outside the earthworks, we find a field called " Hell Garth." It must 
be borne in mind that five kings were slain in this battle, amongst whom 
was Howel Dha, the most famous of the Welsh kings of his time. About 
a mile from the plain, in a south-westerly direction — ^and on the edge of 
what, a few years ago, was a very large wood called " Socken Wood *' 
— there is a large hill and tumulus, ninety feet high,called to this day 
Howel,or Howe Hill.* The word "Socken** denotes a refuge or sanctuary. 
Did Athelstan raise this monument to the memory of his foe, the amiable 
Welsh king, and those of his nobles who were slain in this famous battle? 
Howel 6t Howe Hill tumulus was opened some years since, and the 
remains of many hundreds of skeletons were exposed, besides portions 
of iron-bossed shields, arms, and the like. Again, in a line north-west 
of Howel, or Howe Hill, and at a short distance from the line of earth- 
works, is an enclosed place called ** the Lion's Den,*' near to which there 
was another large tumulus (removed about seventeen years ago), in which 
a large quantity of human remains, shields, and other relics were found. 
The site is, however, still visible. Was this " Lion's Den " the head- 
quarters of the " lion-hearted " king of the Scots, and the adjoining 
tumulus the burial-place of his fair-haired son, and those of his nobles 
who so gallantly died on the field of Brunanburgh to save him from the 
sharp sword of the Chancellor of England ? Two woods yet bound the 
plain, the one called *^ Warnutts " and the other " Backaties ; " 
and close to these are fields called " Loscars " denoting destruc- 
tion, or ambuscade. Are these the woods from whence Anlaffs troops 
surprised and drove back Athelstan's forces, when the famous sea-king 
Thorolf fell a vidtim to his impetuosity ? The names of the surrounding 
villages are derived from incidents of the battle. There is yet another 
large tumulus between Braffords House and Waudby Wood, which the 
late Mr. Thompson says was possibly the burial-place of some great 
chief slain in the battle when Athelstan defeated the allied armies " on 
the plains of the high ground," Was it, then, the burial-place of the* 
other four kings slain at this famous fight ? To the north-east of the 
Saxon camp, in the parish of Cottingham, there was accidently opened, 
a few years ago, another tumulus ; the burial-place we may presume, of 
one of Athelstan's famous warriors, slain in the battle or who died in the 
neighbourhood. The deceased must have been a man whom it was the 
king's delight to honour, because near his remains were found two very 
fine massive golden bracelets, such as Athelstan gave to his favourite 
officers as an acknowledgment of their valour. One of these bracelets 
was recovered, and forwarded by the late Mr. Bethel Jacobs to the trustees 

*There must not be confusion arising from these names, Howe-hill is a reduDd- 
ancy ; Jiozve being derived from the Danish haugr meaning a hill or mound. The 
fact that the mound teceivr d the Danish generic name is perhaps evidence of its pre- 
Danish existence, and so far may support the theory that it is a relic of the battle. 


of the British Museum, who rewarded the rustic finder with twenty 
guineas, and the bracelet is now in their collection. The other bracelet 
was never recovered. Would this be the burial place of that famous 
sea-king, Thorolf, who, sailing by Flanders in the preceding autumn, 
heard of Athelstan's proclamation, and came with Egils, and offered his 
services ; behaving, as we have seen, in the battle with so much courage 
and valour on the side of the quarrel to which he had given in his 
adhesion ? As to the other ^ea-king Egils, it would appear that the quiet 
life Athelstan's subjects passed in England, during the remainder of his 
reign, did not suit him ; and we read that the ship in which he left 
England carried one hundred men or more. 

C. S. Todd, F.S.A. 
From the Leeds Mercury Weekly Supplement 


There is hardly any great and well-known historical event in the remote 
past of Yorkshire which deserves more the attention of local archaeologists, 
on account of the uncertainty of its site, than the battle of Brunanburgh, 
and many will welcome the effort made by Mr. C. S. Todd to settle the 
matter. I have read his remarks with interest and care, but having 
formerly given some consideration to the question without any local bias, 
I feel I am not quite convinced by his very plausible pleading in behalf 
of Little Weighton, near Beverley, as the scene of the memorable con- 
flict. This fight, the decisive Waterloo of the Ante-Senlac era, has 
given occasion for much speculative writing by antiquaries, and it is 
curiously interesting to observe that, when the identification has been made^ 
historians m^erlook the fact. Mr. Green, in his " History of the English 
People," makes no attempt to identifiy the site. Miss Edith Thompson, 
in the " History of England," issued under the editorial supervision of 
Mr. E. A. Freeman, says, " the site is somewhere north of the Humber." 
Archdeacon Churton, in his pleasing *' Early English Church," identifies 
the site with Brunton (on-the-Wall), Northumberland, and quotes 
Professor Bosworth as agreeing with his views, both taking it to be 
the Broninus urbs of Eddy's " Life of St. Wilfrid." Thus we may go on 
quoting from moderns. 

Of the old writers, Sharon Turner, who, in his " History of the 
Anglo-Saxons," has fully examined the subject, apparently leans to 
** Brunton." Dr. Giles accepts Brumby; Ingram places the site as on 
the Trent ; Gibson, Brunburh, or Bunbury, in Cheshire. Brinkbum, in 
Northumberland, is accepted by John of Hexham, and by Camden and 
Tymms. Still earlier, Ethelward calls the place Brunandune ; Simeon 
of Durham, Wendune, in Northumberland ; William of Malmesbury and 
Ingulph de Croyland, name it Brunsford, or Brunford ; Florence of 
Worcester accepts Brunanburh \ Geoffree Gaimar writes Bruneswerce, 
Brunswest, and Brunewerche. In the " Annales Cambriae," and also in 
the " Brut y Tywysagion," we find " Bellum Brune," or " The Battle of 
the Bruie." Camden's *' Britannia " specifies Brumford, near 


Brumridge, in Northumberland. Other places are Brunboro* in Cheshire ; 
Banbury (Oxon) ; Burnham and Bourne, in Lincolnshire ; Brownedge, 
in Lancashire ; and Broomridge or Brinkbum, in Northumberland. We 
gather from the "Saxon Chronicle" that the events leading to the 
occasion of the conflict arose as follows : — \fter Alfred's decease, 
Athelstane, his "golden-haired grandson," found in ascending the throne, 
that he was not seated on a J' bed of roses." Scotland and Northumbria 
had to be subdued. Cumberland, then a subordinate kingdom attached 
to Scotland, gave him trouble to incorporate with England, and Ireland 
became a recruiting ground for the Danes. Wales had been compelled 
to acknowledge Athelstane as her supreme lord. 

Another writer Mr. A.S. Ellis says. — ^The battle-stead has been thus 
very widely placed by various writers, and all accounts, unfortunately, 
furnish scarcely any available geographical data. Only one place has 
been found with a name sufficiently resembling Brunanburgh ; that is 
Bromborough, in Cheshire, and Gibson first suggested this was the site, 
but it is altogether unlikely. Ethelfleda, Lady of the Mercians, daughter 
of King Alfred, founded the burg of " Brunesburg " and a monastery 
there, as we learn from Leland and Henry of Huntingdon. This refers 
to the above place, and its spelling is the same as some instances of the 
name of the battle. The spurious Ingulph says the battle was fought at 
Brunford, in Northumberland, and it is the earliest attempt to locate this 
great fight. In a book recently published, with a most deceptive title, 
'' York and York Castle," the battie is still referred to Bromford, in 
Northumberland! Camden thought it was at Ford, near Bromeridge, in 
that county. Brumby, near the Trent, in North Lincolnshire, has been 
named; also, I believe, Benningbrough, beyond York; as well as 
Brough, on the Humber. The editor of Bohn's edition of the " Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle,*' most unwarrantably alters " Brunanburn," in the Song, 
to Brumby. So much for mere speculation. Mr. Freeman is content 
to say, *' Brunanburh was somewhere in the north, but no one knows 
exactly where.*' One fatal objection to Little Weighton is the fact that 
it is not far enough inland for the pursuit and slaughter of the Danes 
after the victory to have lasted two days before they could regain their 
ships. After giving a good deal of thought to this problem, I have come 
to the conclusion that the suggestion of Mr. Skene, in his learned work 
on "Celtic Scotland" (Vol. I., p. 357) is the best, that this memorable 
battle was fought in the neighbourhood of Aldborough, near Borough- 
bridge. " It unites." he says, " almost all the conditions required for 
the site. . . . The burg south of the heath, and occupied by 
Athelstan, could not have been York, which was too well known not to 
be mentioned by name; it may have been Knaresborough. At Aldborough 
(Isurium) four roads met The Scots would advance by one of the 
northern routes, the Danes of Dublin and the Cambrians by the great 
highway which led from Cumberland by Catterick." These Danes 
probably would come by the Roman way from the Mersey or the Ribble, 
northward of Ilkley. It is certain some trysting-place had been settled 


upon, and that the meeting from various quarters had taken place, 
^laf must have come up the Ouse in his ships, but hardly past York, 
as Mr. Skene suggests. The Norse Saga says that the two armies met 
at Vinheidi (Vinheath), by Vinnskodi (J.e. Vin-Skov, shaw or wood) 
that King Olaf (Anlaf) occupied a borg north of the heath, with the 
greater part of the army encamped on the heath, between the wood and 
the river ; and that south of the heath was another borg occupied by 
King Athelstane's army. Vinheidi is doubtless the same as the 
Weondune of Simeon, and Brunanburh, the Duinbrunde of the Pictish 
Chronicle. If Mr. Skene's solution of the problem be admitted, we 
must look for some heath or moor between Knaresborough, the burg on 
the south, and Aldborough, formerly simply Burg, the borg on the 
north.* I have not sufficient knowledge of the neighbourhood to form 
an opinion. Perhaps Duil Cross and tumulus may have had something 
to do with the battle, the grave perchance ol the Welsh Prince Idils, who 
fell in the struggle. " Idils " of the Saga was probably Idwal Voel, who 
was killed by the Saxons ', but the Welsh chronicles give the date 941. 
Mr. Todd must be mistaken about Howel. I have an idea that 
" Brunanburgh '* was the name borne at the time by Burgh or Aldborough, 
by reason of its destruction by fire by the Danes in 766, and subsequent 
desolation. Although this fact is only preserved by a late chronicler, 
Higden, it is very likely to be true. Brunanburgh then meant the burnt 
burgh. This battle was probably the occasion on which *'Athelstan 
came with the whole army to the church of St. Wilfrid in Ripon," as 
recorded in a MS. seen there by Leland. We may presume there was 
a grand thanksgiving service for the victory vouchsafed to hinL 
The MSS. in the Cottonian collection in the British Museum 
contain the prayer of Athelstan before the battle, commencing — " O 
Thou Supreme Governor ! O Thou Almighty God ! O King of all 
kings and Lord of all rulers I All victory dwelleth in Thy power, and 
every battle happeneth according to Thy governance," &c. 

An Irish chronicle, " The Annals of Clonmacnoise," says this battle 
was fought on the plain of Othlyn, which suggests Gilling, near 
Richmond, the Getling (Ingethlingum) of Bede, where King Oswin was 
killed in 651. This is a likely locality, near the junction of two Roman 
roads, and not far from Catterick, a royal town ; in this case another 
Aldborough might have been the burg to the north of the heath, and 
Sedbury the borg to the south. Othlyn may mean Watlipg, and refer 
only to a heath crossed by a Roman road so called, Watling Street 
being almost a general designation in those days for a Roman road. It 

* These statements as to the place-names must be taken with hesitancy. Borough- 
bridge was anciently called "the Burgh// and what is much more to the present 
purpose it was also called Pundeburg /The letters B and P were readily inter- 
changeable. Have we then in PundMbig a relic of the Great Old Battle, and at the 
same time the reason of being of a curicms name? This probability may be strengthened 
by the article on Knaresborough whidn follows. 


was not Constantin^ King of Alban, who was killed in the battle, as 
constantly stated, but his son-in-law, Anlaf " Curran," the son of a 
different person from Anlaf of Dublin. My interest in the battle was 
first awakened by Sharon Turner's graphic description and the Norse 

As a further contribution bearing on the battle : — 
It shows shrewd prescience in the greatest of our early kings, noting 
in his grandson "the future hopes of England," when he selected 
Athelstane as his successor, for in the latter were found the very 
qualities needed for governing the numerous and contentious people of 
these lands. One ruler after another was encountered, and that 
victoriously, and there was internal peace within the whole realms. 
Occasion for an external rupture arose under these circumstances. 
Sihtric, the son of Mawar, and grandson ol Ragnar Lodbrog, ruled then 
in Northumbria, and Athelstane, in the early part of his reign, wisely 
allied himself with Sihtric by giving him his sister to wife. 

Sihtric was tainted with a blood-loving ferocity apparently then 
inherent in the Danish race, and, Herod-like, had murdered his own 
brother. Irish history perpetuates this king's name for his piratical 
depredations on that " green isle." On his marriage, as often happened, 
and in all probability Athelstane had stipulated he should do, he was 
baptized. Repenting his conversion, he put away his wife, and relapsed 
into idolatry. Athelstane marched to punish him, but, ere he invaded 
Northumbria, Sihtric died. The sons of Sihtric, Anlaf and Godfrid, 
were driven into exile, whereupon Athelstane annexed the province to 
the rest of his kingdom. During the struggle Ealdred lost Bebbanburh, 
and Anlaf 's stronghold at York was demolished. The King subsequently 
penetrated into Scotland, as far as the Highlands, while his fleet ravaged 
the coast to beyond Caithness. Anlaf fled to Dublin, where he was 
acknowledged chief by the Anglo-Danes there, who were very numerous 
in the east of Ireland ; and Godfrid, after fleeing to Constantine, King 
of Scotland, escaped from that Court, and betook himself to a life of 
piracy on the seas. All these subjugated kings felt that, as the bundle 
of sticks exemplified, if they were no match singly against Athelstane, 
they might, by confederation, prove victorious. So from, the Baltic 
States to Holland's flats, Hibernia's bogs, Scotia's hills, and Cumbria's 
fells, were soon moved hosts of warriors. Ireland, being near, and 
having skilled Danish jarls and sailors, accustomed to descents upon 
Albion's shores, became the rendezvous of the rebellious and piratical 
hordes. Thorolf and Egils, two eminent Vikings, sailed, with 300 men, 
from Flanders to join Anlaf at Dublin. This chieftain at once, in the 
autumn of 927, ascended the Humber with 615 ships. Gudrek and 
Alfgeirr, Athelstane's governors in the northern province, were over- 
powered. The former fell, and the latter hastened to his king with the 
terrible tidings of the great invasion. Like a true hero, Athelstane's 
courage rose with the occasion, and he prepared, without delay, nay, 
with all energy, to drive the invader back, and magnanimously offered — 


while still retaining Northumbria— to allow the invader to depart safely, 
provided he returned the plunder he had secured already, and became a 
vassal. These terms Anlaf rejected with scorn. Nevertheless, Palgrave 
states, '^ he yet feared to make an attack, and, in the close of the day, 
disguised himself as a harper, and entered the Saxon camp, but he, on 
retiring, was identified by a Scald who had formerly served under him, 
and who, but too late for the securing of Anlaf, gave notice of the visit 
to Athelstane. Anlaf resolved to attack in the night. So, ordering the 
Welsh and Danish leaders, Adalis and Hyrrgyr, to commence by an 
onslaught upon Athelstane's right wing, commanded by Thorolf and 
Alfgeirr, they marched on the Saxon camp, when a preliminary conflict 
began, in which the general results were unfavourable to Athelstane, 
who lost two of his best Generals — Werstan, Bishop of Sherborne, and 
Hymgc ; Adalis also retreated. Anlaf set his hopes upon gaining the 
victory by night attacks, and for these, learning the position of 
Athelstane's tent, he assaulted the Saxon King, but was driven off. 
Athelstane now saw the mettle of his opponents, and he prepared 
himself accordingly. A day or two's rest ensued. Athelstane first 
arrayed his forces by placing his bravest troops, under Egils, in front. 
Thorolf led his own, being opposed to the '* wild Irish." The brave 
Turketul led the warriors of Mercia and Middlesex. The King himself 
headed his favourite West Saxons. 

Brunanburgh, which, says Phillips (" Yorkshire "), saw " three 
nations crushed, had no fixed place, and no settled name," was the scene 
of the battle, which Thorolf began, and who, pressing too eagerly 
forward, was slain by Adalis, but was quickly avenged by Egils, who 
turned and slew Adalis. Then Turketul gathered a chosen band of 
London citizens and Worcestershire levies, the latter under the mag- 
nanimous Singin, and with these he pierced through the ranks of Picts, 
Orkneymen, Cambrians, and Scots; and, after a hard contest, 
Constantine, the King of the Grampian Hills, was slain by Singin, 
whereupon panic ensued amongst the Northerners. Athelstane and his 
brother Edmund were hotly engaged with Anlaf, and the former in the 
me/^e had his sword broken at the hilt, but, being soon supplied with 
another,, smote his enemies " hip and thigh." At this critical juncture, 
Egils and Turketul fell upon the flank of Anlafs army, and the victory 
was complete. Anlaf fled. The eyes of all Europe, and the praises of 
all men, were now upon and given to Athelstane, who was accounted 
the greatest warrior of the age ; and as customary, poesy and music soon 
recorded his noble deeds. The effect of this, the greatest Anglo-Saxon 
victory, was such that, says Palgrave, the " sisters of Athelstane shared 
in the estimation he acquired. Otho, son of Henry, Emperor of 
Germany, sought the hand of one, and another married Louis, Duke of 
Aquitaine." Phillips says " that to St. John of Beverley, Athelstane 
offered the sword which he had waved at Brunanburgh ; " and at ' Eamot * 
(river's mouth) he made peace with his humbled enemies." (See index 
to Phillips's " Yorkshire.") In Great Driffield Church, just restored. 


lies the eminent St. John of Beverley, where there is a fine monument 
and effigy over the tomb. 

Brayley says that "in Bishop's Stortford parish church window 
(west) is a picture of Athelstane '* (p. 1 1 7). The Salt Library at Stafford 
contains a charter of Athelstane's ^2^*].{Gentlemaris Magazine^ Novem- 
ber, 1880.) 

Now, the question arises, Where is Brunanburgh? The late 
talented Lancashire antiquary, T. T. Wilkinson, .published a paper, to 
which we are in this article much indebted, for "the Transactions of the 
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society,'* 1857, in which he gave, as 
the result of his investigations in the case, his conviction that the 
probable scene of the immediate battle-ground was his own native town 
of Burnley. We will select a few points in his identification. First, 
Burnley is, properly, Brunley. The river on which it stands is the Brun. 
The late Rev. T. D. Whitaker, who — curiously enough, neither in his 
"Whalley" nor ** Craven," names Brunanburgh — gives in the map of 
Whalley parish the spelling as Bfunley. Secondly, the whole neigh- 
bourhood, as is well known, swarms with evidences of British, Roman, 
Saxon, and Danish remains, &c. There is a remarkably large fortification 
at Castercliffe, this locality having evidently been the key of this part of 
Lancashire, and so would not be overlooked by the after invaders. 
There is a line of forts stretching from Colne (close by) to Manchester. 
At Shelfield was a large round encampment. A similar one is at Ring 
Stones Hill. At Broad Bank is another, overlooking the Vale of 
Thursden (Thorsden). Another is found at Bonfire Hill, on the opposite 
slope. Pikelaw and Beadle Hill speak for themselves. Twist Castle 
was a strong, square camp. Ring Stones Camp and Worsthorn are 
traditionally declared to contain in their tumuli the remains of Hyrrgyr 
and the other five Kings. The Red Lees Entrenchments, High Law, 
Oliver Hill, Easden Fort, Thievely Pike, Old Dyke, and Broadclough 
Dyke, are all significant names. Worsthorn may be " Werstan's Hurne,*' 
thus perpetuatmg the memory of the fighting prelate. But Saxifield, /.^., 
Saxonfield, where there are evidences of a gigantic conflict in the great 
numbers of human remains from time to time discovered on its slope, 
affords still stronger reason for identification. And in 18 15, Whitaker 
tells, the mounds were uncovered, and, perhaps, Alric's* grave may be 
here. No find of coins has aroused greater interest than that at Cuerdale. 
Mr, Wilkinson, owing to the moneys themselves, nptly conjectures they 
were the treasure lost by Anlaf after his defeat. In all probability, as 
as he made his way up the Humber, and along the basin of the Swale 
and the Aire (there is a road from Halifax to Colne which is known as 
as the " Danes* Way"), he crossed the Pennine through the Gorge of 
Cliviger (Cleavager), per the Yorkshire or East Calder, into the basin 
of the Lancashire or West Calder, in which Burnley stands. 

*This " Alric ' was a king slain during the Penda conflicts earlier. 


Along the Fylde district, "which stretches from the Wyre at 
Fleetwood to the Mersey at Liverpool, is a road — the Danes' Pad ; " 
and broken vessels, with other Danish relics, have been numerously 
discovered within it. It may, perhaps, have been Aniaf s way to Ireland 
after his defeat. 

Mentioning the facts recorded in Mr. Wilkinson's paper to the late 
Rev. R. N. Whitaker, Vicar and Rural Dean of Whalley (the son of Dr. 
Whitaker), he informed us that he had himself discovered Alric's grave 
(one of the Kings). We believe that the late Rev. Canon Raines, Vicar 
of Milnrow, Rochdale, and the late Sir J. P. Kay-Shuttleworth, Bart., 
whose seat at Gawthorpe Hall, Padiham, lies on the site, were satisfied 
with the identification proposed by Alderman Wilkinson : " The 
transition from Brunford to Brunuley, Burnley, Brunanley, and Brunan- 
burh, is not a violent one."— (Wilkinson.) 

Alric's grave, we understand from the late Vicar of Whalley, was 
in or near Ribchester, the camp of the famous Roman Tenth Legion, 
and from whence they could overawe the whole of Northumbria. 
Cliviger, Dr. Whitaker states, had not a sheep fence within it till long 
after the century had begun. 

Lastly, Warcock HUl, close by, speaks for itself. Every one knows 
that the Danes carried standards with figures or paintings of beasts, 
birds, &c. Ravensburgh, Ravensthorpe, and RavenscliSfe, in York, 
probably perpetuate the erection of the dreaded Danes' Raven standard 

Leeds Mercury Weekly Supplement. 




T was a happy thought which a year or two ago occurred 
to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, orissuing 
a series of histories of the several dioceses of England 
and Wales. In every diocese the appearance of its history 
has been awaited with considerable interest, and in no case 
lore so than in Yorkshire. And with good reason : for the 
istoiy of the archbishopric of York is the history of England, 
he bishopric of York was founded in 62 7, two hundred years 
Defore King Egbert united the Heptarchy ; it became an arch- 
bishopric in 732. The city had existed for many centuries before the 
see came into existence. Eboracum was selected by the Roman 
Caesars as their British dwelling-place ; but the Romans had long left 
our country when Paulinus taught Christianity in the kingdom otNorth- 
umbria and became the first bishop of York. Those were fierce and 
troubled times. The newly-planted religion was more than once in 
danger of being swept away, as had been the case iong before, when the 
British race and Christianity together had been driven into Wales and 
Cornwall. Paulinus himself was forced to flee after only six years' 
episcopate, and then for thirty years York was left without a bishop. At 
the end of that period, in 664, the see was for a while under the care of 
St Chad, who afterwards became famous as the first bishop of Lichfield. 
He was succeeded, in 669, by St. Wilfrid, one of those eminent persons 
whose characters undergo so much discussion by historians in after 
ages, and whose just position in the scale of virtue is so difficult to 
determine. By some writers Wilfrid is held up to admiration as a saint 
and hero, whilst others regard his memory with abhorrence. 

Canon Omsby, who writes the Diocesan History of York, takes an 
impartial view, and represents Wilfrid as arrogant, obstinate, and hot- 
tempered, but full of earnestzeal in the cause of religion and liberty. He 
never spared himself in endeavouring to provide the ministrations of 
religion for every part of his vast diocese. He was in many ways a great 


builder-up of the Church in the North of England. Wilfrid built a 
Minster at Ripon, of the splendour of which glowing accounts are given, 
and he presented for its use a magnificent copy of the Gospels written 
in golden letters upon purple vellum. This book was long preserved 
as one of the most precious treasures of Ripon Minster. He also repaired, 
improved, and endowed the dilapidated edifice in York which in subse- 
quent ages was to be known throughout the world as York Minster. 
The dioceses of the early Saxon bishops were of enormous extent, being 
generally co-extensive with the kingdoms in which they were established. 
Wilfrid's diocese of Northumbria was deemed too large by Theodore, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, who accordingly planned its division, a piece 
of interference which was resented by Wilfrid. However, the diocese 
was sub-divided, and in 735 the great Egbert, Bishop of York, assumed 
the rank of Primate of the Northern Province, from which time the 
Archbishopric of York is dated. The historian Bede died in that year ; 
it is from him that we gain our knowledge of the establishment and 
progress of Christianity in Northumbria. Space forbids justice being 
done in this notice to the memory of the many great and good prelates 
who occupied the see of York through stormy times until the Norman 
Conquest, and to whose virtues and abilities we owe it that Christianity 
was upheld as a power in the land amidst the difficulties and dangers 
which often threatened its existence. 

" One effect of the Norman Conquest was a change as regarded the 
appointment of bishops. They were no longer of Saxon or Danish 
blood. Most of the English prelates' were removed from their sees, 
and their places filled by Norman ecclesiastics. The days were passed 
when a bishop could nominate his successor, and the policy of the 
Conqueror was utterly adverse to the people having any share in the 
election of their chief pastor." The late Mr. J. R. Green tells us of the 
strictness with which William I. enforced his royal supremacy over the 
Church. ?* Homage was exacted from bishop as from baron. No 
royal vassal could be excommunicated without the King's license. No 
synod could legislate without his previous assent and subsequent confirm- 
ation of its decrees. No Papal letters could be received within the 
realm save by his permission. He firmly repudiated the claims which 
were now beginning to be put forward by the court of Rome." There is 
reason for thinking that the first Norman Archbishop of York was a son 
of the Conqueror. His name was Thomas of Bayeux. When he came 
to York, he found the Minster a blackened ruin, and had to restore it. 
Only three of the seven canons were left to carry on the services of the 
Cathedral ; he added to them a dean, a chancellor, a treasurer, and a 
precentor. He also revived the office of archdeacon. A century later, 
a son of King Henry II. was made archbishop, although well known to 
be a worldly-minded man, altogether unfit for the post. After him 
came the famous Walter de Gray in 12 16, who for forty years ruled the 
diocese well and wisely. It is interesting to notice that, in many 
respects, diocesan work was conducted six centuries ago as it is to-day. 


Gray was no autocrat. He took his clergy into his councils, and a diocesan 
synod was held twice a year, much useful work being also done by the 
ruri-decanal chapters. The archdeacons' visitations were stern realities. 
The churches were inspected, dilapidations being also assessed, and inquiries 
made as to the proper performance of divine service. The clergy were 
required to entertain the archdeacon and suite, whence perhaps arose 
the visitation fees which are not yet quite a thing of the past. 

Convocation also was an active power for good in those days, and 
in important matters affecting the Church at large the two Convocations 
of the Northern and Southern Provinces met together for joint deliber- 
ation. In Gray's archiepiscopate the question of clerical celibacy comes 
into prominence. Numbers of the clergy were married . Thomas II. , who 
became Archbishop of York in 1108. was the legitimate son of the first 
Norman Bishop of Worcester. The worst of the practice was that it led 
to benefices becoming hereditary in families. A greater abuse than 
this was the intrusion, through Papal influence, of foreigners into the 
English Church. They got the best benefices in Yorkshire, and the 
stalls in York Minster. The people protested, and at last broke out into 
riot, against so monstrous a state of things. 

Archbishop Gray kept a register, from which we learn a great deal 
about the diocese in his time. It is astonishing what a number of 
hospitals were established. There was the hospital at Northallerton, 
bearing date 1244, with provision for a warden and his servant, two 
foot-boys, three horses, two chaplains, two clerks, a baker, a brewer, a 
cook, and two scullery-lads ; five brethren to attend upon the sick and 
bedridden, and also three sisters. There were thirteen invalid beds, 
and thirty poor persons were relieved daily at the gate. Leprosy was a 
terrible scourge in England then ; there were several hospitals for lepers 
in York, as well as others in other parts of the diocese. Though the 
population of England was small enough in those days, yet there was 
terrible overcrowding in the towns, where sanitary arrangements were 
unknown. During the episcopate of Archbishop Gray, the Franciscan 
friars settled in England, and made themselves very useful as nurses 
amidst leprosy and fever. Matthew Paris says they filled the land, 
dwelling in cities and towns by tens and sevens, having literally no 
worldly goods of any kind, living of the Gospel. They ate the food and 
wore the raiment which marked the extremity of poverty ; they went 
about barefooted, showing a pattern to all of the very deepest humility. 
On Sundays and holydays they issued from their lowly dwellings and 
offered their services as preachers of the Word of Life in the 
parish churches. The parochial clergy neglected preaching — these 
friars were great preachers. Popularity and wealth fast flowed 
in upon them, and they soon had convents at Hull, Beverley, 
Scarborough, and other large towns. From the 13th to the 
15th century hardly a will was made that did not contain a bequest to 
the friars. In time their vow of poverty became a dead letter, their 
popularity departed, and they became the butt of the satirical writers of the 


period. Corruptions often crept into the religious houses. Archbishop 
Wickwaine (12 79-1 286) set himself to reform them, and found that the 
Abbot of Selby neither sang mass, nor preached, nor attended chapter, 
rarely entered the choir, hardly ever heard matins except in bed, and 
was grossly incontinent. Archbishop Greenfield (1304-1 3 16) had to 
forbid the holding of markets in Ripon Minster. 

We get an mteresting glimpse of the cathedral city at this period. 
It is an expanding city, yet grassy and rural even within the walls. In 
1206, a William Fairvex gave a paJfrey for having a place of land in York 
between the demesne of Nicholas de Bugetorp on the left part of the 
bridge of Huse and the land of the same William and the arch 
{archiatn) of the said bridge towards the west, if it be not to the harm 
of the town. In the same year Laurence de Wilton gave two palfreys 
for having the king's confirmation of a certain stone house in Cuninge- 
strete in York, which he has of the gift of Robert de Stuteville — a very 
interesting fact, as showing how the magnates had begun to provide for 
their residential grandeur. It is the home of many Jews in this city, who 
are a political and especially a commercial factor in its existence. In 1 285, 
John le Especer (the spicer. Grocer), junior, recovers seizin in the king's 
court, at York, against Thomas de Berigberg and Adam de Boling- 
brok, of two " shopis," with their appurtenances, in York. The houses 
and " shopis *' of the city are almost entirely of wood, buildings of stone 
being distinctly mentioned when they occur ; but they occur very rarely. 
The Jews' quarter appears to have been sumptuous, and their houses 
above the average, fitted, indeed, for the town residences of the territorial 
order who craved for them. In 1 291 there had just been a scattering of 
the Jews ; after " the exit " of whom William Vavasour, of Hazelwood, 
gets the houses in the parish of St. Martin, Conystrete, which had be- 
longed to Bonamy, the Jew. Robert, son of Thomas Ughtred, of 
Scardeburgh, Robert de Neweland, of York, and Alice, his wife, Wm. 
de Carleton, citizen of York, and Henry de Doneford, got those be- 
longing to Joce, Moses, and Benedict, sons of Bonamy, in Coneystreet, 
Micklegate, and Feltergate. The intermural land was being " divided 
into lots for buildings." In 1302 the king granted to Robert le Mek, of 
York, a certain place in the city in the pool of Fosse, touching on the 
north part of the bridge of the same pool lately vacant, but now in part 
built upon by Robert himself, as it is said with the assent of the citizens. 
He and his kin were to hold it for ever at a rent of ninepence. Robert 
was a man of benevolence as well as of substance. In 131 6 he made a 
fine of 100/- for having license of giving a lay fee, in York, to a chaplain 
for celebrating divine siervice in the Church of St. Crux, in Fossegate. 

The expansion of the city was now shewing decidedly marked ten- 
dencies. In 1302 Edward granted to Thomas de Stodleye a place 
called Dumyngdyk, in York, containing 300 feet, for ever, at a rent of 
4od. In 131 1 the king granted to the citizens seven of the king's places 
vacant in that city, viz., two in the street of Skeldergate upon the bank 
of Use, one called Thursdai-market, one near the church 01 All Saints, 



Us^ate, one called Le Toftes, near the gate of Mikelgate — ^Toft-green 
identifies this site — and one in the street of Petergate, in the comer 
near Deansgate, and one near Christ's Church, in Conyngesgarth, to 
have for a/ji rent — that is, at a rent of fivepence each. Richard 'I'un- 
nock was then acquiring of William the Dean and Chapter, a messuage 


with its edifices in Stayngate. The difference between the rule of Ed- 
ward Longshanks and that of his feeble son is illustrated by the condition 
ofthecastle. In 1326 the king greets the Sheriff of York, because by 
the testimony of the venerable father, William, Archbishop of York, and 
our Treasurer, we agree that the trestle-bridge (pons treticius) of our 
Castle of York, and the other bridge adjacent to the same, and also 
the bridge between the castle and our tower, these, as well as the 
stockade (bretachium) between the castle and the tower are ruinous and 
rotten and in great need of repair.^ The lead upon the great tower is 
much consumed, and our springalds in the castle are disjointed and 
similarly in great need of repair, and there are not balistas, bows, nor 
quarrels or darts for the munition -of the castle. The Sheriff is com- 
manded to repair those things. A few )ears antecedent the Scots were 
ravaging the country down to the very walls of York. They had 
planned an attack upon the city, which was frustrated. It was well in the 
above condition of things that the Castle was not called npon to stand a 
siege, the result of which could only have been most direful. 

In 1349 the great plague came and swept away more than half the 
population of England ; and, when, three years afterwards, Thoresby, a 
famous Yorkshireman, became Archbishop, he found that numbers of 
men unlit for the clerical ofhce had been hastily ordained to fill the 
many gaps which the plague had made. At this time the Pope was 
striving to thrust foreigners into English benefices. The deanery of 
York was held by three Romish cardinals in succession, and non- 
resident foreigners got all the chief places in the church. At last the 
patience of England came to an end, and the "Statute of Provisors " 
was passed in 1351, followeil by the "Statute of Praemunire," which 
renders the carrying of a suit or appeal into a foreign court punishable 
by forfeiture, imprisonment for life, or banishment. 

Another famous Yorkshireman became Archbishop at the end of 
this century, Richard Scrope, whose unhappy end excited strong popular 
sympathy, and is notable matter of English History. To Cardinal John 
Kemp, the son of a poor Kentish husbandman, the see is indebted for 
the preservation of its archiepiscopal fabrics, and especially for the erection 
of tiie stately gateway at Cawood Castle. 



At the close of the century a Dutchman, named Frederic Freez, 
came and settled in York ; he was enrolled on the register of freemen in 
1497 as a " bokebynder and stacyoner." He was the first printer in that 
city, but no book from his press is known at the present day. What is 
called " the revival of learning " may be said to have commenced in 
England in that very year, and how greatly printing aided it there can 
be no doubt. Colet, who, in the early days of his clerical career, was a 
canon and prebendary of York, may be regarded as the leader of the 
revival. Subsequently he acquired fame as Dean of St. Paul's and 
founder of St. Paul's School, London. 

Colet was a true reformer. Whilst he despised the gross supersti- 
tions which Rome encouraged, his chief aim was to inaugurate a reform 
of morals, and to cultivate a truly spiritual religion, with which there 
was no likelihood that Romish immorality and superstition would accord. 
He was denounced for heresy to King Henry VIII., who replied, " Let 
every man have his own doctor, but this man is the doctor for me." 
Shortly afterwards commenced the episcopate of the most famous of 
all the Archbishops of York ; yet, during the seventeen years that he 
held the see, Wolsey, strange to say, was never in York, and did not 
even set foot in his diocese until after his fall. In the latter years of his 
episcopate he held the sees of Durham and Winchester as well. When 
that great event known in English history as the Reformation came, his 
successor. Archbishop Lee,. renounced the papal authority, and protested 
that Holy -Scripture does not sanction the Pope's exercise of higher 
jurisdiction than that of any other bishop. This proceeding in 1534 
met with general acceptance. It was followed next year by a visitation 
of the mona'stic houses throughout England, of the results of which the 
following, concise and judicious summary is given by Canon Ornsby : — 

There can' be little doubt that the case was made as bad as it could 
be against the monks. The general condition of the religious houses 
was better. probably than was represented. In some cases the visitors 
themselves were constrained to express their admiration of the holy, 
useful, and industrious lives of the inmates of some of the smaller 
establishments ^ (which yet, almost in the same breath, they had de- 
nounced as incurably corrupt), and suggested that it were well that these 
should be maintained for the benefit of their respective neighbourhoods. 
It is scarcely credible, moreover, that if the monasteries were such sinks 
of iniquity as it was sought to make them out, the gentry throughout 
the country would have cultivated the friendly and neighbourly rela- 
tions with abbot and prior and monk which they unquestionably did, or 
that they would have sent their children to be instructed in the schools 
carried on within their walls. . . . The suppression of the smaller 
monasteries speedily followed the report given in by the visitors. The 
Act of Parliament for this dissolution was passed in 1536. Three hun- 
dred and seventy-six of these religious foundations fell under this 
enactment, and their possessions were vested in the Crown. The yearly 
revenue from their estates was estimated at ;^ 3 2,000, and their goods 


and chattels were valued at about ;;^ 100,000. It was an act which pro- 
voked a deep feeling of indignation among the people generally, but 
most especially in the North of England. The number of religious 
persons whom it sent adrift in the world was very large. Monks and 
nuns wandered about the country in all directions, seeking food and 
shelter from those who sympathised with the pitiful stories they had to 
tell of being forced out ol the home where they had fondly hoped to 
end their days.* The people witnessed also in many neighbourhoods, 
the desecration of the churches attached to the monastic houses, some- 
times their absolute destruction, and, where this did not take place, 
their application to the meanest and most ignoble uses. It issued ere 
long in an insurrection of a very serious character. 

Yorkshire played a prominent part in the insurrection, the story of 
which forms a most interesting chapter in this volume, and is well 
written by Canon Ornsby. In 1538 the greater monasteries were sup- 
pressed. The King gave the abbey lands to his favourites, sold some 
erf them to wealthy merchants, and even the tithes passed into lay 
hands. Thus many voices which might have raised a powerful protest 
against the robbery were bribed into silence, and acquiesced in this 
spoliation for the sake of religious reform. If the suppression of the 
monasteries had been the outcome of a religious spirit on the part of 
those by whom it was organised, one result might surely have been 
looked for, viz., the application of some portion of their great revenues 
to religious uses. After spoliation came persecution. Two sons of 
Freez, the York printer mentioned above, were among the victims. 
Edward Freez had been apprenticed to the printing business, but be- 
came a monk. Of the cruelties inflicted on him Foxe gives a terrible 
account. Valentine Freez, a freeman of York city, was burned together 
with his wife at Knavesmire for heresy. 

During the Commonwealth in the following century, the Church 
suffered sore persecution. All use of the Book of Common Prayer was 
forbidden, not only in public worship, but even in private hoiiseholds, 
under a penalty of j£5 for the first offence, and ;^io for the second, 
and a year's imprisonment for the third. A large proportion of the 
loyal clergy were ejected from their benefices and exposed to great 
privations. Robinson, the vicar of Leeds, was amongst those ejected. 

* This statement has been repeated in every variety of form, and under every 
species of indignation ; yet it is not correct. Of the 376 houses suspended in 1536, 
it is pretty certain that the professed inmates did not number 3000, a most insignificant 
proportion of the general population ; and of these the great majority— nearly the 
whole— received lite pensions perfectly sufficient to keep them above want, sufficient 
indeed to keep them from a degraded social position. It is perfectly plain to any 
student of monastic expenditure that the cost of keeping a monk and his system was 
twice that of supporting a knight and his family ; it is equally plain that what the 
monk gave to the commonwealth, in return for his mode of living, was insignificant. 
In the whole annals of the English Church, for 500 years, there are not 50 monks who 
have gained the prominence of their secular contemporaries. £d. 


which seems remarkable, for his sympathies were certainly with the 
Puritans. But he probably did not go far enough; Leeds was a strong- 
hold of the more advanced men of that school. He was replaced by 
Peter Saxton, who held that benefice from 1646 to 1651. He is 
worthy of a brief mention on account of an arrangement proposed 
during his incumbency — possibly at his instance, certainly, as we may 
presume, with his sanction — for the division of the great parish of Leeds, 
though it was never carried into effect. The idea was suggested by a 
commission which was granted for the purpose of surveying and sub- 
dividing the great parishes of the north of England, the original reports 
of which are in the Lambeth library. The object was to break down 
all distinction between the parish churches and their subsidiary chapels, 
to form as many parishes as there were places of worship, and to provide 
a competent maintenance in each for a resident preaching minister. It 
was a far-sighted and admirable scheme^ though projected by men who 
had Jittle affection for the Church of England, and was a remarkable 
foreshadowing of a plan which has been carried out in our own day, 
notably in Leeds, and in other wide and extensive parishes in different 
parts of England. 

The last two centuries of diocesan history, from the Restoration to 
the present time, are passed over very briefly, and occupy not two dozen 
pages, which is doubtless owing to the author's laudable desire to com- 
press his work within the limits of a three-and-sixpenny volume. Canon 
Ornsby has given Yorkshiremen a concise and readable account of the 
antecedents of our ancient and famous diocese. Some of the chapters 
which deal with stirring and romantic times are written with skill and 
vigour and appreciation of the opportunity. Other chapters contain 
no small amount of ecclesiastical lore put together in an attractive style. 

From the Yorkshire Weekly Post 


Paulinus, 625, the Apostle of the Northambrians ; died and was buried at 
Rochester, October lotb, 644. 

CEA.DD4, 665, previously Abbot of Lastringham ; translated to Lichfield ; died 
there, March 2nd, 072. 

Wilfred, 669, of an obscure family, but possessing great genius. He retired in 

BosA, 678 : retired 68c 

Wilfred, restored 686 ; expelled in 698 ; died in 709. He founded the 
Monastery of Ripon, and was buried there. 

BosA restored. Died in 705, and was the first bishop buried in the Cathedral. 

St. John of Beverley, 705. Retired to Beverley, 718 ; died May 7th, 721, 
and was buried there. 

Wilfred II., 718. Died or translated 731. 


Egbert, 731. Brother to Eadbert, King of Northumberland, and the friend of 
Alcuin ; died November 13th, 766. 

Albert or Adelbert, 767. Died or translated 781 ; buried at Chester. 


Eanbald, 78a Died 796 ; buried at York. 
Eanbald II., 797. 
WuLFSY, 812. Died 832. 
WiMUND, 832. Died 854. 

WiLFER, 854. The Danish invasion occurring during the time of Wilfer, he fled 
to Mercia ; but was recalled the following year, aud died or was translated 892. 
Ethelbald, 895. 
Redswald, 921. 

WuLSTAN, 941. This prelate espoused the cause of AnlafT, the Danish King of 
Northumbria, against Edred, King of England. He was committed to prison by the 
latter, but was soon released, and restored to office. Died December 26th, 955, and 
was buried at Oundle. 

OsKETELL, 955. Died or translated 971. 

Atheluold, 971. Resigned his prelacy the same year, and lived and died in 

Oswald, 971. He had previously been a monk in the monastery of Floriac, in 
France, and held the see of Worcester. Died 993 ; buried at Worcester. 

Aldulfe, 992. A pious- and worthy prelate. He also held the see of 
Worcester. Died May 6th, 1002 ; buried at Worcester. 

WuLSTAN II., 1002. He also held the see of Worcester. Died May .28th, 1023, 
and was buried at Ely. 

Alfric Puttoc, 1023. Died 1050 ; buried at Peterborough. 
KiNSius, 1050. A man of great austerity, mostly walking barefoot in his visit- 
ations. Died December 22nd, 1060 ; buried at Peterborough. 

Aldred, 1060 ; translated from Wprcester. He is said to have made his way 
by bribes, and was the last Archbishop of the Saxon race. Died September nth, 
1069, and was buried at York. 

Thomas, 107a This prelate was a Norman. He died at Ripon, November 
i8th, 1 100, but was buried at York. 

Gerard, iioo; translated from Hereford. He, as well as his predecessor, 
refused obedience to Canterbury, but at length submitted by command of the Pope ; 
died May 21st, 1 108 ; buried at York. 

Thomas II., 1109; translated from London ; died February 19th, 1114; was 
buried at York. 

Thurstan, 1 1 19. He never submitted to Canterbury, and in his old age retired 
to a monastery at Pontefract, where he died July 5th, 1139, and was buried. 
William, 1144; deprived 11 47. 

Henry Murdac, 1148. This prelate was interred in the Cathedral, though, 
during his life, he never was permitted to enter the city, having quarrelled with King 
Stephen, whose part the canons and citizens warmly espoused, lie lived at Beverley, 
and died there October 14th, 11 53. 

William, restored 11 53. A man of great piety; canonised one hundred and 
twenty years after his death, which happened on June 4lh, I154; his bones were then 
removed to the nave of the Cathedral. 

Roger, October loth, 1154. Supposed to have been concerned in the murder 
of Thomas i Beckett, but he, by oath, denied the imputation ; died November 22nd, 
I181, and was buried at York. 

Gi^OFFREY PL4NTAGENET, translated from Lincoln, 1190 ; natural son of Henry 
II. by Fair Rosamond. He died in exile at Grosmont, in Normandy, December 
i8tli, 1212. 

Walter Gray, translated from Worcester, November nth, 1215. He paid 
the Pope ten thousand pounds for his pall, and also purchased the manor of Thorp, 
now called Bishopthorpe, for the Archbishopric of York ; died May ist, 1255 ; buried 
at York. 

Sewal de Bovil, 1256. He was excommunicated for opposition respecting 
the preferment to the ecclesiastical dignities, but received absolution when on his death* 
bed, which happened May loth, 125S. 


Godfrey de Kinton, September 23rd, 1258. He appropriated Mexborough 
to his church, and it has been since that period annexed to the deanery of York ; died 
January 12th, 1264 ; buried in the Cathedral 

Walter Giffard, translated from Bath and Wells, 1265 ; died April 25th, 
1279 I buried at York. 

William Wickwane, September 19th, 1279 ; died August 26th, 1285 ; buried 
at Pontiniac. 

John le Romayns, February loth, 1286; died March lith, 1295 ; buried in 
the CathedraL 

Henry de Newark, June 24th, 1298; died August 15th, 1299; buried at 

Thomas Corbridge, February 28th, 1299 ; died September 22nd, 1303 ; 
buried at Southwell, Nottinghamshire. 

William de Gren field, January 30th, 1305 ; died December i6th, 131 5 ; 
buried at York. This prelate was obliged to travel to Rome, for the Papal approba- 
tion, and to wait two years before he could obtain it. 

William de Melton, September 2Sih, 1317. A pious and active prelate ; 
died April 5th, 1340 ; buried at York. 

William de la Zouch, July 6th, 1342. Famous for his courage at the battle 
of Neville*s Cross, near Durham; died July 19th, 1352; buried at York. 

John .Thoresby, translated from Worcester, September 8th, 1354. Of an 
ancient family of Thoresby, near Middleham. In his time the Archbishop of York 
was made by the Pope Primate of England, and the Archbishop of Canterbury 
Primate of all England, to prevent the disputes which had previously existed between 
the twa Died November 6ih, 1373 : buried at York. 

Alexander Neyille, December i8th, 1374. A favourite of Richard IL, and 
was translated to St. Andrews 1388 ; but he was obliged to flee from his country, 
and died May, 1392, an exile, at Louvain, in extreme poverty. 

Thomas Arundel, translated from Ely, March 25th, 1309. He was 
translated to Canterbury, and died Lord High Chancellor of England, 1396. 

Robert Waldby, translated from Chichester, January 13th, 1397. A native 
of York, and a friar in the monastery of Augustine, in that city. He was a great 
proficient in all kinds of literature. Died May 29th, 1398 ; and was buri^ at 

Richard Scrope, translated from Lichfield, July 6th, 1398. Betrayed and 
beheaded for rebellion, June 8th, 1405, and was buried at York. 

Henry Boweit, translated from Bath and Wells, December 9th, 1405. A 
very liberal and hospitable man, but not otherwise remarkable : died October 20th, 
1423 ; buried in the Cathedral. 

John Kemp, translated from London, April, 1426. A man of humble 
parentage in Kent, he was translated to Canterbury; he became Lord High 
Chancellor of England, and a Cardinal of the see of Rome ; died 1451 ; buried 
at Canterbury. 

William Booths, translated from Lichfield, September 4th, 1453. Died 
September, 20th, 1464 ; buried at Southwell, Nottinghamshire. 

George Neville, translated from Exeter, 1465. This prelate was brother to 
the famous Earl of Warwick ; he was prosperous in his younger days, but on the 
death of the Earl, at the battle of Bamet, he was accused of treason, imprisoned four 
years, and died of a broken heart soon after his liberation, June 8th, 1467 ; his 
remains were interred at York. 

Lawrence Boothe, translated from Durham, September' 8th, 1476. He 
purchased the Manor of Battersea, in London, and settled it on the Church of York. 
Died May 19th, 1480 ; was buned at Southwell, Nottinghamshire. 

Thomas Scot de Rotherham, translated from Lincoln, September 3rd, 1480. 
A native of Rotherham ; made Lord High Chancellor, but afterwards committed to 
prison. He died of the plague. May 29lh, 1500, at an advanced age, at Cawood ; 
interred in the Cathedral. 

Thomas Savage, translated from London, April 12th, 1501. Courtier and a 
sportsman more than an ecclesiastic. Died September 2nd, 1507 ; buried at York. 


Christopher Baynbridge, translated from Durham, 5)':ptember 12th, 1508. 
Sent Ambassador to the Court of Rome, where he was made a Cardinal ; but, having 
struck his steward, an Italian priest, the man through revenge poisoned him on July 
14th, 1514 ; buried at Rome. 

Thomas Wolsey, bom 147 1 at Ipswich. Though of humble origin, by some 
means a good education was secured him at Magdalen College, Oxford. He after- 
wards was appointed to the rectory of Lymington, in Somersetshire. He was 
appointed chaplain to Henry VII. Being sent on an embassy by the King, he 
acquitted himself so well that he was appointed in 1508 to the deanery of Lincoln. 
After Henry VIII. succeeded to the throne, he enjoyed the most unbounded favour, 
and the influence he thus exerted in the conduct of affairs was such as has seldom 
been exerted by a subject. He obtained in 15 15 the bishopric of Lincoln, and thi 
archbishopric of York. The year following the dignity of Cardinal was conferred on 
him by the Pope, who not lo^ig after appointed him also Legate. The King appointed 
him Prime Minister and Lord High Chancellor of England. In 1529 he was stripped 
of all his honours, and driven with ignominy from the Court. Symptoms of relenting 
showed themselves, however, next year in the mind of the monarch, and it seemed as 
if Wolsey might be taken into favour. The prospect, as it proved, was delusive. 
Being at that time in Yorkshire, the archbishopric having been restored to him, along 
wich other of his minor preferments, he was arrested on a charge of high treason, and 
ordered to be conveyed to. London for trial On his journey he was attacked with 
dysentery ; he died at the monastery of Leicester, November 30th, 1530. 

Edward Lee, December. loth, 1531. Seized by the insurgents in the Pilgrimage 
of Grace, and obliged to take an oath of fidelity to them ; was afterwards pardoned 
for this offence. He died September 13th, 1544 ; buried at York. 

Robert Holgate, translated from Liandaff, January i6th, 1544. A monk 
friendly to the Reformation, and consequently patronised by Henry. In the reign of 
Mary his property was seized, and he nimself committed to the Tower. He died in 
obscurity at Hemsworth, near Pomfret, I553- 

Nicholas Heath, translated from Worcester, February 19th, 1555. A learned 
Roman Catholic priest, to whose exertions the see of York is indebted for the 
recovery of a great part of its present revenues. He was patronised by Mary, but 
was deprived of his dignities by Elizabeth in 1558, who, however, respected his 
merit, and allowed him to retire to his estate at Cobham, where he died and was 
buried in 1559. 

Thomas Young, translated from St. David's, February 25th, 1561. A disgrace- 
ful character, who took down the great hall in the Palace at York, for the sake of the 
lead which covered it. Died June 26th, 1568 ; buried at York. 

Edmund Grindal, translated from London, June 9th, 1570 ; advanced to 
Canterbury 1575 ; died July 6th, 1583 ; buried at Croydon. 

Edward Sandys, translated from London, January 25th, 1576 ; died August 
iSth, 1588 ; buried at Southwell. 

John Piers, translated from Salisbury, February, 27th, 1588. A learned and 
pious prelate. Died September 28th, 1594 ; buried at York. 

MATHEW HUTTON, translated from Durham, March 24th, 1594. He was a man 
of humble origin, but of great merit Died January 15th, 1605. 

Tobias Mathew, translated from Durham, September nth, 1606. An extem- 
pore and eloquent preacher. Died March 29th, 1628 ; buried at York. 

George Montaigne (Mountain) the son of a small farmer at Cawood, who rose 
to be Bishop of London, Durham, and Archbishop of York. Translated to York. June 
6th, 1628 ; died Nov. 6th, 1628. Fuller says, ** He was scarce warm in his church 
than cold in his cofHn." It is related of him that when the see of York became 
vacant Charles I. had many claimants* for it, but was undecided respecting its disposal, 
and sought the advice of Mountain (then Bishop of Durham). The Bishop modestly 
answered that if his Majesty had faith like a grain a mustard seed, he would say to 
this Mountain be thou removed to yonder see, and it would obey. The King replied 
that miracles had ceased, and asked what had faith to do in this point ? To convince 
your Majesty to the contrary, said the Bishop, be only pleased to say to this Mountain 
(pointing to himselQ be thou removed to yonder See of York, and I am sure your 


Majesty will forthwith be obeyed. The King smilingly took the hint, and said, 
" Tlien, Mountain, I will remove thee," and accordingly sent him down as Archbishop. 

Samuel Harsnett, translated from Norwich, April 23rd, 1629 ; died May 18th, 
1631 ; buried at ChigwelL 

Richard Neile, translated from Winchester, April i6th, 1632. This prelate 
was of humble origin, but of great merit Died October 31st, 1640 ; buried at York. 

John Williams, translated from Lincoln, Tune 27th, 1642. Whilst he HUed the 
the latter see he wrote a book called *' The Holy Table," which gave such offence to 
Archbishop Laud that he commenced a prosecution against him ; he was sentenced to 
a term of imprisonment and to pay a fine of £io,ooa He was liberated in 1640. 
After receiving the archbishopric of York, he was again imprisoned, with nine other 
prelates, by onler of the Long Parliament " He will alwavs be memorable in English 
history," sa}rs Lord Campbell, " as the last of a long line of eminent ecclesiastics who, 
with rare intervals, held lor many centuries the highest judicial offices in the kingdom, 
and exercised a powerful influence over the destinies of the nation." Died March 
25th, 1650 ; buried at Llandegay. 

For the ten years during the commonwealth the See was vacant 

Accepted Frewen, translated from Lichfield, October nth, i6£o. He lived in 
a state of celibacy, and would not have a female servant. Died March 28th, 1664. 

Richard Sterne, bom at Mansfield, translated from Carlisle. He had been 
chaplain to Archbishop Laud, whom he attended on the srafFold, and was himself a 

Prisoner in the Tower. Author of a treatise on Lc^ic, and translator of the Polyglot 
tible. He had been suspected of being the author of ** The Whole Duty of Man." 
Died June i8th, 1683 ; buried at York. 

John Dolben, educated at Westminster School under Dr. Bosby, and at Christ 
Church, Oxford. Translated from Rochester, August 23rd, 1683. He was a soldier in 
his early dajrs, and served as ensign at the battle of Marston Moor, where he was 
dangerously wounded bv a musket ball, and at the siege of York. There is a fine 
picture in Christ Church Hall representing Dolben, Till, and Allaston reading the 
liturgy in |>rivate when its use was forbidden by the Parliament. Died April iith, 
1680 ; buried at York. 

Thomas Lamplugh, a staunch supporter of the Church of England, and a 
liberal benefactor to the Cathedral ; translated from Exeter, December 19th, 1688 ; 
died May 6th, 169 1 ; buried at York. 

John Sharp, 169 i, a man of learning, eloquence, and of the most virtuous 
principles ; died at Bath, Feb. 2nd, 1713 ; buried at York. 

Sir William Dawes, translated from Chester, March, 24th, 17 13. A man of 
exemplary conduct ; died April 30th, 1724 ; buried in the chapel of St Catherine's, 

Lancelot Blackburn, translated from Exeter, December loth, 1724 ; died 
1743 ; buried at St Margaret's Church, Westminster. 

Thomas Herring, translated from Bangor, April 28th, 1743 ; to Canterbury, 
1747; died March 13th, 1757; buried at Croydon. 

Mathew Hutton, translated from Bangor, December 29th, 1747; to Canterbury, 
1757 ; died March 19th, 1758 ; buried at Lambeth. 

Robert Hay Drummond, translated from Salisbury, November nth, 1761 ; 
died December loth, 1776 ; buried at Bishopthorpe. 

William Markham, educated at Westminster School, and Christ Church, 
Oxford. Appointed Head Master of Westminster School, 1750; Prebendary of 
Durham, 1759; Dean of Rochester, 1765; Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, 1767; 
Bishop of Chester, 1771; and in 1777 translated to the see of York. He died 
November 3rd, 1807, aged 89 ; and was interred in the cloisters of Westminster 

£dward Vinables Vernon Harcourt, bom October loth; educated at 
Westminster School, and Christ Church, Oxford. He afterwards became Fellow of 
All Souls* College, Chaplain to the King, Prebendary of Gloucester, and Canon of 
Christ Church, Oxford. In 1791 was appointed Bishop of Carlisle, and was trans- 


lated to York January 1S08. He died at Bishopthorpe, November 5th, 1847 » ^^^ ^"^^^ 
buried at Nuneham Courtney, near Oxford. 

Thomas Musgravb, son of Mr. Peete Musgrave, woollen draper, Cambridge ; 
bom 1788, became student of Trinity College 1807, graduated 14th wrangler 1810, 
elected Fellow of his College, which he held until 1837. He proceeded M..\. in 1813, 
became Professor of Arabic 1821, Senior Proctor 1831, Incumbent of St. Mary the 
Great, Cambridge ; Bishop of Hereford 1837, translated to York 1847 i ^^^^ suddenly 
May 4th, i860. He was held in high esteem by all parties in the province over 
which he had presided for 13 years. 

Thomas Longlby, the fifth son of Mr. J. Longley, Recorder for Rochester ; 
bom 1794 ; educated at Westminster and Christ Church, Oxford, where he dis- 
tinguished himself in classics. He was appointed Perpetual Curate of Cowley, Oxon, 
1823 ; Rector of West Hants, 1827 to 1829 ; elected Head Master of Harrow School, 
in which post he remained till he was appointed the first Bishop of Ripon in 1836. 
In 1856 he was translated to Durham, on the resignation of Dr. Maltby ; on the death 
of Archbishop Musgrave, to York, in i860 ; and, on the death of Archbishop Sumner, 
in 1862, to Canterbury. He died at Addington Palace, Croydon, October 27th, 1868, 
aged 72. He was remarkable for his firmness, but ruled with a gentleness which 
made itself felt everywhere. 

William Thomson, the present Archbishop, was bom at Whitehaven, in 
Cumberland, February nth, 1819 ; was educated at Shrewsbury, of which he was 
successively a scholar. Fellow, tutor, and provost. He took the degree of B.A. in 
1840 ; was ordained deacon in 1842, priest in 1843, ^^^ ^^ appointed to Guilford 
and Cuddleston. He became tutor of his College, and was appointed select preacher 
at Oxford, 1848. In 1853 he was chosen to preach the Bampton Lectures, the subject 
being the ''Atoning work of Christ" In 1855 he was appointed to the Crown living 
of All Souls, Marylebone, and Provost of his College. In 1856 he was appointed one 
of the select preachers a second time. In 1858 he was chosen preacher to Lincoln's 
Inn, which post he held tQl his elevation to the episcopal bench. In 1859 he was 
appointed one of Her Majesty's Chaplains in Ordinary. On the translation of Dr. 
Baring to Durham, he was appointed Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol, December, 
1861. He did not remain long in that diocese, for, on the death of Archbishop 
Sumner, Dr. Longley was translated to Canterbury. The archiepiscopal see became 
vacant, and after some delay the appointment was, contrary to all precedent, conferred 
on him, November, 1862, who had not been twelve months a Bishop. He was 
enthroned in York Minster, July 23rd, 1863. His Grace took an active part in 
promoting the Public Worship Act, and had charge of that measure in the House of 
Lords. He is the author of " An Outline of the Necessary Laws of Hiought," a 
treatise of pure and applied logic, which is used in several Universities in this country 
and America as a text-book ; ''Crime and its Excuses," 1855 ; *' Sermons preached at 
Lincoln's Inn Chapel," 1861 ; " Pastoral Letter to the Clergy and Laity in the 
Province of York, in reference to the decision of the Privy Council in two of the 
Essays and Reviews," 1864 ; " Life in the light of God's Word,'* 1868 ; " The Limits 
of Philosophical Inquir)r ; " " Seven Vears in Charge of the Clergy in the Diocese 
of York," 1870 ; ** Design in Nature," a lecture delivered at the Christian Evidence 
Society ; articles on Jesus Christ and the Gospels in Smith's " Dictionary of the 
Bible. He edited " Aids to Faith," 1861, a series of theological essavs, by several 
writers, in reply to *'Essays and Reviews," and he was the projector of the "Speaker's 

From the Leeds Mercury Weekly Supplement, 


On the banks of the Nidd, and about three miles from Wetherby, 
stands Cowthorpe, one of the smallest and most obscure villages in 
Yorkshire. It is still the same tiny settlement of the tillers of the soil 
it apparently was in the day when the first habitations arose in the forests. 
The old records tell us, "Cremple, a rivolet, felleth into Nidd near 


Gowthorpe." The modem directories tell us that the village is wholly 
devoted to agriculture. It is in a flat plain of clay land, and, in the 
olden time of dense forests and bad drainage, most of the parish must 
have been little better than a bog ; much of it is still in that condition. 
Yet, in the leafy period of summer, while the foliage and verdure retain 
their virgin hue and magnificence of drapery, a spot more charming of 
rustic tranquillity, of Sylvan beauty, and of natural bounty, would be 
difficult to find. On every side there is the fatness of iftie land, aided by 
the teeming plenty of a beauteous winding stream. There is the village 
mill, almost shadowed by an oak of unparalleled age and grandeur, in 
whose being eras are wrapped up. And on the brink of the river, 
whose murmuring waters are speaking of eternity, the clanking mill 
wheel yet revolves, and near there stands the village church, a strange 
type of that murmuring flow, as the harbour of the gliding current of ' 
life. Cowthorpe is of great antiquity, and represents one of the earliest 
settlements in the Norse colonisation. Its eastern boundary is formed by 
the old Roman road which led from Calcaria (Tadcaster) to Isurium 

The village is mentioned in Domesday as Colethorpe — ^the ceorl, 
churl, or peasants' thorpe or village. Its origin seems to have been in 
the farmstead of a superior establishment, presumably at Ingmanthorpe 
or Kirk-Deighton. At the Conquest it had three carucates of land, that 
is 360 acres under cultivation ; and there were two ploughs in the village 
belonging to the lord, and one belonging to three villanes. Of wood 
pasture, that is, rough broken pasture land, there were 160 acres. The 
remainder of the 1370a. ir. 2 5 p., which the parish contains, was wood 
and bog, of which a considerable quantity still remains. But in those 
early times there was a church there, although the one at Kirk-Deighton 
was so near. 

Before the Norman Conquest, Cowthorpe seems to have belonged 
to Merlesweyn, the lord of Deighton, whose keen battle-axe hewed for 
him such fame in the opposition to the Normans in 1069. The village 
appears to have been from the earliest period of its history an adjunct of 
and entirely subordinate to Deighton, which we know was the 
residence of the lord. After the Conquest the parish fell lo the lot of 
William de Percy, who sub-infeudated it to a subordinate Norman, 
Godefrid Alsalin. In the twelfth century, that dark time as to the titles 
of property, we find some of the land had reverted to the villagers, for 
on the establishment of the Preceptory of Knights Templars at Ribston, 
by Robert de Ros of Ingmanthorpe, Alan the Carpenter of Colethorpe, 
gave to them several lands in the township. 

The first mention we have of the church after the Domesday 
account is in 1 206, when GefTrey Colethorpe and Alice his wife, and Geffi-ey 
Werrebi and Isabel his wife, who possibly may have been the daughters 
of Robert de Ros, demanded the advowson against Nigel Plumpton, 
tenant, but it was settled by law that the right belonged to Nigel and 
his heirs. This date and circumstances may possibly mark the period 


of the second or Norman edifice which succeeded the earlier or Saxon 
structure. The settlement was not, however, beyond controversy. In 
1256 William de Ireby, guardian of the lands and heir of Nigel de 
Plumplon, gives 20/- for an assize concerning the church of Cowthorpe. 
The arrangement then come to seems to have endured until some time 
previous to 1284, when the town was held by Adam, son of Alan de 
Walkyngham, for the fourthpart of a knight's fee, of Robert de Ptumpton, 
and of course the advowson went with it. Out knowledge of the com- 


niencement of the Walkynghams is slight ; but they were, however, of 
some consideration. I take the above Alan to have been the great 
Advocate. In 1267 Agnes, who was the wife of John de Walkyngham, 
gave half a mark for having an assi.-'.e, apparently as to lands. In 1286 
Nicholas Mehon recovered his seizin against Adam, son of Alan de 
■Walkyngham, Richard Knout and Eva his wife, of ^^lo rent with ap- 
purtenances in Colethorpe. John Walkyngham, who held of the King 
in capite, died in 1395, when the King took the homage of Thomas 


de Walkyngham, his son and heir, for all the lands and tenements in 
Yorkshire. This is the last territorial notice of the family which occurs 
to me for a considerable time. 

The first recorded presentation to the Rectory of Cowthorpe occurs 
in 1289, when Sir Richard Roukesburgh presents, by reason of having 
the custody of certain parts of the land of Adam, son and heir of the 
above Alan, who was very probably no other than the son of Alan the 
Carpenter. There is at this time a little obscurity about the history of 
Cowthorpe. During some part of the reign of Edward I., William 
Rither held the manor, but only as a feoffee, not as a tenant. In 1301, 
Henry de Herdewyke and Margery his wife were cast in damages at 
York for Estover in xoo acres of wood of the wood of Cowthorpe, 
claimed against John de Walkingham. It is not until 1333 that a 
Walkynghain presents, and then the family appear to have no longer 
resided in the village, but to have been settled at Ravensthorpe, near 
Dewsbury. Joan VValkyngham, ** living at her manor of Ravensthorpe " 
in 1346, leaves a vestment to Sir Nicholas de Cantilupe, and her body 
to be buried near that of her husband. Sir John de Walkyngton, in the 
Church of St Felix. In 1293, William de Cantilupe and Emma his 
wife have free warren in all their lands in Aston, Kereby, Ravensthorpe, 
&c, and infangtheof and gallows in the said towns. 

The Walkynghams presented twice ; they were succeeded by the 
De la Poles, sons of the opulent Hull merchant, who so greatly 
assisted Edward III., and were created Earls of Suffolk. They presented 
three times. In 1390, Richard II. granted to Edward De la Pole and 
others in fee, among other lands, seven bovates of land in Cowthorpe 
by service thereof. They in turn were succeeded by the De Burghs, a 
race of soldiers who seemingly had their rise in the days of the 
Edwards. In 132 1, the King appointed Thomas del Burgh escheator 
beyond Trent In 1330, a Thomas del Burgh, parson of the church of 
Brigham, made a fine of six marks for leave to give in mortmain a lay 
fee in Brigham. In 1332, one of these, probably the latter, was 
appointed the king's treasurer in Dublin. In 1337, the. king granted to 
John de Verdoun, and Thomas de Verdoun his brother, the custody 
of the manors of Swaffham and Burgh with their appurtenances in 
Cambridgshire which belonged to Thomas de Burgh defunct, to have 
to the legitimate age of the heir, paying them 40 marks. This was not 
the treasurer of Ireland, for subsequcndy, in the same year, we find him 
crossing and recrossing the channel. In 1336, Thomas de Burgh was 
the king's chamberlain, at Berwick-upon-Tweed ; in the same year he 
was appointed the king's chancellor of the town of Berwick, and all 
the king's lands beyond Tweed and in Scotland. This Thomas died 
in 1347, when his heirs were found to be under age. Richard Burgh, 
who married Margaret, daughter of Thomas Roos of Kendal, died in 
December, 1407 ; he gave all his manor of Cowthorpe and the advowson 
of the church to Margaret his wife for the term of her life, the remainder 
to John del Burgh his son. In 1441, there is an exemplification of 


the last will of John Burgh, of Colthorpe armiger^ concerning his manor 
of Colthorpe and all his other lands and tenements in Co. Ebor and in 
Appleby, Co. West., and the decree in Chancery made for the same for 
Brian Roucliffe and divers others of the same cognomen in general 
tail. {CaL Rot. Pat. 284.) In the 33rd Henry VL, 1454, Thomas 
Burgh, Esq., son and heir of Thomas Burgh, late of Cowthorpe, Esq., 
ratified the Ftate and possession of Brian Roucliffe, third baron of the 
exchequer, son of Joan, wife of Guy Roucliffe, sister of the aforesaid 
John Burgh, in the manor of Cowthorpe, with the advowson of the 
church of the said town, and the land in Bickerton. In 1476 the title 
seems to have been completed by a full exemplification of certain fines 
and records concerning the manor of Colthorpe, &c., for Brian 
Roucliffe. (CV7/. Rot, Pat, 321.) As it is in Brian Rouchffe that the 
great event in the ecclesiastical history of Cowthorpe centres, I will give 
a list of the rectors prior to his time before touching further on the 
subsequent matters. 

The old church, dedicated to St Michael, was most likely to have 
been a Norman edifice of a late type, built during or shortly after the 
third crusade, when the patronage of that saint was mostly sought after, 
especially by Crusaders, and of course among them the Templars, who 
owned part of the parish. The edifice, which was probably the 
successor of the Saxon church, stood in a field in Cowthorpe Lane, 
within a couple of hundred yards of the Cowthorpe and Deighton 
boundary. The land thereabouts is still called the '* Chapel Fields," 
but not a vestige of the chapel remains, for reasons which we shall 
hereafter learn. The first recorded rector is 

Richard de Roukesburgh, priest, whv was instituted 4th Kalends of May 
(28th April), 1289, by Sir Richard de Roukesburgh. Either he or some other 
clergyman whose name is now lost was instituted on the 2nd Nones (4th) of December, 
1289, by reason of the custody of certain parts of the land of Adam, son and heir of 
Alan de Walkyngham. This institution is not given in Torre's list. 

Robert Fitzwilliam de Holdercle, subdeacon, instituted 6th Kalends of June 
(27th May), 1292, by bir Richard de Roukesburgh, who was still remaining a feoffee 
of the Walkyngham estates. 

Richard de Yerdeley, priest, instituted 6th I3es (8th) January, 1303 (or 3d 
Nones, 6th July, 1303) unless this also refers to another institution, the name of the 
rector being lost), by Sir William de Cantilupe, by right of the dowry of Eva his 
wife, the daughter and co-heiress of William Broase, Lord of Brecknock and 
Abergavenny, and in her right became possessed of that honour. He appears to have 
been a native, and really the nominee of the Plumptcns. Alice, daughter of Adam 
de Yerdeley, gave to Walter, son of Serlo de Plumpton, and his heirs, his whole right 
in six acres of land in FoUifait Witnesses, Sir Robert de Plumpton, Wm. de 
Hertlington, and Richard de Stockeld. 

John de Sprotton, priest, instituted Nones (7th) May, 1332, by Sir John de 
Walkyngham, of Ravensthorpe, who died before 1346, and is buried in the church of 
St. FeUx at Ravensthorpe. This indicates the date of the removal of the family of 
Walkyngham from Cowthorpe. It is probable that he resigned the living but 
continued in the service of his patron, whose widow Joan, died in 1346, and left him 
a legacy of 4od. As illustrating the times, and to recall some of the forgotten dead, 
and other incidents in the history of the parish, wo will give extracts from her will : — 
" I give to Dominus Nicholas de Cantilupe a vestment of serico^ viz., a chasuble, tunic. 


and a dalmatic, and also the best gold clasp {firmaculum) that 1 have. I give to 
Anthony de Ross 5 marks; tu Elizabeth de Walkyngham, 40s.; to Agnes de 
Ingmanthorpe, a cow ; to £va de Kos, 10 marks ; to Adam de Colthorpe, a cow 
and half a mark/' 

Waltkr de Creton, priest, instituted 16 Kalends March (14th Feb.), 1324, 
by Sir John de Walkyngham. He was one of the executors of Joan de Walkyngham, 
the widow of Sir John. She left him a legacy of ;^io, in addition to her psalter, ** with 
the great letter ; and a certain book written m the English tongue." She also left to 
the chaplain of the parish church of Colthorpe who should exist at the time of her 
death, 2s. He seems to have been 

William de Wigointon, chaplain, instituted 6th Oct., 1349, by Sir William 
de la Pole, who married Katherine, sister of Sir John Norwich, Kt., who survived 
him, and, dying in 1381, was buried in the Carthusian Priory, near Hull. 

John Nokman, priest, instituted 13th Oct., 1369, by Lady Katherine de la 
Pole. He died in possession of the rectory in 1399. He appears to have had local 
connections. 24th Jan., 1349 — Roger Boteler, of North Dighton, gave to William, 
son of Richard Norman, of Lumby, and to Juliana his wife, their heirs and assigns, 
one toft, with a garden lying to it, with trees and all other appurtenances, situate in 
the town of North Dighton, to have for ever. Dated at Norm Dighton the day after 
the Feast of St. John the Archbishop, 1349. 

William Beaton, the date of whose institution is not given. This appointment 
may have had some connection with the trouble connected with the outlawry of 
Michael de la Pole, the well-known Earl of Suffolk, who died in Paris 5th Sept., 1389. 
The Earl's death did not occur without influence upon the village. In 1390 the King 
granted to Ed. de la Pole and another inter aiia a messuage, two tofts, a close called 
Wardeclose, and seven bovates (105 acres) of land in Colthorpe. {Col. Rot, Fat. 
221.) Seaton died in possession of the rectory. 

Richard Marshall, priest, instituted 4th Dec, 1414, by Margaret del 
Burgh, daughter of Thomas Roos, of Kendall, and widow of Richard del Bui^h, who 
died Dec., 1407, and is buried in the Church of the Friars' Minors, at York, bequeath- 
ing to his wife his manor of Colthorpe, with the advowsou of the Church, the whole 
manor of Bickerton, the manor of Couseby, with the advowson of the church ; the 
reversion to John del Burgh, his son. He had been out in Scroop's Rebellion with 
Ix)rd Percy. 

John Silton.— Torre does not give either the date of institution or name of 
patron. It was probably during his rectorship that Brian Roucliffe, who had married 
Joan, daughter of Thomas del Burgh, of Kirtlington, Notts, came into possession of 
the estates of John del Bur^h, his kinsman, '* qui mibi dedit manerium de Colthorp,'* 
as Sir Brian states in his will. The will of John Burgh, of Colthorp, Esq., relative 
to his estates is dated at London, 24th May, 1434. He desires Sir Robert Ros, of 
Ingmanthorpe, Roger Burgh, clerk, Hugh Arden, clerk, and Thomas Arden, gent., 
his feoffees of his lands in the counties of York and Westmoreland, to enfeoff Isabel, 
his wife, in the manor of Colthorpe, for her life, with remainder to Brian Roucliffe 
and Jennet his wife, the testator's sister, with remainder to Roger, William, 
Thomas, John, and Robert, brothers of the said Brian. He died in possession of the 

Robert Pereson, priest, instituted 12th August, 14^1, by Sir Brian Roucliffe, 
the great lawyer, 3rd Baron of the Exchequer, and a noble benefactor to Cowthorpe. 
Pereson was a native, being the third son of John Pereson, of Cowthorpe, yeoman, 
who died in 1461, and brother of Thomas Pereson, sub-dean of York, whose executor 
he was. He resigned when, on the iith April, 147 1, he was instituted to the 
rectory of Kirk Dighton. He died in 1498. Thomas Pereson. the sub- dean, left by 
will 6s. 8d. for the fabric to each of the churches of Cowthorpe and Kirk Dighton. 

Robert Bubwith was instituted to the rectory on the presentation of Brian 
Roucliffe 2nd July, 1483. 

And now for the most interesting piece of information. On the 
28th November, 1455, Archbishop William Booth issued a commission 
to Mr. John Sendale, canon of York^ Mr. William Langton, Mr. Roger 


Burgh, Mr. John Worsley, and Dan John Hovingham, vicar of Bilton, 
to inquire into the following case : Sir Brian Roucliffe, the patron, had 
sent a petition to the Archbishop, that because the old parish church of 
St. Michael was so far from the village, and the way between them 
very strait, sloppy, muddy, and hurtful to the parishioners going to and 
fro, he should pull it down, remove the old materials to a more conveni- 
ent site, and then build a new church in the village at his own cost. In 
the meantime he asks that the parishioners may have service and 
the usual rites performed in a chapel within the manor house of the said 
Brian at Colthorpe, until the new church is finished. The commissioners 
report favourably, and on the 13th February, 1456, the Archbishop 
sanctions the scheme, and grants an indulgence of 40 days to all who 
assist the work. In three years the present fabric was reared, but, as it 
still shows, never completed according to the original designs of the 
founder, who has intended that there should have been a nave and choir, 
with a centre tower, after the fashion of cathedrals and greater churches. 
The choir alone as far as the tower arch of the nave has been completed, 
and is a dismal structure, without any trace of the splendid architecture 
of its day. On the 17th August, 1458, a commission was granted to 
John, Bishop of Philippolis, to consecrate this " newly-built and wholly 
finished church " to the honour of " the Holy Trinity and St. Michael 
the Archangel," together with the churchyard thereof ; and also to grant 
indulgences of one year's remissions to all those who shall be truly 
contrite and penitent, and should attend this consecration and dedication, 
and also of 40 days to those who should be present on the anniversary 
day of its dedication hereafter. Likewise the said bishop to dedicate a 
certain chapel, newly built in the churchyard of the old parish church, 
to the honour of St. Michael and St. Thomas of Canterbury the Martyr, 
and of St Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins. This structure 
is now lost. In the church that he built a monument was set up for the 
testator, as he well deserved, consisting of two brazen figures of himself 
and his wife, whilst in his right hand he held up the image of the church 
he had restored. An inscription stated that he died 24th March 1494-5, 
and was buried in his own church. A few years ago some sacrilegious 
villains broke into the church and carried this memorial off with them, 
ripping the brazen imagery from the stone at the north side of the altar. 
There is a delineation of it, however, in Waller's Sepulchral Brasses. 
Fortunately, when Dodsworth visited the church on the 17 th October, 
1620, he copied the inscription upon the tomb ; the brass bore, with the 
portraitures of a man in a gown, and a woman under the feet, these 

O Lord God that art of mighties most 

Eternal God in Trinitie 

Fadre and Son and Holy gost 

Most humbly we pray unto the 

To shew thy mercy and pytc 

On Biyan Rouclin and Johan his wyfe 

Forgyfif thair sinne and iniquitie 

And bring theym to thy joyful! lyff. Amen. 



Above the man's head— Credo quod Redemptor mens vixit et in 
novissima die de terra resurgam et in carne mea videbo Deum Salva- 
torem meum ; 

Nunc Christi te petimus 
Miserere qusesumus 
Qui venisti redimere perditos 
Noli dampnare redemptos. 

Round about the tomb these words are engraved : — 
Hie jacet Brianus Roucliif quondam tertius baro de Saccario domini 
Regis, fundator et constructor hujus ecclesise et tocius operis usque ad 
consummationem et Johanna filia Ric. Hamerton de Cravene militis, 
uxor sua qui obierunt vidz dictus Brianus xxiiij die Martii an. Dom. 
MCCCCLXXXXIIII et dicta Johanna quinto die Septembris an. Dom. 
M Quorum animabus propicietur Deus. Amen. 

Betwixt the man and the woman on a plate there is 
Burgh — Azure 3 fleurs de lys ermine. 

And about them engraven 
Orate pro anima Johannis Burgh armigeri, &c. 

On the other stone 
Roucliff — per pale a chevron between 3 leopards' heads erased. 

Burgh — 3 fleurs de lys ermine. 

Orate pro anima dominae Johannae nuper uxoris Guido Roucliff de 
Escryk armigeri qui obiit die Novembris an. Dom. MCCCCLXXVIII 
cujus animse propicietur Deus. Amen. 

Sir Brian Roucliff s memory should be perpetuated as that of a 
noble and true Christian, for besides his hrge alms to the poor of 
Colthorpe and Bickerton and the country within three miles around, at 
the last moment of his life he makes a special gifl of 4od. to Old Norton, 
and a weekly allowance of 2d. to Blind Carlill, of Colthorpe, as long as 
he shall live. 

Amongst other names are the following : — 

Robert Jackson, clerk, instituted 31st December, 1577, by Sir Ingram Clifford, 
which must have been but very shortly before Sir Ingram s death. The following 
epitaph was formerly on a tablet hanging to the wall. 

Clifford — Or and azure, on a fess, gules ; a crescent with coats of the Earl of 


Since gruesome grave of force must have 

Sir Ingram Clifibrd Knight 

And age by kf nd were out of minde 

Each worthy l>v!ng wight 

And since man muste returne to dust 

By course of his creation 

As doctors sage n every age 

To us have made relation 

You gentles al no more let fall 

Your teares from blubbred eyes 

But praise the Lord wiih one accord 

That raises above tlie skyes 

For Christ hath wrought and dearly bought 

The price of his redemption 

And therefore we no doubt shall see 

His joyful resurrection. 

Made by Henry Pudsey 1577 and 

renewed by Richard Kay 1603. 

1577 a] 
Kay i( 


1 John Flint, clerk, instituted 29th January, 1632, by Thomas Walrasley. He 
was a Puritan, and was reported to Cromwell's ecclesiastical committee *' as a 
preaching minister. " During his incumbency the value of the living was £40 per 
annum. He died in possession. 

As might be expected in a church with such connections and 
patronage as Cowthorpe, the window heraldry was exceedingly rich. 
Some of the ancient glass still remains in a better or worse state of 
preservation ; but when Dodsworth saw it, it must have been almost 

His very ample notes are as follows : — 

Cowthorpe Church, 17th October, 1620. 


Burgh. — Guigs on a cross arg,^ a mullet sable, a border er. engrailed or, vi'vOci azure, 

Zfleur de lys or. 
Edward, King and Confessor.— /Vr/a/^ azure, a cross between 5 martlets or, 

with England, a label of "^ points ar^. 
Burgh. — A man in armour kneeling, on his breast azure, 3 fleurs de lys, er. , his 

^-ife beside him, under them ORATE PQO ANIMA, &c., of John Burgh, Esq. 

and M— - his wife. 

EAST window. 

Hamerton. — Arg, 3 hammers sa. Brian Roucliffe, third baron of the exchequer, 

married Joan, the daughter of Sir Richard Hamerton, Kt., and had issue John 

Roucliffe, Esq. 
Plumpton. — Azure on ^ fusils, — barry of 6 or and lules on a chief arg. 3 mascles 

gules on the middlemost mcucle a X ^^i' 
Roos. — Azure 3 wcUer bougets or^ a label of three points compone gules and arg, 
Roucliffe. — Arg, on a . chevron between 3 leopards heads erased gu. a mulJet 

pierced or. 
Burgh. — Azure '^fleurs de ly s, ermine, 

south window. 

Roucliffe. — Paled with azure, afess arg, between 3 crosslels, or. 

Burgh. — Azure 3 fleur de lys er,, paled with Roos of Kendal, or 3 water bougets sa. 

Ingleby. — Sa, a star arg, paled with 

Roucliffe. — Arg, a ciuvron between'^ leopards heads erased gvdes, 

Arg, a clievron between 3 hinde {or asses) heads erased gules, 

Arg, fretty, a canton sable, 

Gu. ^greyhounds cowrant, arg, collar and bells, arg, 


Roucliffe and Aldburgh. — On a chevron 3 leopards heads eraeed, a mullet 

pierced, paled with 2.fess between 3 cfoslets or, 
Roucliffe and Ughtred. — Paled. 
Burgh, per pale azure, ^fleurs de lys, er, and Roos, of Kendall. — Or, 3 water bougets 

sable. This refers to the marriage of Richard Burgh and Margaret Roos. 
Hamerton.-— J hammers sa, paled with 

Asheton. — ^r^. a mullet sa. paled with 
Standish. — 3 dishes. 

Hamerton paled with Asheton, a mullet sa., and the figures as already described 
Quarterly arg, on a cross sa. 3 swans of the first ; second, arg, a fesA 

engrailed between 6 water bougets sa, 3 as 2, 4 aj i 
Az, a /ess between 3 stars, or. 
Or, a cross sable. 


Under the tower stands the original font, and considering the origin 
of the church, a most rude piece of stone sculpture it is. The basin is 
hollowed out of a square stone placed on a shaft and base. On each 
face of the font coats of arms are engraved, that in the south face being 
Roucliff, arg. a cheveron^ between j leopard^ heads^ erased, sable ; that on 
the west face Plumpton, azute ^ fusils ; that on the north face Burgh 
azure^j fleurs de lys^ ermine ; that on the east face Hamerton, arg, j 
hammers^ sable. 

The present condition of the church is neither worthy of its origin 
nor its history. We cannot say that it is neglected, but it is undoubtedly 
dilapidated. Its floor is covered with pews, boxes of the good old- 
fashioned high-backed type, and the chance therefore of obtaining later 
inscriptions, except a very few, is destroyed. Within the altar rails there 
is a remarkable carved oak chest, called the register chest, it is not 
unlikely that it was placed there by Brian Roucliff himself. There are 
3 bells in the tower, on the least of which there is the name of the 
founder, C. Dalton, York, 1769. The local tradition is that the 
notorious Guy Fawkes used for many years to be the bell ringer, a 
tradition that we should like to verify. Something appears to have been 
done from time to time towards reparation ; but it has been quite 
inadequate. The work wants taking carefully in hand and completely 
finishing, so that the church may be restored to the condition it was 
left in by its founder. A fine tombstone, apparently of one of the 
rectors, has been broken up to complete the flagging. A tablet on the 
south wall informs us of a benefaction : " The Rev. Thomas Jessop, 
Doctor in Divinity, gave to this parish of Cowthorpe the sum of ;^ 100 
sterling, the interest arising from which is to be annually distributed by 
the trustees thereof for the time being, for the relief of such poor persons 
as inhabit and reside in the said parish of Cowthorpe ; the distribution, 
as to the manner and proportioning, is left to the discretion of the 
trustees. The principal, viz., ;^ 100 sterling, has been invested in the 
3 per cent. Consols, in the names of the Rev. Thomas Daysell, M.A.; 
Edward York, Esquire; Mr. Richard Skilbeck, and Mr. Matthew 
Thomlinson, the present trustees. Dated 9th May, 1846." The recent 
tombs are of very little interest. 

This church was repaired, ceiled, and otherwise improved by the 
Rev. Dr. Jessop, pursuant to the wish and as an affectionate tribute to 
the memory of his mother, to whose memory there is also a tablet 
(marble) on the north wall of the church. The ceiling is a decided 
disadvantage, and should be at once pulled down. Mrs. Jessop is 
buried within the chancel, in front of the altar. Dr. Jessop was vicar of 
Wighill, near Tadcaster. 

Cowthorpe Hall still stands, a short distance north of the church, 
and on the banks of the Nidd. It is now a farmhouse, and has a 
charming situation. There were once several coats of arms in the 
windows of it. 


The one other remarkable feature of this quaint and almost for- 
gotten village is the Cowthorpe Oak. This tree is beyond doubt the 
most gigantic in England, and it has the prominence of being reputed to 
be the oldest living tree. Experts say that it has exceeded the age of 1 600 
years. Under its shadow, therefore, every race that has populated 
these islands may have rested, and it is to^lay the living witness of the 
rise and fall of nations as well as of the vitality of nature. 

I^di. W, Wheater. 


William of Newburgh, in a burst of eloquence, gives us a descrip- 
tion of the Castle Rock in 1154. He says, "A rock of stupendous 
altitude, and at the same time amplitude, almost inaccessible on all 
sides by scraggy rocks shelving into the sea by which they are broken, 
except the narrow way of a certain approach which opens to the west. 
It has on its summit a spacious herby plain o(6ojugera (acres) and also 
a little fountain of running water flowing from the rock. And on this 
gorge which you cannot ascend without labour the Royal Tower is placed, 
and under this gorge is the beginning of the town, spread out on every side, 
north and south, but having the front towards the west. On the front a 
certain portion is guarded by a proper wall, on the east by the Castle 
Rock, and on both sides the sea flows. Verily. Earl William, having 


remembered this place when he was in the province of York as capable 
of many things, considered it fit for the building of a castle. Aiding 
nature by costly work, he surrounded the whole plain of the rock with a 
wall, and he built the tower in the straits of the gorge, which having 
given way in process of time, the king (Henry II.) ordered a great and 
famous citadel to be built** 

I take it that the tower built by William, Earl of Albemarle, was no 
more than a wooden guard-house planted during Stephen's days of 
usurpation when the Earl was Rex Verior — more than King — some little 
distance above where the drawbridge was in later days, and had no 
similitude to the Arx Magna which the King commanded to be built. 
There is no mention of an Arx MagnUy or even of a weaker citadel, in 
the Norse account of the last landing of Norsemen at Scarborough in or 
about 1 1 53; but there is evidence that the rock was then garrisoned, 
much as is thus stated in a description of the surprise of the town which 
ended in the utter defeat of the invaders : — 

The men toil on in quiet, 

The lads their playmates ereet ; 
When lo t the ones of a wild surprise 

Come thundering down the street ; 
And then in loud confusion. 

Urged by the startling shock, 
With panting breasts and straining eyes 
Seeking the cause of this surprise 

They scale the towering rock. 

But half way to the summit 

A steep abyss appears ; 
There on the bridge that binds each ridge 

Is the guard of Pforman spears. 
And there the tale is counted, 

And thence the news are spread — 
" The Raven of the pirate host 
Flaps his foul wings above our coast 

And soars above our dead ! 
It ill becomes the valiant 

To linger in delay ; 
They come to fight with all their might, 

And ye must strike to-day ! " 

It is more than thirty years after this event, in 11 86, before we 
have any mention of the Church ; but is not an insignificant thing that 
an early or perhaps the first known vicar was Gilbert de Turribus — 
Gilbert of the Towers. The Church of St Mary, of Scarborough, 
except for the earliest years of its infancy, was an " alien " Church ; 
it was granted as a cell to the Abbey of Citeaux. The fortress 
is described as a " castellum "in 1177, when Henry II. gave it into the 
custody of Roger, Archbishop of York. At that time there had been no 
alienation, for Roger de Houeden tells us that when in 1186 Henry 
wished to promote Paulinus de Ledes to the bishopric of Carlisle, on 
his refusal the King, " in order that Paulinus might be willing to accept 
of that bishopric, offered him to enrich it with revenues to the amount 


of three hundred marks yearly, arising from the Church of Bamborough, 
the Church of Scarborough, the chapelry of Tickhill, and two of the 
King's manors near Carlisle." The offer was of no avail. It was 
Richard I. who alienated the Church in 1189, an act which raised disap- 
pointment in Scarborough. In 1200 the burgesses of Scardeburg gave 
to the King (John) 40 marks of silver for confirmation of the charter of 
King Henry, his father. The town was then growing into importance. 
In 1202 the burgesses rendered an account to the Treasury of ;£'i6-io 
of the farm (rent) of Scarborough, and ;£' 10 of that of Walesgrave, for 
a whole year. In the same year De Bulli received ;^i6-io for the 
wardenship of the Castle. The men of Scardeburg gave 20 marks for 
having the town, then in the King's hands, and the town of Walesgrave, 
with its mill and other appurtenances, returning yearly the old farm rent 
£S3 ^^^ Scarborough, and j£io for Walesgrave, and an increase of 
jCs3, and they will pay the whole rent on the Feast of St. Michael. In 
the same year the Sheriff renders an account of ;£'io farm of the mill of 
Scallebi. It is beyOwid the limits of the present work to trace the history 
of Scarborough in detail ; it is the object of this article to set forth a few 
forgotten things ; and for that purpose I print an architectural description 
of the Church, by the late Rev. Mackenzie, C. Walcott M.A., and furnished 
by him to the Building N'ews. Before doing that, however, I may note 
one or two forgotten facts. A step in the religious history of the town 
is marked in 1298, when Henry de Laci, Earl of Lincoln made a fine 
with the King of 20/- for the Friars Minors having license to include a 
certain house contiguous to their house in Scardeburgh. A further step 
is marked in 1362, when Robert de Roucliff gives a place of land with its 
appurtenances to the Prior of the order of Mount Carmel in 
Scardeburgh. In the same year the Abbot of Citeaux gave 10/- for 
license of giving a messuage with its appurtenances in Scardeburgh in 
mortmain to Henry Bentelowe, vicar of the Church of St. Mary of 

Mr. Mackenzie says : — 

Cistercian architecture, under modification of the strict rule, is well illustrated in 
the ground plan of St. Mary*s, Scarborough (King's Coll. B. M. xliv., 47a, and addit. 
MS. 6,756, ff. 219-223), wmch was an alien convent and cell of Citeaux, to whidi 
Richai'd I., in 1 189, assigned the parish church of Scarboroi^h. The nave, which 
was continued as a vicarage church, and confirmed by Edward I., has undergone a 
remarkable change. The original building consisted of a nave of six bays with aisles; 
it had a clerestory. Now the weather moulding of the aisle roofs may be seen on the 
walls of two western towers which existed in i486, according to a plan in the British 
Museum, and are mentioned in Leland's ** Itinerary" in these terms — ^The church **is 
very faire and is isled on the sides and cross-isled, and hath three auncient toures for 
belles with pyramides of them, whereof two toures be at the west end of the chirch 
and one in the midle of the cross isle" (vol. i. p. 67). A traditional view by Haymes 
(1737-8) shows the three spires, and a central tower of two stories, capped with a low 
spire, as portrayed in an engraving by Francis Place (or Kip), now in Scarborough 
Museum; and another view by Settrington (1735), which shows a spire and four 
pinnacles ; a door is marked in the eastern-most chapel next the transept. These spires 
were an infraction of the rule, just as the presence of a parish church under the 
Minster roof, and its' site in a populous town, were in desertion of strict Cistercian 


principles. In the middle of the fourteenth century the wall of the south aisle was 
removed and straining aisles erected across it ; and a view was thus obtained of four 
chantry chapels with ribbed vaulting, which were erected eastward of the porch, which 
had a parvis, and was subsequently reconstructed. These chapels are divided by solid 
walls ; two of them contain a sepulchral recess and ablution drain ; another has a drain ; 
and a fourth an aumbry. Their roofs are made of slabs of stone ; the traceiy of the 
windows is modem, and the ranee of gable fronts makes a very picturesque group. 
At Chichester, a secular cathedral, and Melrose, which was Cistercian, there is a 
similar arrangement of lateral chapels. At Rievaulx, also, chantries were erected 
between the buttresses of the choir. 

The dedications here were St. Nicholas, St John, St Tames, erected by Robert 
Goland,* and St. Stephen, founded by Robert Rillington,T taking their order from 
east to wert. The list in the Public Record Office notices those of St. James, St. 
Stephen, and St. Mary, Percy's, and the chancel chapel of St Mary Magdalene, which 
was on the north of the precinct attached to a cemetery. On this side the great 
arcade presents a most remarkable appearance, and offers ample room for speculation. 
The solution probably is that the parish commenced their proportion of the wall at 
the west end, whilst the monks were proceeding westward. The two eastern pillars, 
like all those upon the north, are transitional, and probably mark the termination 
of the conventual choir ; indeed, on the south side of the pier of the crossing there is 
a portion of early work which it is likely formed the side of the original arch of the 
Early English aisle opening into the south wing of the transept The remaining pillars 
are Early English. One has four shafts band^ at the centre, and arrai^ed round a 
central pillar ; another is octagonal ; and a third, a quatrefoil, in plan, has a little 
niche for an image. This curious experiment of varying the elevation is far from 
successful, and has resulted in distorting the lines of the vaulting shafts, which here do 
not coincide with the centre of the spandrels, the spacing of the arches being quite 
different from those on the north. One object, however, was attained by this curious 
arrangement — an open space on the inner-front of the porch door, and an ampler view 
into the western chapel. A glance at the ffround plan will show that tne whole 
southern arcade is later than the north side, and laid out by other hands. It is known 
that the burgesses and conunonalty maintained a chantry of St. Mary. The Testa- 
mentary burials also acquaint us with an altar of Corpus Christi, endowed probably 
by some member of the rich mercantile family of rercy, towards the close of the 
fifteenth century. In 1464 the Lady Margaret Aske leaves a cross of gold, with pearls, 
to be placed at the image of the B. V. Mary, of Scardeburgh. 

One consequence of the addition of the outer chapels is the entire obscuration of 
the clerestory on the outside. It consists of Early English lights, deeply splayed on 
the inside face. 

Upon the outer side of the north aisle a large chipel was erected, being of four 
bays, and parted off by three pillars having; grotesque capitals of the fifteenth century. 
0/ its history nothing is known. Tradition suggests that it was intended to supply 
the place of some parish church that had been destroyed. Over the door there is a 
trefoiled decorated niche. This is the work which may have been proceeding in the 
middle of the fourteenth century, when Henry, Lord Percy (in 1349), left 2s. to the 
works. There was also work being done to the fabric in 1398, to which John 

*The feast of St. Vincent the martyr. 1391, Robert Galon, burgess of Scardeburg,— I leave to 
Amicia my wife, a gold ring, with a sapphire, to have so long as she lives, and after her decease to 
belo'ig to my daughter ; and after her decease I will that the chaplains, for the time being, of the 
Chantry of St. James may have the said ring for ever ** ita ut omnibus dicti aonuli medicinam im- 
plorantibus SubveniaL" Tlie Chantry of St. James which I have founded in the diurch of the B.M., 
of Scardeburgh. Prob. 2cd Mar. Test £6or, i p. Z58. 

t 96th September, 1391, 1, Robert de Ryllyngton, of Scardeburgh, leave z piece of silver called 
" Goblet " and i piece of silver called ** Collock ; " to William Browne my servant, 13s. 4d. and one 
of my worn russet gowns.^ and one flew with warrap and flot ; I will that those two ships called 
** Saintmary boite " and ** le Katherine " may be solcl and the price expended for the headth of our 
souls. '4 est Ehor» i. p. 157. 


Wawan, burgess of Scardborough, leaves 20s. In 1500 John Percy, a rich merchant 
of Scarbough, left **unto the kirke warke 5 marks, and unto the key 5 marks."* At 
the west side there is a prolongation of the line of the west front, formerly parted 
off by a wall from the aisle. At the east end of the aisle the mouldings of the door 
which opened into the transept are visible in the wall. 

The western bay and front are Early English, forming a kind of galilee, as in 
the grander plans of Lincoln, Peterborough, and once at Bury St. Edmund's. The 
pedimented shallow porch was of the fifteenth century, but it has been partially 

The south wing of the transept is shallow and aisleless. It is transitional 
decorated, with monumental recesses containing stone coffins in the south wall. It 
now forms an ore;an chamber and vestry ; in the exterior to the north is a fragment of 
the wall of the choir aisle. The eastern arm was of five bays, with a central door in 
the south wall and aisles ; part of the south wall was standing in 1745 (King's Coll. 
xliv., 47 f.). It underwent some changes in the fifteenth century, after the rectory of 
the alien Minster had fellen into the Imnds of the Austin Canons of Bridlington, when 
it was dissolved by Henry IV. 

On loth October, 1059, the central tower, which had been injured in the siege 
of the Castle by the cannonade of 1644, ^<^U ^^^ ^^ rebuilt in 1699, with a hazy 
regard to the original style, and of smaller proportions. The choir was turned into a 
battery on the i8th February, 1644, by Sir John Meldrum and the Roundheads. The 
Loyalist garrison replied with a destructive fire, and we have to mourn the loss of a 
noble building. The repairs of the tow^ were made in 1660, at a cost of over ;^3,cxx>. 
Another anomaly was the divergence in the position of the conventual buildings ; they 
lay to the south-west of the church, a road on the north and a deep declivity on the 
south precluding their erection in the ordinary place. A pentice seems to have been 
carried on continuously inside of the north wall of the precinct. Eastv^ard of the 
Minster was the Paradise, a name for a cemetery still preserved in the cloister garth 
of Chichester. The fragment of the close wall still exists, and the site of the Court of 
Pleas and Abbot's Palace is laid down upon the Ordnance Survey maps. 


On the 26th January, 1228, Margaret who was the wife of Alejcander 
de Neville gave half a mark for a writ of " pone " against Thomas Fitz 
William, of land in Mirefield ; and the Sheriff of York is commanded 
that he take security. In 1230 John de Neville, son and heir of 
Alexander, was a ward in the custody of Richard de Alenctun ; he was, 
however, impecunious, and had clearly been in disreputable company, 
for the King granted him nine marks which he owed to Roes, the wife 
of Cocky the jew, and also nine marks which he owed to Benedict the 
jew, of Oxford, for Alexander his father. All this is evidence that the 
Nevilles of Mirefield were not a thrifty race. John, possibly stricken 
with the doom of spendthrifts, is not long before he leaves this vale of 

■ ■■ ■— ■■■ ■- ■ - 

* The burgesses have, from time to time, had trouble with their prison and their quay. The 
municipal rule of the town ever seems to have required a firm grasp. In 1333 the King committed to 
William Barde and Roger Wawayn the custody of his castle and towne of Scardebuigh, and of his 
manor of Whalles grave, for which they frhall return every year ;Cz3o, and keep the prisons in the 
same, safe and secure. On the aoth February, 1489, the Kmg directs a wnt to the master-fmester of 
Pykeryng— tithe and other directing 300 ** trees of oke called Scrobbes and Stobbes" of the timber in 
the woods called Ely's Close, in the honor of Pykeryng. tithes to be delivered to the bailiffs to the 
towne of Scarborow, for the repairing of the ** gayle and key " thereof, which are ** in ^te ruyn and 
without brieff remedy likely to be to thimportable charge of our said towne," the said wood to be 
used for that special purpose under the oversight of thurle of Northumberland, Sir W. Evers, Wm. 
Innstral, Esq., John Farsy, and Robert Wauton. 


tears, and at his death a new lord comes into possession of Mirefield. 
This new lord was his brother-in-law Sir John de Heton, who built the 
church, as the following narrative informs us : — 

Anno Domini 1261. Dedicatio Eccleside de Mir6eld. Et Johannes Heton miles 
qui cepit in uxorem filiam seniorem Alexandri Nevile militis et Baronis de Mirfield 
prsedicte et in tempore suo prsedicta ecclesia fecit tantum de MirBeld. Et ad tunc 
contingebat prsedict* Johannem Heton militem esse Romse in peregrinand et nd illud 
tempus contmgebat uxori ejus transire in die natalis Domini ante Diem in Aurora 
versus ecclesiam parochialem de Dewsbury. Et sicut prsedicta uxor ejus in itinere ab 
latrones obviarunt sibi in quodam loco vocat Rafenys-broke-loyne et ad tunc ibidem 
spoliaverunt prsedictam uxorem ejus in bonis et interfecerunt Generosum suum in quo 
loco ad istud tempus stat crux. Et tristis fuit prsedict uxor ejus. Et in tempore 
prandii sui ad horam nonam pnedicti natalis Domini contingebat Duobus clericis 
venire ad prsedict* manerium de Mirfield dicentes "de profundis" et petebant 
eleemosynam et dicebant cjuod proponebant eis transire versus Romam. Praedicta 
Domina audiebat eos sic dicentes et dicebat illis si voluistis portare unam literam a me 
vobiscum et dare conjugi meo ego dabo vobis bonum reward^ et praedicti clerici 
dicebant quod volebant. Tunc praedicta Domina scribebat omni supra dicta sibi et 
deciderabat per scripturam suam conjugi suo auod voluit infoimare Sanctum Dominum 
Papam de infortunio suo et facere praedictam Capellam esse ecclesiam parochialem tot' 
vill«e de Mirfield. Et sic fecit. Tunc veniebat Domum predict : Johannes Heton 
miles et dedit ecclesiam de Mirfield Johanni Heton fratri suo juniori et edificabat 
rectoriam et ipse fuit primus Rector. Et prssdict Johannes Heton miles obiit 1302 
primo die Julii. Tunc contingebat Hseres suus esse infra SBtatem et capiebatur ad 
Wardum Domino R^i. Tunc prsddict Dominus Johannes Heton Rector mortuus est. 
Et prsBdict rex dedit pnedict' ecclesiam WilPmo Gressacre secundo Rectori ejusdem 
qui obiit anno 1358, 15 die Tulii. Adhuc contingebat Heres esse infra astatem. Tunc 
Dominus Rex dedit pr»dict ecclesiam uni Willielmo Willing tercio Rectori ejusdem 
qui obiit anno Dni 1402, 1 1 Die Feb. Tunc post obitum Will'mi Monach de Kirk- 
elees obtinebant praedictam Ecclesiam de Mirfield a Domino Rege, ut patet inferius et 
concessa est illis ad orand* pro anima Johannis Burghe qui nihil inde unquam habuit 

To this story, so barbarously though naturally told, I must add 
that, in 1274, Richard le Vavasour was "parson" of Mirfield, and 
Whitaker subjoins the following note in English : — 

Alsoe ye shall understand at what time ye last heir of Heton was within age, that 
was ye laste Jhon Heton, uncle to Dame Isabell Gascoyne, that the heir of John 
Burghe was within age alsoe, that they were both wanies at on tyme. And ye 
Berghes were patrones of Heton Kirke, as Heton was patrone of Mirfield Kirke ; and 
ye kyne at ye laste avoidance presented in ye nonage to ye kirke of Heton, in ye name 
ot' Heton, and ontrarie to ye kirke of Mirfield in ye name of Burghe contrarie to that 
they were. Soe ye nonnes of Kirklees pray for ye Burghes, and not for ye Hetons. 

The following extraordinary lines, transcribed or perhaps manu- 
factured by Mr. Ismay, give a brief epitome of the history of Mirfield, 
in rhyme : — 

In time of yore a Knight did dwell 
At Castle Hall, near Chapel Well, 
And Sir John Heton was his name ; 
A worthy baron, great in fame. 
Lord of this town. As story tells, 
\Mien Chappel stood at Chappel Wells, 
He got this church parochial made, 
And the foundations of it laid. 
In the same place whe^e now it stands, 
Upon a part of his own lands. 


Behind the house a mount appears, 
A lasting monument of years. 
It was erected by the Danes, 
And piled up with wondrous pains ; 
A Saxon lord possessed the same 
Before the Norman princes came. 
The Normans next possession took, 
As doth appear by Domesday Book ; 
The Beaumonts did the place command 
When Harry Tudor rulc^ the land ; 
The house rebuilt, which ages stood, 
The front adorned with carved wood. 
By Hiomas B.,* the owner's name, 
Who lived and died in the same. 
Bells to the church the living call. 
And to the grave they summon all ; 
And when by death one gets a fall, 
He's neighbour then to Castle HalLf 

The curious Latin document is given by Hopkinson without any 
notice of the place where he found it, but it is sufficiently authenticated 
by evidence internal, as well as external, and was probably among the 
papers of Kirklees Nunnery. The plea for the foundation of this church 
was certainly a powerful one— that the Lady of the Manor set out for 
mass to the then parent church, at the distance of three miles, on Christ- 
mas Day before dawn, and that she had actually been robbed at the spot 
where the cross stood in *' Rafenys-broke-loyne," and her principal 
attendant murdered. Sorrowful undoubtedly she was, but not incon- 
solable, for she sat down very quietly to dinner at nine in the morning 
(we must be careful not to mistake the hour for three in the afternoon) 
after her return from Dewsbury. It has been usual in defect of such 
evidence as this to apply to the appearances about a church's architecture 
as proofs of the period when it was erected. In the present instance, 
in which the time is given, we may apply the external evidence to prove 
what otherwise I should have doubted, that cylindrical though slender 
columns with something resembling volutes on the capitals (for such 
were the columns and capitals of the nave of the church at Mirfield), 
had continued to the latter end of Henry III. But as this church was 
evidently built by Sir John de Heton, after his return from Rome, it is 
not too much to suppose that his taste had been improved by his tour, and 
that he had learned to prefer a style of architecture approaching to 
classical models, though then almost superseded by a later fashion. 

The church of Mirfield, appropriated by Kirklees, remained in 
that house until its dissolution, and constituted the best part of its 
endowment. In the very year of the surrender (1540) it was granted to 
Thomas Savile, of Clifton, gent. In 1547 license was granted to 
Cuthbert Savile to alienate the same to William Ramsden, who resold it 
the same year to John Dighton. The next alienation was to Elizabeth 

*This Thomas Beaumoat, of Castle Hall, was buried at this dittrcfa July 30th, an. 1561. Par, 
tA local proverb, Castle Hall being in the immediate neighbourhood. 


and Thomas Soothill, from whom it must have returned to the Saviles, 
for in 157 1 Thomas Saviie presented to the vicarage. From this family 
it was most probably purchased by the Armitages, whose representatives 
to the present century have been impropriators and patrons. The con- 
nection of Mirfield with Kirklees no doubt gave rise to the tradition 
regarding the sister of Robin Hood, whose death at that nunnery is too 
firmly believed to be easily contradicted. In the east window of the old 
church (several of the windows of which were lancet shaped, therefore 
evidently of considerable antiquity) was the kneeling figure of Sir John 
Heton, founder of the church ; also the arms of Heton, Saviie impaling 
Hopton, Mirfield, Saviie, and Hopton. Around an arch, which seemed 
to have been a confessionary, on the north side of the choir, was an 
inscription, comparatively modern — 

Dame Joan Bephast, late Nun of Kirklees, Buried February ye 

STH Day, 1562. 

I append the list of sepulchral inscriptions collected by the same 
Mr. Ismay, and which, though existing in his time, are, I believe, all now 

On a gravestone within the chancel door — 

Here lyeth interred the body of Ann, daughter of Mr. George Thurgarland, of 
Liley, who departed this life the 19th day oi January, in ye 8th year of her age. Anno 
Dom. i68i. 

On a brass plate (in the Rector*s pew) on the south side of the 
chancel — 

Gcomus Thurgarland de Liley. Generosus olim cives et scriptor de London 
obiit 17° die Septem 1666 sepultusque fait 19** die ejosdem mensis. 

Thurgarlande tuum corpus cum vermibus hie est 

Quod vivens mentis vixit honore viris. 
Tuque Vocativo qui Flecteris esse Georgi, 

Nunc Ablativo rite OEYPTOE eris. 
Hie erat osurum moderamine Pacificator, 

Cujus pars melior regnat in arce DeL 

On a brass plate in the chancel — 

Hie jaoet Margareta nuper uxor Georgii Thurgarland de Liley Gen et Filia 
Primogenita Thomse Nettleton de Thomhill Lees Gener : obiit 27th die Octobris 
An D. 1640. 

On another brass plate in the chancel — 

Here was interred Mary, daughter of Rev. Jos. Ismay, Vicar of this church, who 
died Aug. 3rd, 1749, in the first year of her age. 

On another brass plate in the chancel — 

Hie jacet Maria, nuper uxor J. Ismay, hujus Ecclesise Vicarii. Obiit 20 die 
Martii, 1765, »t susb 49. 

Thomas, Fil Rev. J. Ismay, Vicar M. Alum; in Acad. Edin. Obiit 17 die 
Martii, a.d. 1772, set suae 22. Et in sepulcreto Grey Friars, Edin. Sepullus fuit. 

On a gravestone in the chancel — 

Here lieth interred the body of Christopher Shaw, the son of George Shaw, and 
Lieutenant to Sir Ingram Hopton, who was buried the 3rd day of April, anno Dom. 
1644. Mt 21. 

N.R. — Chris. Shaw was slain, as tradition reports, by Richard Wheatley, late of 
Mirfield, ind at that time a soldier under Cromwell, 


On another in the chancel — 

Here lieth interred the body of Mrs. Dorothy Thorp, daughter of the adjacent Mr. 
Richard Thorp, who deceased the 5th day of Deer., in the 25lh yr. of her age, anno 
Dom. 1 71 1. 

On another in the chancel — 

Here lieth interred the body of Richard Thorp, of Hopton, in the parish of Mir- 
field, gent Mors quod mortale est habes et immortale tenet sublime coelum. Vir 
probe prffidare pietate, charitate, doctrina culte, et bonis moribos pladde quiescis, dum 
sonat laudes anima divinas dum forant tua facta vere pia. Senus aut citius, nobis 
sequentum. Sic prseparata sit nobis anima. Sic moriemur, terque beatl Obiit Jan. 
27, 1 713. iEtatsuae 75. 

On a gravestone in the south aisle — 
Here lieth the body of Samuel Hirst, of Mirfield, Gent., son of John Hirst, of 
Stockport, in the county of Chester, Gent., who departed this life ye 4th day of June, 
1730, and in the 29th year of his age. 

On another in the south aisle — 
Here lieth the body of Ann, daughter of Richard Horsfall, of Storth Hall, Gent, 
who to her first husband married Thos. Beaumont, of this town, Gent, and to her 
second husband Henry Stanhope, Alderman, of Leeds. She departed this life ye 13th 
day of Feby., a.d. 1728, and in the 87th year of her age. 

On another stone about the middle of the south aisle, scarcely 
legible — 

Thomas Beaumont was buried the 20th day of May, 1638, aged 78 years. 

On another near the same place, taken up when the aisle was 
repaired — 

Alice, wife of Thomas Beaumont, of Mirfield, was buried the 25th day of 
October, 1648, aged 76. 

Upon a board on the south wall — 

6. T. A. enclosed in lines with several squares at the comers, the upper line 
having a semicircle in the centre, in which the B is placed, and below that to the left 
and right respectively are the T and A. 

It is dated 1668, but the date is severed by the semi-circle, which 
separates it into 16 on the left side and 68 on the right 

When a vault was opened in the area of the old parish church for 
the interment of the late Mr. J. B. Greenwood, Dewsbury Moor, in 
October, 1879, a stone was found having the following inscription : — 

There was a plague in the parish of Mirfield, a.d. 1631, whereof died 130. 

This number is the same as that mentioned in the MS. account 
by the Vicar, the Rev. Joseph Ismay, who says the following 
inscription was set up in Mir^eld church in 1752, as a memorandum 
to posterity — 


Deo placuit parochiam de Mirfield punire acri su& castigatione ita ut cxxx. 
homines et gravissimo et dolentissimo morbo et contagio pestilentiie correpti mortem 

Advertite vos et vivite. — E z E K. 18-32. 
Jos. Ismay, hujus Ecdesiae Vic. F.F., a.d. 1752. 

In English — 

In the year of our I^rd 1631 it pleased God to correct the parish of MirBeld 
with so severe a chastisement that 130 men, seized with a most grievous pestilence, 

** Turn ye and live.** — Ezek. xviii. 32. 


Jos. Ismay, Vicar of this charch, caused the inscription to be made a.d 1752. 

** The plague was brought into Mirfield by a woman called Elizabeth Prince, a 
poor woman, who died of the infection, and was buried at Mirfield, 25th April, 

*' The number of those who died of the plague in the Register (fearful visitation, 
from which good Lord deliver us) was 13a At the bottom of Littlemoor and in 
Easthorpe lane there still appear some remains of hills and pits, where, it is said, 
were interred a vast number of human bodies during that fatal year (1631), when the 
plague raged in Mirfield. 'Tis highly probable they made a trench to receive the 
bodies of those who died of the infection, and possibly it was at some convenient 
place near the habitations of those that perished." 

** William Rhodes, of Northorpe, died of the pestilence on the i8th of September, 
1 63 1, and was buried near the cnurch porch on the 20th of the same month, as 
appears by the inscription on his gravestone. " 

** Agnes, wife of William Rhodes, of Northorpe, died of the same epidemical 
distemper, and was buried 6th October, 1631." 

Now, as there is no memorial of her death upon the stone, in all probability she 
and many more were buried near their own dwelling^. I find Alice, wife of Henry 
Wraith, buried June ist, 1631, and it is said the husoand would not be at the expense 
of getting his wife decently interred at a convenient distance from the house, which 
called the following lines— 

•* Henry Wraith, to save a crown. 
Buried his wife in haystack ground." 

The new church here was consecrated by the Bishop of Ripon on 
the 12 th October, 1871, the foundation stone having been laid on the 
29th March, 1869, by the Rev. R. Maude, M.A., the then Vicar. The 
church, situate on the west side, and close to the site of the old 
parish church, is in the Early English style. The plan consists of nave 
and aisles, chancel, south porch, tower, and two vestries at the north-east 
angle, one of which is appropriated to the choir. The tower is at the 
west end of the nave, and adds considerably to the length of the church 
internally, its dimensions at the base being 30 ft. square, exclusive of 
buttresses. It rises 140 ft. from ground to top of the pinnacles, the 
vanes rising 6 ft. beyond this. It contains a clock and ten bells, cast 
by Messrs. Taylor, of Loughbro', the tenor weighing 30 cwt. i qr. 22 lb. 
The bell-floor is of great strength, and covered with lead, as also is the 
roof. The clock, supplied by Messrs. Potts & Sons, of Leeds, strikes 
the quarters on two bells. There are three dials incised in the stone 
work, the hands and figures being gilt. The principal entrance is through 
the south porch ; there is also an entrance from the west end through 
the tower : this doorway is composed of a recessed and moulded arch, 
supported by stone bases, with detached stone shafts and moulded 
capitals, the tympanum being filled in with diaper and carving ; also a 
circle sculptured, representing the Annunciation of St. Mary. 

Internally, the nave is 82 ft. long, and divided into five bays ; it is 
27 ft. wide. The tower is 21 ft. square; the aisles are 13 ft. 6 in. wide; 
and the chancel, 40 ft. by 27 ft. in clear. The entire length internally 
is 150 ft. 6 in.; the width in clear, 60 ft. 4 in.; the height from nave 
floor to ridge, 64 ft. The church is lighted by coupled windows with 
splayed jambs along the north and south sides, and by three lancet 
Vvihdows in the tower ; the west one of which is to be filled in with 


Stained glass by Clayton & Bell, and presented by Mrs. Ingham, of 
Blake HalL The east window is a triple lancet, with circular window 
over, and two coupled side windows to sanctuary. The clerestory is 
arcaded both inside and out, with a lancet window pierced through the 
middle of each bay. The roofs are open, and of pitch pine ; the 
principals of nave, chancel, and aisle roofs spring from stone corbel 
shafts with moulded capitals, the spandrels being filled in with tracery. 
The arches of nave arcade are moulded, and supported by stone moulded 
bases. The pillars are circular, and octagonal alternately, the capitals of 
the latter being carved. 

The tower is vaulted with stone ribs springing from carved corbel 
shafts at the angles, the cells being filled in with local stone in thin 
courses. The seats are of oak throughout, the chancel stalls and 
screens being rich in detail, with the moulded chancel arcade, and fossil 
marble columns add to the appearance of the whole. The pulpit of oak, 
stands upon Caen stone base with green marble shafts supporting. In 
the panels are figures carved in oak, representing St. John, St. Paul, and 
St. Augustine of Canterbury, the divisional triple shafts being in walnut. 
The pulpit is presented by the parishioners as a testimonial to the late 
respected vicar, the Rev. R. Maude. The font is of green marble, the bowl 
being square externally; on each sideisaquatrefoil sunk panel, with carving 
inserted, representing the four rivers of Paradise, with green marble caps 
and base, the small columns and centre shaft being Irish red marble. 
The reredos is profusely enriched with carvings, diaper panels, marble 
figures, and the caps, bases, and panels being in Derbyshire spar, the 
divisional clustered shafts in Cornish spar ; the arcading on either side 
is executed in Caen stone. 


Leaving Kildwick station, inquiring visitors first note the 
peculiarities of the bridge spanning the river Aire at Kildwick, the 
erection of which is attributed to the Canons of Bolton in the reign of 
Edward II. The compotus of Bolton, which begins in 1290 and ends 
ill 1325, contains several references to the building or rebuilding of 
Kildwick Bridge. Thus in the compotus for 1305 we have the entry, 
•' In constructione pontis de Kildwyk, in p'te, xxil- xiis ixd." It ,was 
an extensive work, lasting several years. The bridge is of four arches, 
widely differing in architectural features — two of them being pointed and 
two rounded. The process of widening the bridge has destroyed its 
ancient appearance. The history of this ancient structure, and that of 
Kildwick church, is in a measure bound up with that of the manor. 
About the year 1150 the manor and vill of Kildwick (or Childewyck) 
were given to the canons of Embsay by Cecilia de Romilli, who founded 
the priory, and continued the donation after its removal to Bolton. 
Upon the dissolution of the monasteries the manor and village of 


Kildwick were granted by Henry VIII. to Robert Wilkinson and 
Thomas Drake, of Halifax parish. In the second year of Edward VI. a 
license was granted to Drake to alienate the manor to John Garforth, of 
Farnhill, by whose family, in 1559, it was sold to Hugh Currer, from 
whom it has lineally descended to its present owner, Sir Matthew 
Wilson, of Eshton. 

The church of St. Andrew, at Kildwick, is one of two in the whole 
deanery of Craven mentioned in Domesday Book. It was dedicated 
by Cecilia de Romilli to God and the canons of Embsay. In 13 18 it 
was destroyed by the Scots in their ravages of the north of England. 
After the dissolution of the religious houses the rectory, with the advow- 
son of the vicarage, was granted by Henry VIII. to Christ Church, 
Oxford. The fabric of the church, which seems to have been almost 
entirely renewed in the reign of Henry VII f., is unusually long, being 
146 ft. in length, and 49 ft. in width, including the aisles. The nave 
itself is only 18^ ft. wide. From the great length to which the choir has 
been Extended the edifice has long been designated the '^ lang kirk in 
Craven." It consists of nave and chancel, with aisles running the whole 
length of the structure, and a square tower at the west end, built in the 
fourteenth century. The eastern face of the tower presents unmistak- 
able evidence of a higher-pitched roof than the present one. The nave 
has six bays of arches and the chancel four, the latter awkwardly cut off 
from the body of the church by a screen fixed in the centre of a bay. 
There is no chancel arch. The windows of the north aisle have middle- 
pointed tracery, and those on the south side have been similar ; but in 
the fifteenth-century reconstruction of the church these were very 
clumsily made square-headed to the evident detriment of the appearance. 
Of the original structure little idea can be formed. From the existence 
of a mutilated abacus, now forming the base of one of the piers at the 
west end of the nave, its Norman origin is discoverable, as similar use 
has been made of other carved stones of corresponding date. The font 
is early fifteenth-century work, but the font-cover, which is very elaborate 
and lofty, has been lately set up, the original carved design having been 
ruthlessly made up into cabinet work. 

At the west end of the north aisle lies the recumbent figure of Sir 
Robert de Steveton (or Steeton), who died in 1307. It is interesting as 
showing the arnwur of a knight of the period. The feet are crossed, 
and rest upon a dog. There is no ancient stained glass in the building, 
although some is mentioned by Whitaker. The east end of the north 
aisle forms a memorial chapel of the Currer family, and a corresponding 
space divided by parclose screens is used as a vestry. The registers 
commence in 1575, and are in fine preservation, as are also the church 
books generally. In one of them is a curious inventory of .articles 
belonging to the church in 1694, mention being made of " one penance 
stool," and other curious relics. The church-wardens' accounts, dating 
from the same period, are full of interest to the antiquarian. There is 
also an ancient paten of silver, curiously wrought, date uncertain. The 


Rev. Mr. Greenstreet, referring to the singular and unnecessary length of 
the church, which has another peculiarity, that the floor is upon one 
level, from the base of the tower to the altar, said that in 1881, at his 
request, Mr. G. E. Street, the eminent church architect, prepared a plan 
and report, showing the way in which the eastern part of the church 
might be rearranged with a view to rendering it more convenient for 
public worship. In his report Mr. Street said : — 

The church is a very singular one. It originally appears to have consisted of a 
nave and aisles four bays in length, and of a chancel with aisles of two bays. In the 
fifteenth century the church, apparently being found not large enough, was lengthened 
by the addition of a chancel and aisles four bays in length ; the old nave and chancel 
were then thrown together and treated as a nave, and the church was left with con- 
tinuous arcades on each side of ten bays. In Uie present arrangement the structural 
divisions of the church are ignored, the chancel only occupies the eastern part of the 
old chancel, and is arranged in so irregular and unsatisfactory a way as very much to 
spoil the effect of the church, and to be extremely inconvenient for the use of the 
choir. In my plan I have restcjred the chancel to what I conceive was probably its 
ancient state. I have provided stalls for the choir in its western portion, and have 
brought the altar forward so as to leave space for a vestry in the eastern bay behind it, 
which, as there is no trace of an ancient vestry, was probaibly its original position. In 
this way the altar is brought somewhat nearer the people, and in order to compensate 
for the slight loss of accommodation I propose to move the organ one bay to tne east 
of its present position. This will allow of the seats which take its place, and of those 
in the aisles, being less blocked out from sight of the cliancel than they are 
now. The old screens are interesting, and should be restored on the sides and at 
the end. 

The cost of the alteration as proposed by Mr. Street was;^685. 
Unfortunately the plan accompanying the report has been lost while in 
the hands of a gentleman at a distance, and whether or not the Vicar 
feared there was no likelihood of the very desirable alteration being 
carried out. It seemed difficult to understand why the church was 
enlarged to its present length four centuries ago, as it is much 
too large now. 

At a considerable elevation above the church, and commanding a 
fine view of the surrounding valley, stands Kildwick Hall, the residence 
of Mr. John Brigg, who holds a long lease from Sir Mathew Wilson, the 
owner of the property. As already stated, the manor, and with it 
the old manor-house, passed from the Garforth family to Hugh Currer 
in 1559. This family were resident at Kildwick half a century before. 
By a descent of the property through a succession of Currers, of whom 
the leading descendant was alternately Hugh and Henry, the property 
came to Henry Currer, barrister, whose daughter Dorothy became the 
second wife of the celebrated Dr. Richardson, of Bierley Hall. By 
lineal descent the Richardson property passed to the late Miss Frances 
Richaxdson Currer, at whose cfeath in 1861 her half-brother, Sir Mathew 
Wilson, succeeded, and in whom now vests the Bierley, Gargrave, and 
Kildwick estates. Kildwick Hall has evidently passed through many 
stages of construction. Originally a humble structure of two rooms, 
it has attained its present proportions by a process of development 
reached by careful thought on the part of its owners. The most 


1)4 t>LD Ybkk^Hiftfi. 

important extension is attributed to the Henry Currer alluded to, whose 
arms, quartered with those of the Fothergills of London, from whom he 
obtained a wife and fortune, appear above the principal entrance. The 
hall nestles in a bosom of verdure, protected well to the north by plant- 
ations. It is an excellent specimen of the squire-archal residence of 
mediaeval times, the more recent additions and alterations being well in 
keeping with the whole. In this respect the property has not suffered 
while in the hands of its present tenant. Mr. Brigg's occupation only 
commenced in 1882, but since then much has been done to restore the 
character of the building. 

The hall contains several good rooms, one of which is heavily 
panelled and wainscotted in black oak. Upon Mr. Brigg's entry, however, 
the room contained a handsome marble chimneypiece, of modem make, 
completely hiding the massive fireplace which formerly existed, and 
which has now been opened out, and the massive arch supporting it 
exposed to view. Above it are hung weapons of the chase and imple- 
ments of ancient warfare — pikes from Flodden and armour of the 
Cromwellian period ; beside it stands a more peaceful relic in the shape 
of a spinning-wheel of polished oak. The furniture of this room is 
antique throughout, and in beautiful condition. The hall is approached 
through a gateway supported upon each side by a sculptured lion 
rampant, and in front is an old-fashioned garden of great luxuriance. 
The pleasure of a visit is much enhanced by the cordial reception the 
visitors received from the host, Mr. John Brigg, who is none the less 
gratified at the appreciation manifested by visitors. Mr. Brigg, is always 
pleased to meet with persons of tastes kindred with his own. 

We next pay a visit to Farnhill Hall, the residence of Mr. F. E. 
Slingsby, who is equally hearty in his reception of visitors. This 
building differs materially from the one just referred to. Situated upon 
a charming knoll about half a mile beyond Kildwick, from which a fine 
view is obtained of Flasby Fells, beyond Skipton, Farnhill Hall has 
evidently been erected with a view to defence. The walls are in no 
place less than 6ft. and at some points are 8^ft thick. A square tower 
battlemented forms a conspicuous object at each corner of the building. 
The principal entrance fronts to the north, and is protected by an over- 
hanging chambef, heavily corbelled, and exceedingly picturesque. The 
visitors were shown the secret entrance to this chamber, from which an 
outlook was doubtless obtained in troublous times. After the battle of 
Bannockburn the Scots overran the north of England, and Craven, rich 
in cattle, received frequent visits. One of the earliest references to the 
Farnhill family was as a consequence of these inraids. In the compotus 
of Bolton Abbey there appears undfr tne records of the year 1318 the 
entry, ** Will de Farnel, destructo per Scotos, viz. xd.," the then resident 
being thus assisted by the bounty of the Canons of Bolton, who were 
equal suffers. The family, howevei must have been established in the 
neighbourhood two centuries before, as Adam Fernil, Lord of the 

Manor, was a party to a charter as old as the reign of Stephen. Fam- 
hill Hall, although the date of its erection is uncertain, is undoubtedly 
one of the most interesting buildings in this neighbourhood. 

Bradford [From the Z. M. Weekly Supplement:] W. Claridge. 


And will your mother pity me 
Who am a maiden most forlorn ? 
Christabel answered — Woe is me ! 
She died the hour that I was bom. 
I have heard the grey-haired friar tell 
How on her death-bed she did say, 
That she should hear the castle bell 
Strike twelve upon my wedding day. 

mother dear ! that thou wert here I 

1 would, said Geraldine, she were ! 

Young Robert d' Estoteville, grandson of Robert who was nick 
named Fronte-de-Boeuf, the companion of the Conqueror, was an active 
young soldier, conspicuous in the wars in Normandy. He defended 
the castle of Dive against King Henry, in 1106, and bore a prominent 
part in the battle of Tenchebrai, on 28th September of that year. His 
fate is thus recorded : — '* Robert d* Estoteville, William de Ferrars, and 
many others, were taken prisoners, some of whom were released by the 
King's favour, while others for their offences were detained in prison 
till the day of their death. The King sent over to England all his 
enemies taken in the war, condemning William, Earl of Morton, Robert 
d' Estoteville, and several others, to perpetual imprisoDment.*' This con- 
demnation did not, however, endure in the fulness of its severity. 
Robert, who was released, is said to have married Helewisia, and was 
reconciled to the King, who made him Sheriff of Yorkshire in 11 20. 
D' Estoteville had then a manor or military station at Kirby Moorside — 
or, as it seems to have been written more correctly of old, Moreshead — 
a possession most probably falling to him as the heir of his Norse 
mother, Erneburga, a Yorkshire heiress. Be this as it may, below the 
ramparts of the " castle/' and on the banks of the river Dove, some 
three quarters of a mile to the south east of the town, there was a large 
meadow, in native speech a holm, called Keldholm, in a bend of the 
stream. This designation was given to the meadow by the Norsemen 
who had founded Kirby — the church-town at the head or confines of 
the moor — in allusion to some "Keld" or well it contained, or 
perhaps because it abounded in springs, as Spring Head and other 
adjacent names still testify. 

Robert d' Estoteville, before 1135, the year of the death of King 
Henry, gave this meadow to the service of God, founding there a 
convent of Cistercian nuns. D' Estoteville was a leader at the Battle of 
the Standard ; he died in the reign of King Stephen, being succeeded 


by another Robert. The status of the convent was improved by King 
Henry Beauclerc himself becoming a donor. The charter of foundation 
called its site *' the place of Keldeholm, near the river Duva ; " the 
convent being dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the establish- 
ment, when raised, being known as the church of St. Mary de Keldeholm. 
The original charter of foundation is not forthcoming, but we have a 
statement in the Hundred Rolls by the Prioress in 1276, as to a gift of 
King Henry, and also a confirmation by King John,*' given by the hand 
of S. Archdeacon of Wells, at Scardeburgh, 3rd February, 1201," which 
is a very excellent substitute for it. The place of Keldeholm, says the 
charter, was of the gift of Robert de Stuteville^ and by the concession of 
William de Stuteville, his heir. The ** meadow" comprised the 
modem township of Keldholm, an area of 729a.-2r.-24p., as described 
by these boundaries: — "All the land of Evenwit, viz., from the lime 
kiln {rogq calcis)^ near the Dove, by the ditch of the nuns up to the 
boundary of the land of the monks of St Mary, York, in tlie valley (of 
Catterbeck) towards the east, and by the bottom of the same valley up 
to Chatwait, and by the proper division between Kirkebi Moreshead 
and Stivelington to Chatwait, by the valley up to the boundary of Little 
Edeston \ and thence up the river Dove, and from that point of the 
river Dove by the stream up to the said kiln." This boundary can be 
traced at the present day with the utmost accuracy. The existence of 
the lime kiln is an incident of some interest. We need not doubt that 
it had already supplied the lime used in building the " castle," and, 
being now transferred to the nuns as one of their necessary possessions, 
it would obviously furnish also that needed for the erection of their 
church and monastic buildings. 

One of the most obscure of the pedigrees of the feudal barons of 
Yorkshire has been that of Stuteville. There is, however, in the Rolls 
0/ Parliament, a piece of information which removes much of the 
obscurity. In 1335, Thomas Wake, of Lyddel, claimed Knaresborough 
as having been granted to his ancestors. Henry H. gave by charter to 
one William de Stuteville, Knaresborough and Ponteburg, by which 
gift he was seized, and King Richard confirmed the seizin. After the 
death of William, Robert entered as son and heir, and King John 
confirmed his seizin. Robert died seized, and after his death Eustace^ 
his son, was within age, and in wardship of King John. To this 
Eustace King Henry gave his heritage, but retained Knaresborough and 
Ponteburg. Eustace died without heir of his body, when the estates 
reverted to Nicholas (Nigel) as cousin and heir of William, father of 
Robert, father of Eustace. From Nicholas the right descended to 
Baldwin (Wake) as to son and heir, from him to Thomas, who now 
demands. Eustace is said to have been a posthumous child — k nestre 
en la ventre de sa mere en temps de la mort de son piere." Thomas 
prays that they will have regard that the said Nicholas as well as the said 
Eustace was posthumous — En la ventre de sa mere . . . heritage 
charger vers le dit Roi John, ne le dit John poait Teritage I'Enfant qui 
fust \ nestre a nul . • . son sank rendre." 


In addition to the Stuteville gift, we have a list of the minor 
donors : — Turstan de Bergeby gave six bovates in Bergeby ; William de 
Vesci, with the concession of Burga, his wife, gave one mark and the 
mill of Torenton (Thornton) ; and Hugh le Tuit gave the mill of 
Edeston. This was the commencement of the priory. Burga, wife of 
William de Vesci, was the sister of William de Stuteville ; her gift is 
evidence of the general interest taken by the family in the establish- 
ment. At a perioci a generation later, Nicholas de Stuteville gives to 
the nuns four marks in the mill of Gilling-mor, his gift being witnessed 
by William Brito, Walter de Saverby, Walter de Mulcaster, Robert de 


Karwindelawe, Thomas de Chen, and Martin, the Sergeant of Kirkeby. 
William Brito was an official who flourished in izoi ; in Martin, the 
Sergeant, we have one of the castle retainers, and by his presence the 
probability is that the charter was executed either at the castle or at the 
convent. ' 

Of the church or monastic buildings, there is absolutely nothing 
left to guide us to an idea either of their size or dignity. As, 
the case of Anhitmton, a contemporary foundation, we may take the 


Norman church at Adel as a type, perhaps a fac-simile of that erected to 
serve the nuns. But if the structures are lost, we have still the valley 
in which they were raised to point out that they were the front of a scene 
of gentle loveliness, from the brink of the bright sparkling water, with the 
brown road following the windings of the stream in the bottom of the 
valley, across the green meadows and golden comlands up to the purple 
fringe of heather which lined the crests of the hills, and down to the 
leafy shades of Edeston, rising to the horizon more than a mile away to 
the south. It was no new scene of savage grandetir, turned over for 
reclamation to the hand of unceasing toil. On the west of it was the 
ancient town of Kirby Moresheued, on the east of it was the black solitude 
of Spaunton-moor, where the actors of the long past days had left the 
memorials of their struggles in the tumuli dotting the surface. 

The chronicler, Roger de Houeden, narrates, under the year 1200, a 
circumstance which must have had some influence upon the piiory. 
He says, '' In the same year William de Stuteville gave to John, King of 
England, 3000 marks of silver to obtain judgment for the barony of 
William de Mowbray, which De Stuteville claimed in the King's court 
against De Mowb»ay. For it should be known that Robert Grundebeof, 
the great grandfather of the said William de Stuteville, held the said 
barony on the conquest of England ; but the said Robert Grundebeof, 
leaving King Henry, son of the Conqueror, gave in his adhesion to 
Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy, when he claimed the Kingdom of 
England in right of his father against Henry his younger brother ; and 
in the battle which took place between the said two brothers. King 
Henry and Robert the Duke of Normandy at Tenchebrai, Henry was 
victorious, and took Robert and kept him in prison until the end of his 
life, as he also did Robert Grundebeof; and King Henry gave his 
barony to Nigel de Aubigny, the great grandfather of the said William 
de Mowbray. It ought also to be known that Robert de Stuteville, 
father of the before-named William de Stuteville, in the time of King 
Henry II., laid claim to the said barony against Roger de Mowbray, 
father of the before-named William de Mowbray ; on which an arrange- 
ment was made between them, by which Roger de Mowbray gave to 
Robert de Stuteville Kirby-in-Moreshead, with its appurtenances, 
together with nine (or ten) Knights* fees, for his homage, in full discharge 
of his claim. But because this arrangement had not been confirmed in 
the King's court and sanctioned by his authority, the said William de 
Stuteville again laid claim to the said barony in the court of John, King of 
En2land. However, after the contention had been long carried on, 
at length, by the consent of the kingdom, and at the King's desire, peace 
and a final reconciliation were made between the two, to the following 
effect — William de Stuteville renounced his claim which he made against 
De Mowbray respecting his barony, and William de Mowbray gave to 
Stuteville, for his homage, and for the renunciation of his clainis, nine 
Knights' fees in addition to twelve pounds of yearly revenue. And 
then, all their disputes being settled on both sides, they became 


reconciled in the presence of King John, at Lue (Louth) in Lindesey, 
a vill of the bishops of Lincoln, on the first Sunday in Septuagesima." 

In addition to the gifts above recited, we have the charter of William, 
son of William, son of Nicholas de Habbeton, who gives ten bovates of 
land in the fields of Little Habeton and all his arable land in the place 
called Benediflat, and common pasture in the place called Milngrene, 
near the bridge of Neusom, these being witnesses Walter de Percehay, 
William de Harum, Roger Grymes, William Luvel, Knights ; Bernard 
de Berg, James de Holm, John de Yeland, John de Buleford, Richard 
de Kyrkeby, Nicholas de Fedmore, Walter Romanus. As a general 
confirmation we have King John's charter dated at Eggeton 
4 Feb., 1201, which includes "the church of St. Mary de Keldeholm 
near the river called Duva— all the lands of Even wit which they have of 
the gift of William de Stuteville— of the gift of Emald de Benefeld the 
land of Undercroft " de Subtus Croftoniam " which belonged to Durand 
and Inthekil, viz., two bovates which William, son of the priest (presb3rter) 
and two bovates which Rannulf held— of the gift of Ede, son of Askill 
de Abbeton,a carucate in Habeton — of the gift of William, son of Ingald 
of Little Habeton, two bovates of land there with a toft that was Ulric's 
— of the gift of Norman de Redeman, land in Tranetherne — of the gift 
of Ralph Paen (the Peacock) and Columba (the Dove) his wife and 
William their son and heir, 25 acres of arable land in his cultivated 
domain of Engleby — of the gift of William, son of Columba de Engleby, 
seven acres and a perch and a half of his domain in Engleby— of the 
gift of William, son of Ralph and Havice his wife, one acre in Engleby 
—of the gift of Robert de Malteby and Emma his wife, two bovates in 
Nunnington — of the gift of Jordan de Bolteby and Sybil his wife, two 
bovates in Nunnington and one in Faddemor — of the gift of William, 
son of Columba, two carucates in Engleby, and of Offnans twenty-eight 
acres in the same town — of the gift of Robert de Surdeval, two tofts in 
Bodlum — ^witnesses, Hugh Bardulf, Peter de Pratellis, Hugh de Nevillle, 
Simon de Pateshul. 

We now know from the statement of Houeden why the nuns should 
have been so particular in getting King John's confirmation. The 
statement of the Prioress made before the Commissioners of Quo 
Warranto sent in 1376 to enquire into territorial encroachments was as 
to common of pasture in Hoton Underheth, where she claimed the pasture 
according to the charter of King Henry I., which she produced, granting 
to the nuns pasture in the wood of Yevewith and also in Farndale and 
in Brandesal, for their animals, sheep, pigs, and cows. Alan de 
Walkyngham, who opposed, said the former Kings held the pasture to 
their separate use until Hugh Bigot, who married widow Joan Wake, 
fUe Stuteville, occupied the forest between the Syvene and Dove, and 
that the Prioress's predecessor first had common of pasture in the time 
of the said Hugh, which was in the year 1247. How this could have 
been held in the face of the charter is not stated, and the matter was 


The following list completes the number of places in which the nuns 
were known to have held lands — Bergeby, Berg great and little, Bodlum, 
Brandeshal, Crofton, Cropton, Edeston, Evenwit, Fadmore, Farendale, 
Gilling-more Mill, Habbeton great and little, Horseford, Ingleby, 
Keldholm, Kirkeby, Nunnington, Rogeberg, Thornton Mill, and 

Keldholme is a typical instance of a mediaeval priory of nuns. 
Its birth was due to the social exigences, and j)erhaps in no small degree 
to the misdeeds of the aristocracy. It bore the guise of religion and 
had to march in the train of the church, but it had equally to fill a gap 
in the polity of the founders. Its later efforts cling more to the things 
in being than to those in possibility. It was a scene of snug serenity 
and voluptuous meekness of which it possessed all the materid 
adjuncts in picturesque and romantic beauty of situation, in pride of 
association and in fulness of endowment. The names of its inmates 
mark its rise for the convenience of the high-bom, its decline is in the 
embrace of the lowly. It rose at the call of a great feudal lord beneath 
the frowning walls of his encroaching stronghold, and perhaps also at 
the request of some of the female members of his family, declining in 
age, and no longer capable of enjoying the pleasures of the world, but 
desirous of sharing in what they believed to be the incipient pleasures 
of heaven. It gained from its founder that sustenance which it required 
for a start in life, and then, having his countenance and the authority of 
social superiority, so long as its fold enclosed only lambs of the flocks 
of the whitest fleece, it gained an increase of wealth from those of his 
dependents over whom it could establish an ascendency either by the 
offer of a desirable retreat, or by the glamour of the mere patronage of 
an exalted caste. 

The career of the house is almost without a record, and entirely 
domestic. In such of the archiepiscopal records as have been opened for 
consultation, it is barely mentioned, although they cover such a length 
of time as should have given publicity to its affairs had they been 
attended to. Of its internal economy and discipline, we know but little, 
and that is only illustrative of moral deterioration and increasing 
inefficiency. A full century of its existence is wrapped up in entire 
obscurity. The names of its rulers are absolutely lost. In its first days 
we find that Galfrid was *' the master of the nuns ; " in its last we learn 
that John Porter, chaplain, received a pension from the sequestered 
funds of the convent. It would seem therefore that during its whole 
career a priest had been supported by the house. It gathered no 
ecclesiastical strength, for it does not appear to have possessed the 
advowson of a single church, or the control of a single mind beyond the 
precincts of its cloisters. No entry relating to the valuation of this house 
occurs in Pope Nicholas's Taxation of 129 1. A score of years later 
than this, in the early part of the fourteenth century, we find confusion 
existing in the house ; and I take the fact of its broken and sadly 
incomplete list of Prioresses to be certain evidence of misrule and 



general ecclesiastical degradation. From Robert, the founder, the 
patronage descended, like that of the sister establishment at Rosedale, 
to the Wakes lords of Liddel, by the marriage of Isabel (? Joan), heiress 
of the Stutevilles, in or about the year 1250. In the nth, Henry IV., 
J409, Edmund de Holland, Earl of Kent, died seized of two parts of the 
advowson of this priory, then valued at ^£2 per annum, which had been 
previously given by King Edward III. to Edmund, Earl of Kent, his 

The following names of Prioresses have been preserved. 

Sybill, occurs temp. Henry I. 

3rd Nones Feb., 

8th March, 1308. 
30th July, 1308. 

7th March, 13 15. 

25th June, 1406. 

occurs in 1247; she was succeeded by 

who occurs in 1276, and may have been 

Beatrix de Crendon ; resigned 1292. Possibly she should 
be caUed Grendon. On the i6th May, 1259, the King 
granted to Sybill Dayrel, Peter de Grendon, and Alice, 
his wife, sister of Sybill, on account of their poverty, that 
of the £k6 17s., owing to the King, of the debt of Ralph 
Dayrel, formerly the brother of Sybill and Alice, the 
money should be paid by instalments. In 1279, Thomas 
de Normanville, the King's seneschal, is ordered to take 
possession of all the lands, &c., of wliich Ralph de 
Grendon, of Lynelaund, died, seized in capite. 

Emma de Stafelton, who is stated to have been con- 
firmed in her office on that date, and to have resigned in 
1 301. She is said to have been a daughter of Sir 
Nicholas de Stapleton the Justice, who bore arms, Arg. 
a lion rampant sa. 

Who succeeded her does not appear, but there has been an 
appointment before the re-election of the above 

Emma de Stapelton, who was chosen by the convent and 
confirmed by the Archbishop. Her re-election must have 
been at a period of dire conmsion, for 

Joan de Pykering, a nun of Rosedale, was appointed by 
the Archbishop, 3rd Kal. Aug., 1308, there being no 
person in Keldholm, held by the Archbishop to be fit for 
the office. The nuns of Keldholm vehemently opposed 
this appointment, and finally Joan de Pykering gave in 
her resignation. She was appomted Prioress of Rosedale, 
1 2th January, 131 1. So far as we know 

Emma de Stapelton resumed the rule. The writer of the 
Stapleton pedigree in the Yorks. Arch, ana Top, Jauma^ 
viii., p. 87, says, she retired on account of ill health 
(cessit ob infirmit, corporis) in 13 1 7, but the list in the 
Mon, Ang, says, 

Emma de Ebor was confirmed on the nones of March, 13 15. 

From this period there is another long gap in the succession. 

Margaret Aslaby is the next Prioress who occurs. She 
resigned through infirmity of body in 1406, on the 25th 
June of which year 

Alice de Sandeforde was elected; she may have been 
succeeded by 

Agnes Wandksford, who died in 1461. The remains of a 
fine old hall of the Wandesfords are at Kirklington, near 

25th Sept., 1461. 

November, 1464. 

20th August, 1497. 

9th May, 1534. 


Elena Wandbsforth was elected. A commission for a 
fresh election was issued 14th November, 1464, in conse- 
quence of her death, but who was chosen to succeed 
her was 

Not recorded, unless it ivas 

Katherine Anlaby, the next Prioress who occurs, upon 
whose death 

Elizabeth Darrel, who had been previously Prioress of 
Basedale, waa confirmed. Upon her death it is probable 
she was succeeded bv one whose name is now lost 

Elizabeth Lyon was the last Prioress. At the dissolution 
she had a ^sion of £$ per annum granted to her, 
which she enjoyed in 1553. John Porter, the Chaplain, 
had a pension of £4^ which ne also enjoyed in the same 
year. It is said at the time of the surrender, the establish- 
ment contained the Prioress and eight nims. 

No seal of this nunnery has yet been discovered, nor any description 
of the site or fabric, not one vestige of which remains. According to 
the will of Jon of Croxton, of York, chandler, who died in 1383, he 
leaves 6s. 8d. " to the nunnery of Keldholme to thar dorter," and as to 
the other houses mentioned by him, he generally leaves wax goods, it 
may be presumed that the nuns were then rebuilding or repairing their 
dormitory, for which money would be acceptable. Of the inmates we 
perhaps know less than of any other Yorkshire house. They seem, 
however, to have been drawn from or mixed with good families. In 
1400, I^dy Joan Hesilrigg leaves to each nun of Keldholme, i2d. In 
1402, Sir John Depeden, Knight, left the nuns of Keldholme 20s., to 
pray for him. In 1436-7, Robert Greenwood, clerk, advocate of the 
court of York, leaves to his cousin Domina Isabella de Heton, a nun 
of Keldholme^ his Primer and a gilded zone. The particulars of the 
return in the Valor, 26th, Henry VIII. relating to Keldholme are lost, 
nothing remaining but the following : — " Prioratus de Keldome, worth 
clear per annum in spirituals and temporals, ^^29 6s. id. ; the tithe 
thereof, £2 i8s yjd." It is also remarkable that there are no 
ministers' accounts of this priory remaining in the Augmentation office. 
The site of the house, with that of Rosedale, was given, 30th Henry 
Vlli., to Ralph Nevile, Earl of Westmoreland., whose ancestors were 
then said to have been called the founders, although this was clearly 
not the case. On the site was erected an oil and flax mill, and in 18 13, 
when part of the old foundations were cleared away, several tombstones 
and stone coffins were discovered, a mark of the burial of exalted 

Eastmead, in his History of Kirby Moorside^ says of the modem 
establishment,*' It is in a romantic situation through which the road passes 
to Malton and Scarborough. The spinning of flax and tow is carried 
on here by Mr. Caleb Fletcher, who has a neat dwelling-house and a 
convenient factory, surmounted with cupola, and displaying in every 
part neatness and attention. The Dove, which sinks in its channel a 
little below Yawdwath, rises, or rather flows from the limestone which 
forms the bank on the east of the beck, about a quarter of a mile from 


the site of the Priory, in a constant and often rapid stream ; so as to 
drive the machinery of Mr. Fletcher's factory. The Priory stood 
principally on the ground which i$ now the approach to his house ; into 
which you enter not far from Keldholme bridge. A few years ago, as 
some workmen were levelling the ground, they dug up several stone 
coffins, tesselated pavements, and fragments of pillars. Mr. Fletcher 
did not preserve any of the pavement ; but two or three fragments of 
the pillars are preserved in the north wall of his garden, which is 
spacious and laid out with taste. The river Dove runs at the extremity 
of it, beyond which there lies picturesque and interesting scenery. 
Christopher Robinson, Esq., to whom Ravenswick wood and a great 
portion of the land about Keldholme belongs, and who, with Mr. 
Fletcher, assisted me in the history of the Priory, has in his possession 
eight pieces of brass called celts, which are said to have been dug from 
the site of it. A small bell also and a small brass hammer were found 
with them. On the east side of Keldholme bridge is a house of the 
cottage size, which was anciently called Keldholme Hall. It is now the 
property of Mr. Fletcher, who has a will, dated 1695, ^^ which William 
Hill, mariner of Whitby, gave to his four daughters that dwelling-house 
known by the name of Keldholme Hall, together with all the tithes ot 
Keldholme Priory. The house, though small, has been finished in a 
rather superior style. It has, at present, a fire-place faced with Dutch 
tiles, which, it is said, were put there in the latter part of the eighteenth 
century, by a gentleman who intended it for the residence of a favourite 

Leeds. W. Wheater. 


A rdic of a better age, debased 

And turned to worldly use, where gold and greed 

Strive in the place of prayer ; and yet 

The hallowed stones their sacred mission tell, 

Nor suffer gain to stiU the voice of praise. 

RosEDALE Priory was founded by Robert, son of Nicholas de 
Stuteville, as Burton says, temp, Richard I., as others say, before the 
year 1190. Like the sister priory at Keldholme it was under the pro- 
tection and patronage of the highest of the Yorkshire aristocracy, 
although it was hidden away in one of the wildest districts. In 1200 
we find from the Chancellor's Roll and the Oblate Roll^ that William de 
Stuteville gave one palfrey for confirmation of the nuns of Rusendale ; 
but though the reason for the application was obvious, he did not 
make the gift entirely good, for in 1201 he is set down as owing it. 
This William de Stuteville was the friend and favourite whom King 
John in that year made Sheriff of Yorkshire, an office for which he 
rendered account of ;^iooo, to have so long as he shall well and faith- 
fully serve. WiUiam died in 1203. In 1205 Nicholas his brother made 

124 ^^^ yORKSMIRB. 

a fine with the King of 10,000 marks for his heirship in his lands, and 
pledges the Castle of Knaresborough and Boroughbridge, to remain in 
the King's hands until the payment of the fine. On the 19th Oct., 
1133, Peter de Rivall, custodian of all the lands which belonged to 
Nicholas de Stuteville, is ordered to give full seizin to Hugh Walte, who 
had married Johanna, one of the daughters, and heirs of Nicholas, and 
to William de Mastac, to whom the King gave another, the younger of 
the daughters, then in the King's custody. On the and Nov., 1241, the 
King informs Robert de Crenping, that Johanna, wife of Hugh Wake, 
who died in that year, made a fine of £too for having her seizin of the 
lands which belonged to Eustace de Stuteville, her kinsman {amsangu- 
inats), the heirship of which belonged to the said Johanna, and because 
she received ^50 of that fine 
by Baldwin de Ver, Guy Wake, 
and Simon de Torp, she was to 
have full seizin. She also ob- 
tained the custody and maritage 
of the heir. 

The Common Sea! of the 
Priory here shewn bore the legend 
ROSARVM ; the device was the 
Virgin and Child seated under a 
canopy, the ground diapered. This 
seal cannot, however, be earlier 
than the fourteenth century. 

Simultaneous with John's 

confirmation of tVilliam Stute- 

ville's gift, there was another 

transaction which had to be 

finished before the domain of 

the nuns could be considered 

safe and complete, and that was 

the absorption of the claims of 

the local landholder. It was duly 

effected and ratified by King John when he was at Scarborough, on the 

3rd February, 1201. The King there confirmed the donation which 

William de Russedale made to the nuns of Russedale, and they shall 

hold all the lands and their appurtenances according to the charter of 

William and Turgis his son. The witnesses to this confirmation are 

William de Stuteville, Robert de Turnham, Hugh Bardolf, Eustace de 

Vesci, and Simon de Patishull — the greatest magnates of the West 

Riding of Yorkshire. Itinerant John having completed this transactioa 

and the Keldholme business of which we have read, moved next day to 

Eggeton ; on the 5th he was at Gysebum, on the 6th at Skelton, and on 

the 7th at Durham. It is within the power of careful investigation to 

prove that the monasteries of north Yorkshire owe their origin to a very 


few of the leading territorial families. How the Wakes, an East Riding 
family, were introduced into the compact we may learn when we know 
that in 1206 King John granted to Agnes Wake, daughter of William de 
Humet, her land of Wichendon, held of the King in capite, and given 
to her on her marriage. The family of Humet, or Humez, were 
hereditary Constables of Normandy. We have an account of them 
under the priory of Arthington. 

One of the first transactions of Joan Wake after her second marriage 
was in aid of the nuns of Rosedale. In 1242, Eustace de Stuteville 
gave to the Prioress and convent a carucate of land in Middleton of 
Joan's fee. In 1244, the Sheriff is ordered to take possession of the 
lands which Nicholaa de Stuteville held in dowry from Eustace de 
Stuteville, formerly her husband. In this light the gift of the lands in 
Middleton assumes the form of a death-gift for the repose of the soul of 
Eustace. In the same year William de Percy paid a fine of 100 marks 
for his transgression in taking Nicholaa to wife without the license 
of the King, in whose gift she was. In 1248 the Barons of the Exchequer 
are ordered that of the 700 marks which Hugh Bigod returned per annum, 
of the fine which Joan, his wife, made for the custody of the land and 
heir of Hugh Wake, and for his marriage, and for her own marriage to 
whom she wished, the Earl of Savoy might free 200 marks of his fee 
every year. In 1251, Hugh Wake, and Isabel his wife, gave one mark 
for a novel disseisin. The Wakes were then the patrons of the Priory; in 
1 3 10 the patronage was in Thomas Wake, a minor and the King's ward. 

It is not certain whether the nuns were Benedictines or Cistercians. 
Dugdale calls them Benedictines j Gervase of Canterbury, says the sisters 
were " monales Albae " — white nuns. Their house and the whole of 
their property lay in one of the most solitary and secluded portions of 
Yorkshire ; it was chiefly in Rosedale, Cropton, Cawthorne, Newton, 
Lockton, and Pickering. They had also a few more distant possessions, 
and the patronage of Thorpenhow Church in the diocese of Carlisle. 
King Edward's charter specifies the boundaries of the first gift of the 
vale of Rosedale, viz., from the boundaries of Peter de Brus in length 
easterly up to Anchon,and in breadth from the highway leading from 
Anchon up toSyvene, — Eustace de Stuteville's grant including the place 
and meadows of Baggethwaite, from Smalesikesheued up to Syvene, 
and from Smalesikes up to the land of the nuns towards the west. 

The particulars of the estates cannot no^ be given on account of 

the original record for the deanery of Rydal being no longer extan t. 

Dugdale gives a charter of King Edward III., dated at York, 26th 

February, in the second year of his reign, confirming a charter of 

King John and various other donations. King John's charter is as 

follows : — 

John, by the grace of God, &c., greeting. Know ye that we have conceded, and 
by this our charter confirmed, to God, to the Blessed Mary, and to St Lawrence 
Rosedale, and to the nuns there serving God, the reasonable gift which Robert de 
Stuteville made to them in free, pure, and perpetual alms, of the vale of Rosedale 
with all its appurtenances, by different charters of the same Robert ; and of the 


whole meadow of Baggbthwaite as the charter of the said Robert which the aforesaid 
possess, properly tested ; and in like manner all the tan-bark of the wood of the same 
Robert as far as Cropton, cut under supervision of our foresters. Wherefore, we wish 
and firmly enjoin that the aforesaid nuns may have and hold the aforesaid tenements, 
and all their appurtenances, well and in peace, freely and quietly, wholly and fully, in 
all places ana things, with all liberties and free customs belonging to them, as is 
aforesaid. Witnesses, Peter de Bruys, Roger de Monte Begun,* Matthew Fitz 
Hurbert, William de Cantelupe, Simon de Pateshill, James de Poteme, Galfiid 
Letterd. Done by the hand of Hugo de Welle at York, i6th August, in the nth 
year of onr reign. 

King £dward's charter further gives : — 

Also confirmation of various donations, including his forge in Baggethwaite, given 
by Eustace de Stuteville. All that John Wake, son and heir of Sir Baldwin Wake, 
for himself and his heirs gave to the nuns in Rosedale ; also of confirmation of the 
gift of Rosedale by Thomas Wake, Lord of Liddell, son and heir of John Wake ; 
also of the confirmation of the gift of the vale of Rosedale by the charter of Robert 
de Stuteville, son and heir of Nicholas ; also of the gift of Thorppenhou in the diocese 
of Carlisle, by Sibilla de Valoniis in her free widowhood. In 1201, Philip Escrop 
rendered an account for William de Stuteville of jf*! 14 on. 4d. of the farm of 
Cumberland, and Stuteville also paid 64s. 6d., remaining of the farm of the Provostry 
in 1200. In 1 201, Nicholas Stuteville paid loos. that he might not be sent to service 
across the sea. On the 19th June, 1222, the King orders the Sheriff of Cumberland 
to take possession of the land which Sibilla de Valoniis holds in capite in Torpenneu, 
and to ascertain by inquisition what is the annual value of the land. In 1223, Roger 
de Quency paid a fine of 50 marks for the custody of hb land in Torpenho, which hul 
belonged to Sibilla de Valoniis, the custody belonging to this Roger by reason of his 
guardianship of her son and heir, Eustace de Stuteville, her son and heir, was also in 
the guardianship of the said Roger. £ustace de Stuteville, son of Robert, confirmed 
the gift of Sibilla de Valoniis. 

The charter continues : — Also of the gift by Alan Malkake (who flourished in 
1200) of one bovate in Lokton, the seat of a sheep-walk, and one acre in Katilscroft 
( ?Ketelscroft) at Bunscarlit ; also land in Ketelthorpe, and a meadow in Mideldayl in 
the meadow of Pykering, near the meadow of Galfnd, son of Walter, son of Tocke, 
towards the east, and reaching from the water of Pykeringe, in length to the water 
of Costa, and pasturage for 200 sheep. Also of the confirmation by William, son of 
the said Alan Malkake, of all the land from Abune-scard (above the cliff), as far as 
Nordrane, and the gift before named made by the said Alan. Also of the gift by 
William de Bolebec of two bovates of land, &c., in Newton, which he held of Hugh 
Bardolf, &c,, near the court of the said William, and they were confirmed by Roger 
de Bolebec, son of William, viz. , one in soccage and one in barony ; and of a toft 
and croft lying between the toft of John de Oly and that of Ralph son of William ; 
also pasturage by the same for 30 two-year-old sheep ; also of confirmation of the 
same by Roger, son of the said William ; also of the gift of the said Roger of a toft, 
&c , held of him by William Wildbru, with the homage of the said William and his 
heirs ; also of the gift of Roesia, daughter of William de Bolebec, of one bovate in 
Newton, and of 2/10 rent, to be received yearly of Thomas, son of Ralph de Newton, 
and his heirs, for one bovate and one toft in the same place. 

Also the gift by Adam, son of Johnde Newton, of one bovate and a toft in 
Newton, which he had of the gift of Alice, daughter of Thomas, son of Radulf. Also 
of two bovates of land, &c., in Famunebv, by Roger de Laiston, which were held by 
Roger Racine. Also of the gift by Ralph Barru>lf of -one toft, with a croft in 

*In xaoa, Roger de Montbegun rendered an account oi £290 for having to wife Olive, and in the 
.» , , _T , ,_,.,.,.... .. ._ ,. "died 



9f Roger. 

kOS£DAL£ PtllOkV. 127 

Farmane>>y. Hugh Bardolf made a fine with the King at Gilling, on the 8th July, 
1213, of his land which Ralph, his father, held of the Constable of Chester, in the 
hands of the King and custody of William de Harcourt, that he himself shall 
serve the King well prepared vdth horse and arms in Foictou or where the King 
pleases, from the second Sunday after the octaves of the Apostles Peter and Paul, 
1213, for a complete year, and the King took security through Galfrid de Neville his 

Also the gift of three bovates of land in Calthome by Robert de Carwindelawe, 
Kt., of one other bovate of land there by his gift. Also of the gift by Matilda, who 
was the wife of Americ de Scardeburgh of six flagons of oil yearly, within fifteen days 
after the feast of the nativity of St. John Baptist ; also by the gift of a toft in Burton- 
dale ; also of another toft above Ramesdale. AJso of the gift of a salt-pan in the 
marsh of Cotum, &c.,' by William, son of Matilda de Brotton. Also of a messuage 
in Mideltun, &&, by Alan son of (Jlf, next the cross of stone in the same vill. Also 
the gift of two acres, &c., in Skelton, by Terrie de Rubrok. 

The witnesses to this charter were W. Archbishop of York, J. Bishop 
of Ely, chancellor, J. Bishop of Winchester, Edward Earl of Kent, 
" our dear maternal uncle," Thomjis Wake, Henry de Bellomonte, John 
de Ros, " seneschal of our hospice," and others. In the 30th Henry 
III., 1245, the nuns also appear to have had a grant of 8 bovates and 
50 acres of land by Hugh le Bigod and Joan (Wake nee Stuteville) his 
wife, and they had also in 1241 half a carucate in Calthome, and in 131 7 
a carucate in Newby, in which year they also received the church of 

The career of this house seems to have been one of extreme 
obscurity, entirely in accord with the site, "which must have been 
intensely solitary when the priory was founded." In 1322 Archbishop 
Melton dispersed the nuns of Rosedale on account of the injuries their 
house had received from the Scots. The instrument of dispersijn is 
dated at Bishopthorpe 20th Nov., 1322. The names of the nuns, all of 
them members of the territorial families, and the places they were sent 
to, have been preserved. Alice de Rippighale was sent to Brunnum ; 
Avelina de Brus to Synigthwaite ; Margaret de Langtoft to Thickened ; 
Joan Croual to Wykham ; and Elena Dayvill to Hanpole, with a letter 
of our lady the Queen, in order that she may there complete the 
penance enjoined upon her. If this be the full complement of nuns, 
of whom one was then notoriously under penal discipline, the career of 
Rosedale is not to be cited in favour of the monastic system. 

There is a very imperfect list of the Prioresses — 

Maria de Ros had the Archbishop's permission to resign her 
office on account of infirmity, on the 4th Kal. October 
(28th September), 1310. It was upon her death that the 
nuns petitioned the King for leave to choose a successor ; 
the patronage being at t^t time in Thomas Wake, a minor 
in the King s ward. 

Joan de Pykering, who had been appointed to Keldholme 
(see p. 121) was chosen; she had the Archbishop's mandate, 
2nd ides January, 1310-11. Her name does not appear 
in the list at the dispersion of the nuns. 

There have been some unknown circumstances before the 
admission of 
19th January, 1335. | Isabella Whyieby, the next Prioress upon record. On her 


1 2th January, 131 1. 



19th Jan., 1335-6. 

22nd June, 1468. 
1st June, 1505. 

Elizabeth db KiBKBBYMOOitsiDB was elected. She is said 
to have received the Archbishop's confirmation 14th Kal. 
January, 1336-7, and there appears to be here some con- 
fusion of dates. 

There is another gap in the record, which should contain at 
least two other names before that of 

Katherinb de Thweno, who had ceased to be Prioress 
in 1410. 

There is another gap before the rule of 

Margaret Chamberlain, who resigned her office 20th May, 

Joan Bramley was confirmed. 

Margaret Rifon next occurs, upon whose death or cession 

Joan Badersby was appointed by the Archbishop " ratione 

Matilda Felton was confirmed. 

Maria Marshall. She was the last Prioress. 

5th Dec, 1521. 
6th May, 1527. 

There were about ten nuns here at the surrender, their income 
being, according to Dugdale, ^^37 12s. 3d.; according to Speed, 
;f 41 13s. 8d. The domain then included apple-orchards, garden, and 
other accommodations ; a water-mill within the precincts ; a close called 
Ellerkar ; two acres of meadow called Day-wark ; six acres called You 
ynge ; Oxclose, Prye-hills, Angrome, Hare-hills, Lath-garth, Horse-parks, 
the Hede, Browehede, Horse-Ing, Backe-hous-garth. The church was 
dedicated to St. Lawrence as well as St. Mary. It is still used wholly 
or in part as a parochial place of worship. The square of the cloister 
on the south of the church is almost entire ; the buildings having been 
converted into dwelling-houses, bams, and other purposes. In this square 
on the east side, are some of the tombstones which have been placed 
over the nuns, with crosses and other symbols carved on them. The 
only name now legible is that of Catherine Meger. On a lintel at the 
end of one of the of&ces on the east, is the inscription Omnia Vanitas 
in very rude characters. There is no list of pensions granted at the 
dissolution ; and no registry of the Priory is known to exist. A short 
list of testamentary bequests has been compiled * from the Testamenta 

1376. Mann le Constable, Knight of Flaynburgh, to Isabella de Lumley, 

nun of Rosedale, 13s. 4d. 
1388. Walter Chittenham, vicar of the chapel of St Trinity, Kyngeston-on 

Hull, to the nuns of Rossedale, 40s. 
1390. Roger de Moreton, citizen and merchant of York, to the nuns of 

Rosedale, 81bs. of wax. 
1393* Jon of Croxton of Yhorke, chandeler, two torches of ix. fote to 

Rosedale Abbey, for all Crvsten saules. 
1 401. Lady Isabella Faconbergh of Cleveland, widow of Sir Walter Facon- 

bergh, Knight, to the nuns of Rosedale, 20s. 
1454. Robert Constable, Squyer, dated at Bamby juxta Bossall, to ye 

pure nonnes of Rosshedale 6s. 8d. 

Ironstone, a mineral worked from the very earliest times, was roost 
probably worked by the nuns, who had a forge {forgia) on their 

• By Dr. F. R. Fairbank, of Doncaster, 


premises, though the mines are said to have been granted to the monks 
of Byland. Eustace de StuteviUe, in giving his lands, excepted his 
forge, which must have proved a source of annoyance or perhaps chagrin 
to the nuns, for he subsequently conceded his interest in it, allowing it 
to be removed from their neighbourhood, and adding in his charter '4ta 
quod eadem forgia penitus amoveatur, et a nullo hominum unquam 
reaediiicatur;" but despite this peremptory prohibition of future re- 
establishment, there have very extensive works been constructed here 
.by the Rosedale and Ferrj'hill Iron Company. Rosedale was granted, 
9th July, 30th Henry VIII., to Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmerland, 
with the rectory of Torpennowe, the site of the Priory of Keldholm, the 
manor and lands, &c , in Rosedale, Thorpennowe, Thornton, Pickering, 
Newton, and Swynnington Regis, to have to him and the heirs 
of his body to hold in capite. The premises are now shared by various 
proprietors. The inhabitants nominate the curate. 

Leeds, W. Wheater. 


Tanner dates the foundation of Malton Priory about the year 
1150. Eustace Fitz John, whom Houeden calls a one-eyed vile traitor, 
built and endowed it to the honour of the holy Virgin. Fitz John had 
been in trouble, for he held the castle of Malton against Stephen in 
1 138. The patronage of the Priory was of great power and wealth. 
John, father of Eustace, and Serlo de Burgh or De Penbroke, were 
brothers. The wife of Eustace was the daughter of Ivo de Vesci ; they 
had a son William, at the birth of whom his mother died perhaps after the 
Caesarean operation — " caeso ventre matris, natus, est, et matre mortua." 
He was from the first called William de Vesci on account of the heir- 
ship he had from his mother. This William married Burga, a sister of 
William de Stuteville, and took with her in maritage the town of 
Langeton; they had a son Eustace, who married Agnes, daughter 
of William King of Scots ; they had a son William, who manied Agnes, 
daughter of Earl de Ferrers ; they had a son William, " who now is." 
And be it known that Serlo first constructed the castle of Knaresborough. 
Serlo being dead, Knaresborough descended by hereditary succession to 
Eustace Fitz John as to the nephew and first heir. Eustace held the 
said manor for his life ; he was slain in action in Wales in 1157, being 
succeeded by William, his son and heir, who held the manor a short 
time, but, through a certain indignation which our lord the King con- 
ceived against him, the manor was taken away from him and given to 
William de Stuteville. 

On the 4th Ides January, 1288, died that nobleman, Lord John de Vesci. 
On the 5th Ides of May, 1295, died the Lady Agnes de Vesci, his moUier. 
On the 51h Kal. August, 1295, died William de Vesd, his father. 
On the 8th Kal. May, 1297, died Lord John de Vesci, junr. 
On the Kal. August, 1307, died Dom Gilbert de Aton, advocate of Malton. 



According to an Impeximus 2nd June, 9th Edward IT., by 
Alexander de Cave, John de Hotham, &c., we find that Giles de Aton 
is the nearest heir of William de Vesci, senr. After the death of the 
said William, senr., because he died without heir of himself, the entry 
upon the tenements which belonged to the said William, belonged to 
a certain Warin de Vesci, as kinsman and heir of the brother of Eustace, 
grandfather (avus) of the said William de Vesci, senr., on the part of the 
^ther ; from which Warin descended the right of those tenements to a 
certain Marjery, as his daughter and heir ; and from this William to 
a certain Gilbert, who died without heir; the right of the tenements then 
descended to a certain William de Aton, a brother and heir. And from 
this William it descended to Gilbert de Aton, as son and heir ; and they 
say that the said Gilbert de Aton is of full age. 

In the foundation charter it is stated that Eustace Fitz John, 
desiring to provide for the health of his soul, his children, and parents, 
gives to the Blessed Virgin Mary, and to the canons of Sempringham, 
a place suitable for religion — locum religioni aptum — the church of 
Malton, with all its appurtenances, as well in chapels, lands, as in other 
things. He gave them also a canicate of land in the same town, with 
his town residence — cum mansura demenii mei — and the grove there ; 
and the church of St Peter of Winteringham. The gift was clearly 
made at York, and we may suppose at some gathering for the purpose of 
religious development. The witnesses were Henry Archbishop of 
York, Robert of the Hospital (of St. Leonard's), Adam, Abbot of Melsa, 
Walter and Richard Chaplains, Warin, the clerk, William Latimer, 
William son of Guer(in), William son of Walo, John the Dapifer, Robert 
Frazer, Albert Brian, ^lard, Roger son of William Cunester, and 
Lady Agnes the wife of Eustace. In his charter giving lands in 
Bramton, Eustace mentions Galfrid and Richard his sons. It is 
witnessed by Warin the Chaplain, Richard the Chaplain, Adam Abbot 
of Melsa, Robert of the Temple, &c. 

William de Vesci, son of the said Eustace, gave the churches of 
Malton and Anacaster, and the mill of Old Malton, and a piscary in the 
Derwent "throughout my whole domain," and all the meadow on the 
east part of the apple orchard of Roger de Lascels in the same town. 
Burga, wife of the said William, gave " as much as is the right of a free 
woman," the church of Langatun, " which is of my maritage," for the 
health of my lord William de Vesci and of Eustace our son. 

Ivetta de Arches, wife of Roger de Flameville, gave the church of 
Norton. Hugh, son of Roger de Flameville, confirmed the gift of his 
father of the church of Marton in Burgeshire, before he had given his 
sister Matilda in marriage to Robert de Hastings. Among the Amercia- 
ments of H. de Neville in 1202, we find one to the Prior and canons 
of Mealton, j£S in the quittance they had of eight score acres by 
charter and the King's writ. In 1254, the King assigned as dowry in 
the broad lands {extensis terris) of William de Vesci, to Agnes wife of 
William, the manors of Meauton and Langeton, co.Ebor, with their 


appurtenances, and the manor of Tuggehale, co. Northants, saving to 
Peter de Savoy, who had the custody of all these lands durinj? the minority 
of the heir, the grant of;£'7 12s., paid yearly by the bailiffs of the said 
Agnes, from the manor of Langeton. In 1208, this Henry de Neville 
gave ;^ioo and a palfrey for having seizin of three Knights' tees, 
with their appurtenances, in Raskell and in Sutton, which belonged to 
Emma de Humez, his mother. In or about 1205, Walter Bardulf, 
ancestor of Hugh Bardulf, having just presented, then gave the church of 
Berningham to the Prior aud Canons of Meauton. 

In 1352, the Prior and Convent gave 20 marks for license of 
appropriating the church of Brumpton in Pykering-lyth. It is note- 
worthy that in the early days of the Convent the head of the establish- 
ment was called Propositus, the Provost. 

William of Newburgh, relates a circumstance occurring in August, 
1 197, which gives us some clue to the building operations. It was a 
singular and fatal accident from an accumulation of carbonic acid gas. 
A kiln, prepared for burning lime, was in the usual fashion extinguished 
at the close of the day. The Provost and several of the brethren had 
gone to witness and assist in the operation. About the kiln a moderately 
deep hole was made, about six or seven feet deep. Into this one of the 
brethren, deceived by the darkness, stepped while busily prosecuting the 
work. When at length he did not artse, the Provost asked if he was 
injured, and was answered, " I have perished," as the man died. Those 
who were present wondered at his further silence, for they could not 
believe in his death, and sight of him was obscured by the darkness. 
One of the bystanders was then asked to descend and bring word how 
matters stood. Having descended, he had scarcely stooped down when 
he silently died. Not coming back nor bringing any word, another 
descended, and he in the same way was destroyed. Then stupor fell 
upon those yet standing about ; knowing themselves to be insecure they 
asked a third to descend and explore cautiously; who, it is said, fortifying 
himself with the sign of health, the cross, began to descend into the 
fatal pit, but immediately exclaimed, *' I am dying, I am dying, pull me 
up ! " Those nearest about snatched at the top of the little ladder, and 
extricated him, still clinging to the ladder. His tunic was burned and 
it appeared as if wilfully torn to pieces by violent hands ; foam was 
gushing from his mouth, and he languished for many days. At the sight 
of his tunic he trembled as at a pestilence, nor would he suffer it to be 
put on when repaired. On the morrow, after the death of the brother 
and two youths who had followed him, one cautiously descended to 
draw up their bodies ; he felt nothing of either horror or evil there, but 
harmlessly and with every confidence drew the bodies from the place of 
death* No wound appeared on the dead, beyond that their left eyes 
appeared blood-shot, and bruised as if by a recent blow. This singular 
story shows the monks were engaged in building operations at the date 
af it. The Rev. Mackenzie C Walcot, M.A., contributed to the Building 


News an interesting description of Malton Priory church, which is here 
represented : — 

The church of St. Mary's, Old Malton, is only a fragment of what 
was once a noble minster, with three towers, founded for the Gilbenine 
canons in 115O) by Eustace St. John. In it was buried Gilbert, 
founder of the order of Sempringham, who died in 11 89. He designed 
that the monastery should contain thirty-five men. In its integrity the 
priory church possessed a transept with eastern chapels, a choir with 
aisles, and a short square-ended presbytery ; and it is possible now to 
trace a faint outline among the huge mounds which cover the meadow 
which slopes to the banks of the Derwent. Now it has lost its western 
triplet, its north-west tower, the aisles and clerestory of the nave, and the 
entire east end, including two bays of the body of the church. The 
bases of the enormous western pillars of the crossing remain, with the 
shafts at the east end of the south nave aisle, which retains only a 
cinquefoiled pillar stoup, adjoining a round-headed procession door. 
Another doorway of richer character, with the beak-head and chevron 
ornaments, has been rebuilt on the north side. Barbarous usage 
exceeded its ordinary malice here, both sides of the building being 
coated with modem masonry, which on the north side quite conceals 
every ancient feature, and on the south permits less than half the 
original pillars, which are of Transitional Norman date, with moulded 
capitals, and the outer mouldings of the arches, to be seen, together with 
a single jamb of a clerestory window, and the large circular outer arches 
of the triforium. A weather moulding on the side of the tower is proof 
that the aisle roof also enclosed the triforium. An outer doorway in the 
tower shows that the conventual buildings were carried clear of it — that 
is eastward. The interior of the buildings of this rare order, however, is 
full of interest even in its degradation. The nave retains only six out 
of eight original bays ; on the second north pillar from the east there is a 
square canopied niche for an image. The fourth pillar is cased with 
canopied niches in two tiers ; part of the cornice has been reversed, but 
these parts of an inscription remain — *' Rogerus Pri (or ?) Orate pro 
BON.. .FRATRI...CARI," with the rebus, a tree piercing a tun and a bolt 
through a woolpack. This is of perpendicular date, like the arcading in 
the three western bays which supersedes the triforium. The pillars are 
octagonal. On the south they are round. The triforium on this side 
resembles that in the three eastern bays upon the north, consisting of 
two open arches under a comprising arch, with a quatrefoil in the head, 
and flanked by a more pointed arch on either side. The westernmost 
pillars, like the fifth on the north, are shafted, clearly being under recon- 
struction in the Perpendicular period, when the example of Bridlington 
probably stimulated an unfortunate rivalry. 

The lower story of the tower (like the entbe wekt end, of the latter 
part of the twelfth century) is vaulted. The upper stage exhibits two 
tall pointed open windows, with a quatrefoil in a circle above each head 
The lower window has been a very remarkable ornament in the jambs' 


profusely used. It is like a ball-flower in bud, of conical shape, ending 
in a sharp point, with six lateral flutings. The grand western portal of 
six orders (filled with commonplace new doors) has in its mouldings the 
violet, a four-leaved flower, and a diamond fretty pattern, like an orna- 
ment at Lincoln Cathedral. The shafts here and in the windows are 
banded at mid-height. The jambs of the great western window are 
studded with the violet. The round-headed insertions, with the meanest 
attempt at tracery, is to the last degree e>iecrable. It is only rivalled by 
the preposterous and contemporaneous arrangement of mock stalls along 
the east wall. The central space was covered up, as the painters were 
at work. This paltry woodwork, fortunately, has been the means of 
preserving the misricords— good, honest, bold sculptures of great vigour, 
but late in execution. No. i denotes their several subjects ; No. 2 
marks the pattern of the elbow rest. They range from north to south, 
and face the congregation with an effect eminently incongruous and 
grotesque. Restoration is urgently needed in every respect, both in the 
fabric and furniture. The misricords represent—^ 

I. An ass, with long, flowing head-gear ; 2, a goose. 
II. A lion ; 2, a fox crouching. 

III. A winged dragon ; 2, a unicorn. 

IV. An ovn ; 2, a hare. 

V. An eagle ; 2, a beast with a scaly neck. 
VI. A rabbit ; 2, a snake. 

VII. A camel bridled ; 2, a beast with a snake s tail. 
VIII. A crab ; 2, a cockatrice ; a bird's head. 

The tower, with fissures, subsiding arches, and a very perceptible 
settlement on the east side, appears in a delicate condition, and the 
augury, from past treatment of the building, is a sad one. The changes 
in it were evidently made by a sordid pulling down of faulty portions 
piecemeal, bit by bit, till the present miserable residue only was left, to 
the disgrace of the parish. The cloisters were on the south side, and 
the substructure still existing under a modem house was probably the 
cellarage, upon which the refectory was built. Buck's view shows the 
round-headed clerestory of the nave, the south wall of the aisle with a 
processional door at the east end, a part of the substructure of the rooms 
of the lay brothers, with an external arcade, and on the east side of the 
garth a small door; a fine portal to the stype, with the lozenge or 
diamonded ornament, and the grand entrance to the chapter-house of 
four orders, flanked with a window on each side. We have a few 
glimpses of the internal features of the church. Henry Eure, Esq., who 
died in 1476, wills " my body to be buried in the monastery of Our 
JLady in Olde Malton, before the medys of the alter of Seynt John the 
Baptist, where the prest usith to saye Confiteor,^' In 1346, Walter 
Percehay, lord of , bequeathed his body to be buried in the 

church, his wife Agnes Percehay being buried near to him in 1348, and 
her executors were to provide six priests for one year to celebrate for the 
good of the souls of herself and husband. In 1350, Sir Gilbert Aton 
left ;^4o, and appointed as his executors Dan Richard de Watton, Prior 


of Watton, and Dan John de Wynteringham, Prior of Malton. In 139 1, 
Agnes de Lokton, widow, leaves her body to be buried in the church of 
the convent of Old Malton, near my forelders (She was a Percehay). In 
1450, Dame Constance Bigod, of Setterington, leaves to the fabric of 
the Blessed Mary " in Chamell de Malton " one zone worked with silver 

The arms of the Priory were — Argent, three 
bars gules, over all a pilgrim's crutch in bend 
sinister of the first. Those were the arms of 
the Founder differenced by the crutch. From 
the register in the Cottonian Library, Claud. D. 
XI., British Museum, we only glean a fewfacts. 
I. That Roger was Prior in the time of Pope 
Alexander III. 2. The date of the founda- 
tions. 3. That there was a rood in the great 
church, />., in the nave, with a light before it. 
4. That there was a hermaphrodite convent, con- 
sisting oifratres and sorores in different buildings. In 1 298, we learn that 
William was Prior. The senseless violence of vulgar greed or polemical 
destruction has deprived us of a curious insight into the arrangement of 
one of the finest houses of theorderof Sempringham, the only one of dis- 
tinctively English foundation. The list of chantries in the Public Record 
Office notices only those of St. Leonard's and St. Michael's, New Malton, 
and St. James in the Castle. The revenues of this Priory, as returned in the 
Valoty 26th, Henry VIII., amounted to £2$'] 7s. od. ; the clear income 
tO;^i97 19s. 2d. The site was granted, 32 Henry VIII., to Robert 
Holgate, Bishop of Llandaff. 


The Pnory of Guisborough or Gisburn is situated in the north of 
Cleveland, where a portion of it still remains to witness the magnificence 
it exhibited in the days of its prosperity — ^a fitting memorial of a house 
which had eventually to ascend the throne of Scotland, to shiver the 
power of England, and leave a name as imperishable as the annals of 
the human race. Guisborough is a secluded town, out of the usual route of 
tourists and scarcely in the range of active commerce, though it is now 
becoming well known to visitors to Saltburn and Redcar, being rendered 
accessible from Whitby by the completion of the coast railway. 

Of this Priory there remains the Norman gateway of the church, set 
among walnut trees and primeval yews ; and the east end 98 feet high 
and 100 feet broad, with a window 60 feet by 24 feet, supported by four 
massive buttresses having octagonal crocketted turrets. The east end 
is Decorated, of the early part of the fourteenth century ; it contains a 
blank window stripped of tracery; a steep gable with a five-light 
window; on either side there is a three-light aisle window with 
geometrical tracery in the head, deeply recessed and flanked by turrets. 
We cannot tell who were the builders of this glorious old church. 


situate at the bottom of a rich and fertile vale surrounded bj' picturesque 
hills. The church has been found, by recent excavations, to have been 
367 feet long by 77 feet wide. Some parts of the foundations of the 
west end have been uncovered. The site of the rood-loft was found 
deeply indented in the ground, as if by the fall of the central tower. 
Southward at a distance of 146 feet from the church is part of the cellar- 
age of the refectory, 40 feet by 10 feet in two spaces, with quadripartite 
vaulting. To the north west is the lower storey of the gatehouse, with a 
low round-headed arch, and the arches of the postern and entrance to 
the abbey court 

The Common Seal of the 
Priory has the legend -i-SIGILLVM 
GISEBVRE; the devise being 
the Virgin seated, before her a 
reading desk, above which is a star 
of eight points. 

Ord in his History of Ckveland 
says, " The gate is 24 feet wide, 
strongly built, the outer arch semi- 
circular, the inner eliptical, with a 
smallgateat the side to admit persons 
singly. During late years this noble 
monument of antiqui^ has been much 
dispoiled, and presents a far less im- 
posingandaugust spectacle than what 
we have seen in drawings a centuryor 
two old. A very strong iron lock 
which, it is supposed, belonged to this 
gate, is in the possession of the 

Chaloner family, it is 15 inches long and from S to 11 inches broad, having 
two keys, three central and two lateral bolts. Themechanism is remarkably 
ingenious, the keytumingroundinasort of box, the caverns of which, ar- 
ranged in six rows, are formed to suit the indented teeth. A very dignified 
part of the Monastery remains to be noticed, viz., the Prior's lodgings, a 
little removed from the quadrangle and Priory church, but so placed as 
to afford an easy communication with the cloisters, offices, and church. 
The upper compartment of the great window is adorned with muUions 
richly branched, similar to the remains of the smaller windows. The 
window fastenings are shewn by indentations in the stonework, in which 
may be seen portions of lead and iron. Rude heads, well-carved dol- 
phins, and other devices, are scattered about the building ; and in several 
parts may be observed the arms of the founder De Bras, arg., a lion 
rampant, azure." 

The ruins are peculiar for their elegance of form, and although so 
scanty, are alone sufficient to attest that a choir of almost unrivalled 
beauty once stood in the bottom of that vale. The choir, representing 
the magnificent fragment already described, was evidently of the four- 


teenth century, and of a style and proportion which might have borne 
comparison with the most splendid works of that age of ecclesiastical 
magnificence. The guest house is probably represented by a wall, with 
late perpendicular windows fronting the market cross in the town. There 
is also preserved a portion of the end of the tomb of the founder, erected 
long after his time, exhibiting the Blessed Virgin Mary seated, holding 
the shield of Brus in her lap. This portion of the tomb has been 
recovered from Hardwicke« whither it had been removed. The two 
sides of the tomb are preserved in the porch of the adjoining parish 
church. Among the ruins of the Priory, under the green sward, shaded 
by two rows of walnut trees, or beneath the summer-flowers, myrtles, 
and hollies of the hall-gardens, lie the bones of many eminent and 
illustrious men, the founders and benefactors of the monastery, whose 
stone coffins have proved more durable than even the stately building 
over which the benefactors lavished their treasures, and under whose 
sacred shade they fondly hoped to abide in peace till " the resurrection 
of the quick and the dead.** Ord. p. 197. 

The Priory was founded for canons of the order of St. Austin, by 
Robert de Brus, lord of Skelton, by the counsel of Pope Calixtus II., 
and of the Archbishop of York, as is set forth in the foundation charter. 
It is the commonly received opinion, supported by Walter Hemingburgh 
the historian, who some two centuries later was a canon and eventually 
Sub-Prior of the house, that the foundation was in 11 29, but there is 
doubt as to the accuracy of this date, which should perhaps be 1 1 1 9, 
for Pope Calixtus died in 11 24, Pope Honorius his successor being 
enthroned on the 21st December of that year. Robert Brus, lord 
of Skelton and Annandale, died on Sunday, nth May, 1141. 

On the 1 6th May, 1289, the church was burnt down. Hemingburgh 
tells the story. He says, Our church of Giseburn was burnt 17th Kal. 
June, 1289, the first day of the Rogations, with many most precious 
theological books, nine chalices, vestments, and costly images, the 
devouring flame consumed. And as past events give the form of com* 
ing things, wherefore, I have thought it desirable to give details of the 
catastrophe, that accidents of a similar nature may be avoided through 
our calamity. On the aforesaid day, which was windy, a plumber, with 
his two labourers, ascended the church to mend some holes in the Cld 
lead, as he had commenced some days before. With bad arrangement, 
to melt his solder he placed his iron pots with charcoal and fire upon 
rubbish on the steps of the top-work, upon dry wood, some beams and 
other combustible things, and from the centre part in the cross of the 
body of the church. He remained there after mass at his work, but at 
length descended before the procession of the Convent, l)elieving his 
labourers had extinguished the fire. They quickly descended after him. 
The fire not being fully extinguished, it flamed up in the charcoal, and 
partly from the heat of the iron or by the scattering of the charcoal, the 
fat seized the lower wood and other combustible things, and being thus 
commenced, the lead melted and the rafters upon the beams ignited. 
The fire grew immensely and consumed everything. Such was the 


damage and conduct of the fugitives in the endeavour to save things, 
we could only adopt the vulgar expression " owt at we can ! " Whence 
our successors may learn from our negligence the more cautiously to 
provide for themselves.* The church was shortly afterwards rebuilt ; 
it is the front of this second fabric which still remains as already stated. 
Some relics of the front building, beautiful carvings, are preserved in a 
heap in the adjoining garden. 

After the fire the King appears to have granted to the Prior and 
Convent, upon their petition, the churches ot Essington, Bermingham, 
and Herleston, of which they had the advowsons; the approprij^tion 
does not, however, seem to have taken effect. King Henry IV. 
granted the canons the privileges of frank pledge, wayf, strays, return of 
writs, &c. Bermingham had been given to Malton. 

The foundation charter is given by Dugdale. It is addressed by 
the founder, Robert de Brus, to the King, the Archbishop of York, and 
to all the sons of Holy Mother Church. It sets forth that by the advice 
of Pope Calistus II. and Turstin, Archbishop of York, Robert de Brus 
has founded a monastery of canonical religion at Gyseburn. 

He also gave to the same his mill in Gyseburn, so that no one 
could erect a mill in the parish without the consent of the canons. He 
also gave the service of the land of the son of Gaufrid and of Uctred 
of Cleveland, which was due to himself; also the whole of Lyum, and 
part of Cotum, the tithe of his lordship of Lyum^; and the churches of 
Mersk, Brunnum, Schellon, Daneby, Uplyum, Stainton, Levinton, 
Herte, and Stranton. He also gave building materials in Escadale in 
perpetuity, and all other necessaries of their house. Above all, the 
charter goes on to say, " We, Robert de Brus and Agnes my wife, and 
Adam our son and heir, have given to the church of St. Mary of 
Gyseburn, and to the brethren who shall there serve God, in free and 
perpetual charity, with all the liberties, free customs and dignities which 
we have in them of the gift and concession of Henry, King of England. 
And we confirm the gifts of our men to the church, viz., the church of 
Ormesby and the mill of Caldecotes, with the land adjoining, of the gift 
of Emald de Percy — half of the church of Marton of the gift 
of Robert Sturmy— the church Actune of the gift of Alured — 
one carucate of the land of Arusum of the gift of William Engeiram — 
three bovates in Lofthus of the gift of Theobald, and one bovatc in 
Clinton of the gift of Roger de Rosel." 

Another early donor was Ralph de Clera, who, with the consent of 
Mabel his wife, and for the good of the souls of themselves and their 
children, gave the site of the monastery, near to the chapel of St. Michael 
towards the south by those boundaries which seven of the canons (septa 

•In recording the vulgar expression one MS. reads "quid potui oygh ;" another, 
" quid potuimus eygh;" either of which seems plainly enough to indicate that the 
iw/^^ir expression was one not only then existing, but frequently used at the present 
day, and meaning " anything we can get hold of.** 


canonicorum concessa) pointed out to us. Witnesses, Roger and Adam, 
chaplains; Adam, clerk of Watton ; William, chaplain of Sivelnigt; 
William Bainard, Hugh de Cornburch, Hugh Buche of Giseburn, 
William de Sceltun. It is noticeable that although the parish church of 
Guisborough was included in the grant of the whole of Guisborough to 
the Priory, the monastery was not engrafted on the church, as was 
usually the case, but was built alongside of it and quite separate. 
Possibly to begin with the parish church was used by the canons. If so, 
they appear at an early period to have found this arrangement inconve- 
nient. Be that as it may, shortly after the foundation, the land adjoining 
the church, which does not appear to have been included in the original 
grant, was given to them by Ralph de Clera as above, and then they 
appear from remains now existing to have lost no time in building their 
more complete house. In 1230, a composition was made with respect 
to the parochial tithes. In 1275, a vicarage was ordained, and in 1338, 
a new ordination was made. Henry VIII. granted the church to the 
see of York in exchange. 

In Robert Bruce, its founder, Gisbum had as a patron one of the 
most illustrious of the Norman barons of England. He is said to have 
come over with the Conqueror, and therefore, at the time of his death in 
1 141, must have been a very old man. He was buried in the monastery. 
To him succeeded his son Adam de Brus, who is named in the charter. 
He died in 1167, and is also buried in the monastery. It is 
said he was succeeded by his son, Adam, the second, who died in 
1 180, and is buried at Gisburn. But we now come to authentic records, 
and the descents are not so easily reconciled. In 1201, Isabel Brus 
renders an account of ;^4S 14s., that she should not be asked to marry; 
and in the same year William de Brus owes ten marks of the fee which 
belonged to Robert de Brus. In the same year Peter de Brus pays 
;^ii6 13s. 4d. fine for the lands of his father, and he also rendered 
account of ;^ 1000 for having the town and forest of Danebi, with all 
its appurtenances, which the King gave back to him and his heirs to 
hold by Knights' service of the fee in the said towns, because Peter 
returns and quit-claims to the King and his heirs for ever the towns of 
Berdeseia, Colingham, and Ringeton, with the advowsons of their 
churches. Peter freed to the King the said towns and all the appur- 
tenances which he or his father had therein. Henry II. had formerly 
given these towns to Adam de Brus, father of Peter, in exchange for the 
town and forest of Danebi. In 1204, he gave 200 marks and 2 palfreys 
for having seizin of his manors of Carleton and Camleford (near Selby), 
of which he was disseized by judgment of the court. In 1222, Peter de 
Brus. son and heir of Peter, made a fine to the King oijQioo for the 
relief of the barony which belonged to Peter, the father, and was held in 
capite ; and 40 marks for having the Wapentake of Langeburg of his 
hereditary right. In 1240, another Peter, son and heir of Peter, who 
had died on a journey to the Holy Land, made a fine of 200 marks for 
the relief of the lands his father held in capite. In 1248, the King gave 


respite to Peter de Brus, one of the heirs of William de Lancaster, of 
all the debts which the said William owed. On the 27th September, 
1272, John de Reygate, the Escheator, was ordered to take into the 
King's hands all the lands of which Peter died seized. {Rot l*in.y ii., 
p. 585). His sisters were his coheirs ; Agnes married to Walter de 
Faucombridge, Marjgaret to Robert de Ros, Lucy to Marmaduke de 
Twenge, and Laderina to John de Bellaqua, of Carleton. The annals 
of England, not less than those of Scotland, in re-counting the deeds 
of the men of these names, tell how the spirit of the Brus was a factor in 
our story, at least until the time when the bruised and scattered leaves 
of the Roses of York and Lancaster withered on the grave of chivalry. 
Peter de Brus who succeeded his father Adam, and died in 12 11, or as 
above in 1222, was buried in the Priory. His son Peter the second, 
who is said to have died in 1267, though he died on a journey to 
the Holy Land in 1240, succeeded him, and was succeeded by his 
son Peter. He married the lady Hillaria de Maulay, 1236, died with- 
out issue in 1272, and with her was buried in the Priory.* Robert de Brus 
the fourth, lord of Annandale, who died at Lochmaben, Thursday, 21st 
March, 1295, was buried in the Priory, perhaps in the chapter-house — 
in domo nostra Gisseburne — near his father, according to his commands 
when alive. This interment, which was conducted with great honour, 
took place on the second Sunday after Easter, 17th April, " cum summo 
honore ut decuit, et reverentia magna," as we learn from Hemingburgh, 
who was probably present. The name of Brus was now locally extinct ; 
Peter's successors and heiresses were his four sisters, of whom the eldest 
Agnes was married to Sir Walter Fauconberg, lord of Rise in Holder- 
ness. She died in the lifetime of her husband in 1304, and was buried 
in the nunnery of Kylyng, in Holderness, founded by his ancestors. 

After this period there has been at Gisburn the usual era of debt. 
In 1302, Archbishop Corbridge had his eye upon the monastery. He 
writes to the brethren to know how they are behaving themselves, and 
in reply they send him five of their monks, Walter de Hemingburgh, 
their sub-Prior and historian, Robert de Furmery, and Robert de 
Daneby, with a letter to tell him that they are now orderly, observant 
of religious discipline, and in thankfulness to God, at peace with them- 
selves — things which they cannot have had previous to this interference. 
As to their temporalities, between the feast of Pentecost in the years 
1301 and 1302 they had paid off ;^225 i8s. 5d. of their debt— which 
was undoubtedly a wonderful and worthy effort, " Benedicto Deo 
Altissimo ! " as they exclaim. Things temporal must indeed have 
mended with them, for in 1319, after Melton had suffered his terrible 
overthrow at Myton, where he lost all his plate and some of his dignity, 
he asks them for help in his great need. There is some evidence of a 

♦ 1236. A marriage between Peter, son and heir of Peter de Brus, and Hillary, 
eldest daughter of Peter de Maulay ; and also a marriage between Peter, son and heir 
of Peter de Maulay, and Joan, the eldest daughter of the aforesaid Peter de Brus. 
Col. RoU Pat. 18. 


disposition to acquire their neighbours' lands, for in 1363, John de 
Toucotes has to recover by law seizin against John, Prior of ** Giseburn 
in Cliveland," and Richard de Wylton, of his common of pasture in 
Giseburn, which belonged to his free tenement in Toucotes. 

On the 13th Kal. March (17th Feb.), Sir John de Bulmer "Miles 
strenuus, vicinus peroptimus" — a hardy knight and the very best 
neighbour— died, and was buried at Gysborne before the altar of St. 
John Baptist 13th Dec., 131 1, an indulgence of forty days granted by 
Bishop Kelleawe of Durham, for the souls of Sir Walter Faucomberge 
and Dame Agnes (de Brus) his wife. Fasti Ebor i., p. 335a. To him 
succeeded Walter the second, his son and heir, who married Lady 
Isabell, daughter of Sir Robert de Ros, of Hamlake. In 1372, a license 
was issued by Archbishop Thoresby, to Isabella de Faucomberg, widow 
of Walter de F. Kt, to remove his body from before the image of 
the Holy Cross in the church of Gisburgh, to that part of the church 
in which his ancestors are interred. Fasti Ebor \,, p. 464. 

In addition to the above named burials in the church of the mon- 
astery of Gisborough, the following also took place or were ordered, viz.* 

William de Kylton, Osbert de Kylton,t Hawise de Upsal, Robert de Tunstal, 
Robert de Tolebi, Alan, son of Thomas dJe Giseburn, Agnes, wife of Henry Fitz 
Ralph.— Kwif^V Whitby y 419. 

1346. Lucia, wife of Sir Bart, de Fanacourt, who fought at Neville*s Cross. 
1 3^6. John, second Lord Darcy. 
1 38 1. Lord William de Latymer, between two pillars on the north side, before the 

high altar of Our Liady. 
1391. Sir Roger Fauconberg, Kt., before the altar of St. Crux. 
1399. Sir Phili]^ Darcy, Kt., next to his father, John, second Lord Darcy. 
1402. Constanaa, lady of Skelton, in the choir, before the stall of tRe Prior 
141 1. John, Lord Darcy and Men^U (or at Selby). 
1451. Dame Heleyn Gilson, of Gisbum, widow of William Gilson. 

The following testamentary notices of Guisborough Priory occur : — 

1346. Lucy, wife of Sir Bart de Fanacourt (see above). To be buried in the con- 
ventual church of the Blessed Mary of Gisburgh. — Test, EboK i, p. 33. 

1375. Sir Henry de Ingelby, canon of York. To . . . among others^ . . . 
the prior and convent of Gisbume, 20 marks, to pray, &c. — Ib,y p. 94. 

1 381. Sir William de Latymer. My body to be buried ii^ the churdi of the Priory 
of Gisbum in Cliveland, before the high altar of Our Lady, between two pill»^, 
as at another time devised. And if I die before my return, that my body be 
carried and interred there, and that the tomb of alabaster which is in the said 
church, " ^oit sumeys^^ as I have otherwise devised. Also, I devise to my 
dependents an entire vestment of red velvet, embroidered with my shield of 
arms (armes entier) ; that is, a chasuble, with three albs, and parur.s, two tunides, 
and one cope with the amices and other appurtenances, and other my best chalice 
and two cruets, with a bell of silver engraved; dso I devise to the convent of 
Gisbum two pounds sterling to celebrate my obit ; also to the same 20 marks to 
buy a missal *' de lour eops," for the said vestments covered with velvet embroi- 
dered with my arms ; also I will that my exors. finish and complete the said 

* I am indebted to Dr. F. R. Fairbank, of Doncaster for these details. 

t KyltoQ was a small C«stle overhanging a deep valley of considerable beauty near Skelton. The 
remains of it are interesting, and worth a visit. Skelton and Kylton occupied a pa<iition somewha.t 
similar to that of the *' Cat and Mouse '* on the Rhine. The Thwengs, of whom one was Prior of 
Gtsbnm, were die lords of Rylton, and a fiimily of standing and evil notoriety. 


tomb of alabaster according to their discretion ; also that my exors. finish the 
vaulting of the aisles of the said church on the north side, which I have com- 
menced ; also I devise to the said convent aU the beasts and cattle which I have 
in my manor of Ugthorp ; also I devise to the prior of the said convent in 
perpetuity the large hanaper of silver engraved, called S. George ; and the 
mazers and large almsdish of silver which I have in my gardrobe in London, to 
remain in the fratry (froytoure), for the perpetual use of the said prior and 
convent, . . and that the said prior have 500 marks sterling to make their 
bell, . . . dated at Preston in Kent— T^iV, p. 113-116. 

1388. Walter Chilt^am, vicar of the chapel of b. Trinity, at Kingston-on-Hull 
. . . residue. . . . except certain " parcellis " belonging to the prior and 
convent of Gisebume. — Ibid^ p. 128. 

1 39 1. Sir Roeer Faucounberge, Knt. To be buried in the conventual church of 
Gysbum, before the altar of S. Cross. For mortuary, his best horse, with the 
arms belonging to his body ; 5 tapers of 4 lb. of wax each. Exors. • . . 
John Horworth. prior of Gisbum, and John Staynton, his canon. Witnesses, 
Sir Roger del Hill, parish chaplain of Gysburn, and others. Dated at Gysbum. — 
Ibid, p. 147. 

1 39 1. John Stayngreve, vicar of Hesyll. Exor., John de Horworth, prior of 
Gysbum.* — IHdt p. 163. 

1399. Sir Philip Darcy, Knt. To be buried in the priory of Oysbura, next the 
tomb of my father (1. ^., John, second Lord Darcy, who died 1356.) — Ibidt p. 

1400. Lady Johanna, late wife of Sir Donald de Hesilrigg. To the convent of the 
house of Gysburgh, in Cleveland, one vestment of ** camaca " to serve in the 
pulpit t there, and one chalice of silver gilt. Also, I leave to the honour of 
Blessed Mary, Vir^n, for the use of the refectory of the same house, all my 
vessels of silver bemg there at present m charge. — Ibid^ 265-6. 

1402. Sir Thomas de Boynton, Knt. Exors. to compound with the Prior of Gis- 
bum for his armour. — Test Ebor., i., p. 287. 

1402. Constantia, lady of Skelton. t (First wife of Sir Thos. Fauconberge, owner 
of Skelton.) To be buriei in the choir of the canons of Gisbume, before the stall 
of the prior. To the same abbey {sic), for honest and great hospitality to 
strangers, one red bed, " per magnum artihcium desuper contextum,*' wishing to 
return to the same abbey {sic) for my mortuary what, according to the custom of 
the country, should be offered by foundresses. — Ibid., p. 292. 

1410. Mr. Thomas Walkyngton, rector of Hooghton-le-Spring. To Robert de 
Burton, canon regular of Gysbum, my relative (consang), ;£io, to celebrate for 
my soul, with my " armilansa " furred with bever. —Durham WUls and Invent^ 
ories, Sur Soc,, i., p. 50. 

141 1. John, Lord Darcy and de MenylL To be buried in the church of the priory 
of canons of Gysbum, or in the church of the Abbey of Selby, according to the 
discretion of the supervisor and exors. of his will.- -7«/ Kbor., i., 357. 

1429. — Roger Thomton, of Newcastle, "yelder," bailiff, mayor, and M.P. . . . 
also I forgif to ye hous of Gysbum xxx/, whilk yei awe me beside ye c/ yat I 
haue g'yuen yaim afore yistyme, so yat yey fynde me a prest p'petuall syng3mg 
for me m yeir hous like asyeircouenant is maid. — Durham Wilis and Inventories, 
Sur, Soc, 

* The prior and convent of Gysburn presented to the church of Hesel. 

t The "pulpit " was the loflt over the screen across the west end of the choir. This is evidently 
an instance of sm altar in the somewhat unusual situation of a loft. Other instances occur, as at 
York Minster diere was an idtar in the loft before the image of S. Saviour, on the south side of the 
church, for two chaplains, founded in 1475-6 by Richard Andrew, Deanof York.— K(9r/ir Fabric Rolls^ 
Sur. Soc., p. 30o>x. 

An inventory is given in the same place, of the date 1543, of the belongings of the " altar of the 
name of Jhesu in the rudde loft.*' In the church of Ross. Hereford, there is a piscina 15 feet from 
the floor, 3 feet above the capital of the chancel arch. 

ILady Constantia, as wife of Sir Thos. Fauconberge. was *' foundress '* of Gisbum by inheritance, 
throu^ Agnes de Bras, who married her ancestor, SirWalter F., as above stated. 


1430. John Neville, lord of Latymer. My Bible to' the priory and convent of Gis- 
bum. — Test. Ebor.^ ii., p. 7. 

145 1. Danie Heleyn Gilson, of Gysbum in Cliveland, late wife of William Gilson.* 
My bodie to be beried in the conventaale kirke of Gysbum, vndre the marbil 
stone ordeinede and arraised for my husband and me. Also I will unto my cors 
presant my stepe bede. Also to the lightes in the 'parishe kirke, liLr. iiii^. — 
Ibtd.y p. 149. 

1461. Sir John Hedlam, Knt.. of Nunthorp. Supervisor of will, Richard Demton, 
priour of Gisbum.— /Wrfl, ii., p. 247. 

1472. Mr. William Ecopp, rector of the church of Heslarton.f To be buried in 
the choir of the church aforesaid before the high altar where holy water on the 
Lord's days, according to custom, is blessed. A pilgrim to visit, among other 
holy places, 8. Mary of Gysburgh. — Ibid,^ iii., 199-201. 

1480. William Lambert, vicar of Gainford, and master of Staindrop College. I 
leave to the prior and convent of Gisbum, for exequies and mass to be celebrated 
for my soul, &c., 40s. — 3id,^ 254. 

1483. Christopher Conyers, chaplain and rector of Rudby: To the prior of Gisbum, 
one " par precularum de gete factum et sessum cum pera.*' To the Blessed Mary 
of Gisbum, my second best gilt girdle. — Ibid. , 289. 

1495. William Conyers, of Thormondby, arm. To the prior and convent of Gysbum, 
20s. — Ibid., iv., iia 

1508. Elizabeth Wilson of Gisboro, about to make a pilgrimage to S. Thomas of 
Canterbury, bishop and martyr, made her wilL If J die in my house at Guysbum, 
to be buried in the church of S. Nicholas of Guysbum, before the image of S. 
Trmity. To the lord prior of the monastery of Blessed Mary of Guysbome and 
convent, one " cistemam,"on condition that they make William Porrett, formerly 
my husband, and me, to be placed in their martyrology (in martilogio sua), and 
pray for us. To the refectory of the said monastery, i. murram.t To the lord 
prior, i. horse and foal, and one towel of diaper. — Ibid. , p. 276. 

1526. William Tocptes, of Gisbum. 

1559. Roger Tocotes, of Tocotes. 

Among the altars in the church ol the Priory were the following 
dedications : — The Great or St. Mary's, St. Thomas, St. Katharine, 
St. Crux, and St. John Baptist. 

Offenders were sent from Hexham Priory to Guisborough for 

In 131 1 an indulgence was granted by the Bishop of Durham for 
the church of St. Mary of Giseburgh, which, with the books, vestments, 
and chalices, had been almost reduced to ashes. --^^f. Kellawe^ 
Durham. This can only have reference to the conflagration of 1289, 
and it leads us to believe there was a period of twenty years before the 
re-erection could be commenced. 

At the trial and dispersion of the Knights Templars in 13 11, Hugh- 
enden was sent to Guisborough ; and in 131 9, the Pope made an order 
that any Templar might, if he wished, take the vows required by the 

*In 1425-^ a commission was issued from York, during the vacancjr of the see, to the prior of 
Gisburgh, to veil Ellen, widow of William Gilleson, of Gisbui^gh — Ibid^ iiL, p. 325. 

fHeslerton was a possession of the priory of Guisborough. It was given by Walter Ingeram, 
with the churches of £mcli0e aud Welleburghe, and confirmed by his son William, between the* 
years 1x80-1x90. 

\ " Murrum '* was a material drinking cups were made of. It was also used for the cup Itself. 


monastery in which he was residing. On December i8th of the same 
year, the Archbishop of Vork issued an order to the Prior and convent 
of Gisburgh to allow Robert de I^ngton, once a Templar, to enter their 
house. Langton had been sent to Bridlington at the dispersion of the 
order. In 1320, at the dispersion of the canons of Hexham among the 
other houses of the order, in consequence of the destruction of their 
monastery by the Scots, Adam de Tyndall, one of the canons, was sent 
to Guisborough for maintenance, the sum of four marcs being paid per 
annum for him. This sum, be it remembered, was a charity pittance, 
granted by an impoverished treasury. A hundred and fifty years later 
than this five marcs per annum was the regulation stipend of a parish 
priest, a sum which, taking into consideration the decreasing value of 
money and the greater social expenses of the priest, is conclusive that 
the monastic life was one of great material waste, uncompensated by 
even the shadow of intellectual gain. 

On February 6th, in 17th of his reign. King John was at Guis- 
borough, and dated a charter there. — CaL Rot. Paty p. 6. 

In 18 Ed. III., a patent was granted by the King that the Prior of 
Gisburgh might crenellate his house at Gisburghe. — CaL Rot Pat., 
p. 149b. In 39 Ed. III., a patent was issued enabling the Prior of Gisebume 
to empark his wood of Clive, and 80 acres of land adjoining the same. 
— Ibid.', 1 80. In 47 Ed. III.,Walter de Thorpe, who, within, the manor of 
Hoton-next-Gisbum, had in fee three loads of trunks of tree, three loads 
of branches, and thirty horse trussles of heath per year, together with 
pasture for all hi^ animals everywhere in the woods, and separate pastures 
within the said manor, relinquished all his right to the Prior of Gisburn, 
which the King confirmed. — Jbid., p. 186. King Henry IV. granted 
the canons the privileges of frankpledge, waif, strays, return of writs, &c. 

At the great meeting of the order, held at Leicester, to consider the 
reformation of the order, and its abuses, the Prior of G. presided. At 
the meeting, which is looked upon as the commencement of "the 
Reformation/* a letter was received from Cardinal Wolsey, proposing to 
found a college at Oxford for the order, and begging the 
support of the meeting. They joined with him, and made him 
** Defender of the Augustine Order," which title he accepted. In the 
following year Leicester and ten other houses were surrendered to the 
King, and he handed them over to Wolsey, who with their revenues 
founded Christ's Church College, Oxford. Wolsey and the Augustine 
Order divide the honour of the foundation. — History of Hexham, Sur. 

James Cockerell, Rector of Lythe, formerly Prior of Guiseborough, 
took part in the " Pilgrimage of Grace," and paid the penalty at Tyburn 
along with the Prior of Bridlington, the Abbot of Jervaulx, and the 
Abbot of Fountains. Robert Pursglove, last Prior of Gisburn, was after 
the dissolution of his house appointed Suffragan Bishop of Hull. This 
was in Queen Mary's reign ; he resigned in the time of Elizabeth. He 
was also Archdeacon of Nottingham. At the dissolution of his house 




he received a pension of jf 166 13s. 4d. per annum. In 1561, he 
founded a Schoo] and Hospital of Jesus. 


William de Bruce, first Prior, who occars in 1131, and died 
in II 55. He was brother of the founder. Graves says he 
was buried in the chapter-house. 

Rannulf occurs in 1147. 

T., Prior of Giseburn and Nicholas the Canon, occur in the 
charter of foundation of Basedale Nunnery by Adam de 
Brus, between 1147 and 1161. 

CuTHBERT. He opposed the election of St. William of York 
in 1142. Fast, £b&r.^ 222 His name appears in the dispute 
with the Abbot of Whitby ; also to the grant of Alan 
Buscel of Hutton Buscel to the'Monks of Whitby; to a charter 
of Henry Archbishop of York in 11 52 ; to a grant of the 
church of Ingleby to Whitby in 1 164 ; and to a confirma> 
tion of Slingsby to Whitby, Ord, ,189. He was suspended 
by Abp. Roger, 11 54-81, Fast, Ehor,^ 247. 

ROALD or Radulp. His name appears to ft^^nt in the CaL 
Top et. Cental m, p. 172, R., Prior of Gisbume, Henry 
Fitz-Harvey, Guimcr son of Gaurin, Roger de Arch, Thomas 
his brother, Ac. The same Roald, Prior of Gisbume, 
granted tu Walter, son of Peter, lorid of Seaton Carew, a 
perpetual chantry in the chapel of Seaton Carew. This 
Wsdter purchased the privilege with 60 acres of land, 3 
tofts and pasture for 100 ewes and lambs, Ord,^ 190. 
William, son of Robert, son of Roald de Gisbume, gave 
land in Gisbume. 

Laurence, spoken of as " quondam " in 12 19. He resigned, 
and a provision was made for him. His name appears to a 
charter of Richard Malbisse, with Savaric, Abbot of 
Rivaulx, who died 121 1 ; also in 12 10 to a grant of the 
churches ot Kirkeby and Ingleby, with Ingleby mill, 
to the monastery of Whitby, along with Hugh de Hoton 
and Nichol de Ay ton; in 121 1 to a second charter of a 
similar description ; in 12 12 to one of the Crosby Ravens- 
worth grants to Whitby; in 121 5 to ''a grant of the 
hermitage of Saltbura upon the banks of Holebec" to 
Whitby; and in 12m twice again in the long disputed 
Cressbv Ravensworth affair, when he is styled " Lawrence, 
formerly Prior of Giseburn," Ord* 19a 

Michael occurs in 1218 and 1223. 

John, he occurs again in 1242. 


Ralph de Irbton. He was of a Cumberland family, and 
from this Priory was advanced to the Bishopric of Carlisle 
in Dec, 1278. He died 20th Feb.,^ 1292, being suffocated 
in his sleep by the bursting of a blood-vessel. CfraveSy 425. 
He was buried in Carlisle cathedral- 

W. He occurs in 1281. 

Adam de Newland. According to Pope Nicholas's taxation, 
1292, the temporalities were then worth £77 us. 8d., they 
were reduced in the new taxation to ;f 36. The fire occurred 
in the year of his installation. Was he a companion of 
Hemingburgh, brought from Newland on the banks of the 
Ouse ? We have noticed the Brus estates at Carleton and 
Camblesford, adjoining townships. 





1 2th Feb., 1320. 
5th Dec, 1346. 

28th Oct., 1393. 


15th April, 1455. 

loth Sept., 1475. 

13th Mar., 1505. 




William de Middleburgh, upon whose cession succeeded 

Robert de Wilton, a canon here. 

John de Derlington, a canon here. 

John Horworth, a canon, occurs in 1391. He resigned 4th 
Sept., 1393. 

Walter de Thorpe, a canon here. 

John de Helmsley, occurs in 1408. 


Thomas Twenge occurs in 1436. 

Richard Areton or de Yrton, who was previously prior of 
Helaugh, 1435-37. Upon his death 

Thomas Darlington, a canon, was elected. 

Richard Dernton occurs in 1461. 

John Moreby. 

(oHN Whitby occurs in 1491. 

John Moreby. 


William Spires. 

James Cockerell, D.D., resigned, and, as rector of Lythe, 
was executed at Tyburn for participation in the Pilgrimage 
of Grace. He was first a canon here, then Prior and Rector 
of Lythe. He was afterwards made Abbot of Litteshall 
dioc. Coventry. 

On the 20th Feb. Lancelot Col3rns writes to Cromwell, '* Have 
not yet executed your commission in taking the resignation 
of tne Prior of Gisbume, I beg you to write to the Prior 
and convent in favour of Sir Nicholas Pacoke, canon and 
bowser there. This will satisfy your mastership. I beg 
your favour, and that they may have three years to pay the 
first fruits, which will amount to looo marks. Send soire 
one to York to take inventories of religious houses, after 
the effect of your commission. I beg credence for Sir Geo. 
Lawson, Kt. 

Robert Pursglove, alias Sylvester, the last Prior. He sur- 
rendered the house. In the time of Queen Mary he was 
suffiragan bishop of Hull. He resigned in the reign of 
Queen Elizabeth. "This Robert Pursglove, sometyme 
Bishoppe of Hull, deceased the 2nd daye of Maii, the year 
of our Lord God, 1579." 

Out of the revenues of the Priory in 1553 there remained in charge 
the following pensions : — 

To Robert Pursglove the last Prior 

Thomas Whitby 

Henry Fletcher, William Hinde, and Oliver Grayson. 

To Christopher Thompson .... 
Richard Sterne, Gilbert Harrison, Edward Okerell, 

Wm. Wysedale, Christopher Mallow, Robt. 

Gregge, John Warrison, John Leighton, Robert 

Watson, George Hesiday, John Clarkson, and 

Bartholomew Lilford. Each 8 marks 
In annuities and corrodies 


£ 8. 


166 13 









o o 

Total of annual outpayments . . £2'ji 

The revenues of this Priory in the 26th Hen. VIII. amounted in 
the gross to ;;^7i2 6s. 6d. ; the clear income being ;^628 3s. 4d. The 


above list may be taken to represent the whole of the brethren at the 
surrender. This list numbers i8 conventual inmates, who in mere 
personal expenses yearly consumed a clear revenue of ^628 3s. 4d., or 
jCsS each, exclusive of the produce of the land in domain. The 
average stipend of a Rector or Vicar would not then exceed ^12 ; a 
monk, therefore, was three times as costly to the nation, and he was not 
called upon to do parochial work. A landowner having ;;^4o a year in 
lands was bound to take up knighthood, which represented so much 
strength in the general defence of the country. A monk consuming 
;^4o a year, which also came from land, did not contribute in the like 
degree; it is, therefcre, clear that in its secular duty the monkish 
system was a great weakness in the revenues of the nation ; what it was 
in its religious duties I will leave to the proof of history and to the 
estimate of mankind. A moiety of the patronage of this priory 
belonged to Marmaduke de Thweng, who married Lucy de Brus. In 
the 13th Hen. IV. the advowson belonged to the Darcies of Temple 
Hirst; but in 142 1 the Falconbergs of Skelton were patrons thereof. 
There is a vellum manuscript of the 14th century in the Cottonian 
Library, Cleopatra D. ii. fo. no, which although intituled 
" Annotationes Cartarum de Gysbum " is in reality a cartulary. The 
instruments it contains are arranged under heads, as given m the 
Man. Ang. 

The site of the monastery was granted 4th Edw. VI. to Sir Thomas 
Chaloner, whose descendants still possess it. Among the Chaloner 
papers is a deed by which John, Prior of Guisborough,and his Convent, 
admit Edmund, Abbot of St Mary's, York, and the brethren of his 
Convent, into his fraternity, granting them an interest in their prayers 
and services both during life and after death. This deed has still the 
Priory seal to it, but much mutilated. On one side is the Virgin Mary 
and Child Christ sitting under a canopy, with the inscription AVE 
MARIA GRACIA PL.; on the other side is a person under a smaller 
canopy kneeling to the Virgin and raising his hands. The outer 
inscription, now imperfect, appears to have been, SIG. PRIORAT. 
BEATE MARIE DE GYSEBURNE. On the reverse is St. Augustine 
with mitre and crosier, sitting also beneath a dome-like canopy, with two 
figures on each side praying, and around him the words ORA P. NOB. 
SCE. AVGV. The marginal inscription is gone, the only letters 
remaining are AVGVSTINE TECUM FO. The crockets and 
finials of the smaller canopies are those of the latter part of the 
13th or beginning of the 14th century — Ord 200. According to the 
Neio Momuticon^ the common seal of the Priory was handsome and 
elaborate, representing the Virgin seated under the canopy as above on 
the one side^ and on the other a monk on his knees praying, the legend 
impression of this seal is extant in dark brown wax. 

The churches of the following places were possessions of the Priory 
of Guisbom: — Barningham, Danby, Guisboro, Kirkburn, Kirk-Leav- 


ington, Marske in Cleveland, Stainton in Cleveland, Upleatham, 
Ingleby-Arncliffe, Welbury, Ormsby, Crathorne, Marton in Cleveland, 
Easington and Acklam in Cleveland, East liarlsley, Lofthouse, 
Liverton, Sherburn in Harford-Dale, Hessle, Seamer and Wilton in 
Cleveland, Thornaby, West Heslerton and East Heslerton Chapel, 
Yarm, Bridekirk in Cumberland, and several churches in Scotland. 
In 1209 the Prior had 10 marks rent in the mill of Roger de Lascell in 
Scurueton, for the quit-daim which the Prior made to him of the 
advowson of the church of Kirkebi Super-Wisk. 

In Tonge's " Visitation of the Northern Counties," 1530, Surtees 
Society, is given the Armes of the Monastery of Gysborow. 

Arms : Argent, a lion rampant azure, debruised by a bend gules. 
Be yt notid that Syr Robert Brewse foundid the monastery of 
Gysborough, and heyre to the said Robert ys the Lord Faconberge. 
And the heyres to the Lord Fauconberge ys the Lord Conyers and Syr 
James Strangeways, and by partycion restyth the foundership of 
Gysborough, sole to my Lord Conyers and Syr James Strangeways, 
Knyght The Brus coat was adopted by the Fauconberges, and, with 
the difference of the red bend, is given above. 
On the mouldings of the noble east window of 
the Priory church are some large shields, 
Fauconberge, or Brus and Fauconberge, ancient, 
on the south side, and Thwenge on the north. 
The monastic coat is given on a remarkable 
sculpture, preserved, with other salvage of the 
Priory, in the walls of the " Ruin" at Hardwick, 
near Sedgefield. In 1386, in the Scrope case, the 
Abbot of Guisburgh swore that his church was 
burnt 97 years before, and rebuilt. This agrees 
with the architecture of the choir, which is fine Early Decorated. He 
also mentions the south aisle of the cross of his church. 

From Browne Willis's " Survey of York Cathedral," it appears that 
Pursglove was collated to the Prebend of Langtoft in 1538, which he 
resigned in 1541 for that of Wistow, from which he was deprived in 
1559 for his religion. On January 31st he was appointed Archdeacon 
of Nottingham, from which he was deprived also in 1559, and sentenced 
to remain at Ugthorp, co. York, or within twelve miles thereof. He 
died May 2nd, 1579. Willis's "Survey," pp. 149, 180, and 106. 

He was also Suifragan-Bishop of Hull. At the dissolution of his 
Priory he received a pension of ;^i 66 13s. 4d. per annum. In 1561, 
by deed dated August nth, he founded the School and Hospital of 
Jesus, in Guisborough, to consist of two wardens, a schoolmaster, and 
twelve poor .persons, six of each sex. See Lawton's " Collections," 

p. 483- 

Underneath this stone as here doth ly a corps sometime of fame ^ 

In TiddeswfeU hred and bom truly, Robert Purseglove by name ; 
And there brought np by parents' care, at schoole and learning trad 
Till afterwards, by uncle dear, to London he was had ; 


Who William Bradshaw hight by name in Paul's which did him place. 

And there at schoole did him maintaine full thrice three whole years* space. 

And then into the Abbeye be was placed, as I wis. 

In Southwark call'd, where it doth ly, Saint Mary Ovens ; 

To Oxford then, who did him send into that College right, 

And there 14 years did him find which Corpus Christi hight ; 

From thence away at length he went, a clerke of learning great, 

To Gisbum Abbey streight was sent and placed in Prior s seat ; 

Bishop of Hull he was also. Archdeacon of Nottingham, 

Provost of Rotherham CoU^e too, of York eak suffragan ; 

Two Gramer Schools he did ordain with land for to endure, 

One Hospitall for to maintaine 12 impotent and poor. 

O, Gisbum, throw with Tiddeswall town, lament and mourn you may, 

For this said clerk of great renown lyeth here compact in clay ; 

Though cruel death hath now down brought this Ixxly which here doth ly, 

Yet trump of fame stay can be nought to his prayse on high. 

Qui legis hoc verbum credo reliquum memoreris^ 
Vile (»daver sum tuque cadaver eris. 

Round the verge of the stone is the following : — 

Christ is to me as life on earth. 

And death to me is gain, 
Because I trust thro' Him alone 

Salvation to obtaine. 

So brittle is the state of man. 

So soon it doth decay; 
So all the glorie of this world. 

Must pass and fade away. 

This Robert Pursglove, sometime Bishop of Hull, 

deceased the 2nd day of May, 

in the year of our Lord God, 1579. 

Leeds. W. Wheater. 


The present obscure hamlet of Arthington, in Wharfedale, once the 
seat of a knightly family and a priory of nuns — ^some say Benedictine, 
others Cluniac — of early foundation, was one of the first seats of popu- 
lation established during the Anglian domination of Yorkshire. Of that 
fact its name is the indisputable evidence. The word Arthington means 
the settlement of the children of Hartha, a name known among the 
names of the Angle chieftains ; and so the future hamlet had its lise as 
a clan station, which became a dominating point in the earliest occu- 
pation of Wharfedale ; the head-quarters of one of the commanders of 
the conquerors, pushed forward from the base of operations — the Roman 
road connecting Tadcaster and Ilkley — to the water's edge, for the 
military purpose of securing the line of the Wharfe. From this and the 
other place-names within the bounds of modern Arthington and in its 
neighbourhood, the history of the hamlet before the Norman Conquest 
may yet be read — ^at present, perhaps, with a somewhat faltering 
tongue ; ere long with clear, articulate speech, and undoubtful meaning. 
Even now, in the dimmest of its intelligibility, the place-name distinctly 


indicates one step in the advance of the Angle ; while within and 
without the confines of the township are traces which speak as positively 
of the extent of his colonisation, and then of the later invasion, the 
resistance of the collected populace, amounting to one or more pitched 
battles, the military success, and eventual colonisation of the Dane — 
subjects long antecedent, but not entirely foreign, to our story. For long 
time after the Conquest there still lingered in the vale, the memories 
of the old Norse life and achievements ; the population had scarcely 
changed their national habits for two centuries later. 

Has the Wharfe*s limpid stream borne a curse down the dale 

From yon shavelings whom Romelli's bride 
Set to pray for the lad whom the merciless Strid 

Swept away with their o'er-weening pride ? 
Ere Hal Tracy, her lover, gave Kildwick^s green glade 

For the right of her fair widowed hand, 
And the monk got his pay for the lively dame*S lust 

In the worth of her dead husband's land ; 
In those days, ere the Bastard's foul train had been taught 

That though Saxons their vassals might be, 
The Bersork^ bold raven that soars o'er our hills 

Is the type of ourselves, it is free ! 
Has the black Chevin's brow, where the wolf finds his lair, 

And the pine its stern grandeur upholds, 
Turned your light-winged sleep to the soul-rusting sloth 

That the hearts of ukc feeble enfolds ? 
Have the meek dames of Ardingtun made you forget 

All the rage of the race whence you come, 
And chang^ the proud songs of green Herewood*s bright day. 

To the muttering prayers of Bedeholm ? 
Shall the shades of the Norsemen who held Riffa's brow 

On the day of that glorious fight, 
Come to chide ye as nidering sons of your sires 

From their graves on the Rigtun's cold height ? 
And the phantoms that pace Olicana'a grim fold. 

And there hail at the point of each day. 
The great Caesars they made for Imperial Rome, 

And for Latium's Imperial sway — 
Shall they rouse the child of Old Norge up to arms, 

And then taunt him as unfit for war ? 
Him whose sires and whose grandsires enrolled their fame 

'Neath the glare of the fierce northern star ! 
Where the sun has no glory, the men have no fear. 

Where the winter's more drear than the tomb, 
ShaU they come and find you thus prone in your lair, 

^Hien the day is dispellii^ night s gloom ? 

If, however, it is not to the early history of the township, but to the 
story of the Benedictine nunnery, the institution of which is due to one 
of the early lords of the manor, that we have to turn our attention, we 
cannot, in commencing that story, wholly overlook the aspect and con- 
dition of the country prior to the advent of the nuns. As it was at 
their coming, physically and socially, so must their labours have been 
directed to grapple with it. Evidence sufficient remains to show us that, 
whatever may have been the religious condition of the people, the 


Priory was founded in the heart of a scarcely broken wooded pasture — 
a bosky dell, such as pur colonial brethren now call " the bush." Of 
that there can be no doubt. There is, however, some uncertainty, 
which is increased by research, attached to the date of foundation. The 
accepted account is that Peter de Arthington founded it in the latter 
part of the reign of King Stephen or the beginning of that of Henry II. 
— that is to say, between the years 1150 and 1160 — the very time that 
Kirkstall Abbey was being established ; and if that account be disputed, 
it will only be for the purpose of ante-dating the foundation by a score 
of years or so, for reasons which I shall hereafter give. The account 
states that the founder gave the site of the convent to the honour of the 
Virgin Mary, and endowed the nuns with other lands, which Pope 
Alexander comfirmed ; and Serlo, son of the said Peter, gave lands in 
the same territory — in Bedesholm and Hubberholm, and all the land 
between Tebecroft amd Soterkeld. ' 

Some of these names yet remain ; it is worthy of note that they are 
of Danish designation, and characteristic of use and ownership. 
Bedesholm means the prayer-field ; Hubberholm is the holm of Hubba, 
the Dane, a name well known in the military annals of the Danish 
invasions. Tebecroft, in other places spelt Tebbycrofl, and known to 
other monasteries, is a compound word whose etymology I am not quite 
master of; Soterkeld indicates a water-store of some description, perhaps 
it may have been a well or spring at which the pigs were accustomed to 
drink,-7-Avice de Romeli at the foundation gave pannage for forty hogs 
in her wood of Swinden, be it observed. From these descriptions, and 
the descriptions of other donations about to come, it may therefore be 
inferred that the lands so given were in the wild fringe of the territory 
beyond the ancient Anglian limit of cultivation, and upon territory more 
or less reclaimed by the Dane during his later domination — an inference 
which has no inconsiderable bearing upon the earliest history of the 
convent, from which — and the incidents mentioned in the following 
charters, two of the very few that remain — the antecedent date of the 
foundation may be fixed, and some glimpses of its early life derived. 
Before pursuing this, however, it will be better to consider the domestic 
history of the great Norman family to whom the lordship of the district 
fell after the Conquest. 

William, son of Vicomte Ranulf, in common with his elder brother 
Ranulf, and his own son Ranulf, had the surname of Mischinus, adopted 
apparently with a view to distinguish them from relatives of the same 
name with whom they were contemporary, by denoting their later birth, the 
word being descriptive of a "young man;" but by the transcribers of 
charters the erroneous substitution of de for le was frequently made, and 
Mischinus^ or Le Meschine^ i.^., junior, being thus read de MeschineSy the 
surname has been mistaken for one of local origin. In 11 20, a mon- 
astery of canons was founded at Embsay by the Lord William le 
Meschin and the Lady Cecilia, his wife, heiress of the Honour of 
Skipton, in honour of the Blessed Mary and St. Cuthbert, bishop (21 


Hen. I., and second year of Thmstan, Archbishop of York), and they 
gave to the canons there serving God the church of Skipton, with its 
chapel of Carlton, and the whole village of Emmesay. In 31 Hen. I., 
1 1 30-3 1 > William, son of Ranulph the Vicomte, accounted in Ever- 
wicscira of twenty marks of silver of pleas held before Geoffrey de 
Clinton and his associates at Bljrthe, and had paid half the sum into the 
Treasury in that year; after whose death Ccinlia de Romeli remarried 
Henry de Traches, as shown by their joint grant of Kildwick to the 
Canons of Embsay. The name Henricus de Traches, as read in the 
Monasticon Anglicanum^ is clearly to be understood for Henry de 
Tracheo — ^Trak-eo, Tracey — ^to whom King Stephen offered the barony 
of Barnstaple, co. Devon, and who stood foremost among the up- 
holders of his usurped crown. He had a son Oliver, who in 11 64 gave 
500 marks for livery of his property of the Honour of Barnstaple, and who 
in II 72 held a Knight's fee in Normandy, in the Vicomte of Cerences. 
Stephen had been made Comte of Mortain, and on his elevation to the 
throne had rewarded his Norman vassal with the rich inheritance of the 
widowed Cecilia de Romilly. It is out of squabbles like these and the 
intrigues resorted to by the usurper and the disinherited that we can 
find more motives for the foundation of religious houses, which, in other 
words, means purchasing the alliance and countenance of the Church, 
than are supplied by genuine piety. 

Ranulph, son and heir of William Le Meschin, will have died 
without issue in the lifetime of his mother, leaving Adeliza his sister, 
wife of William, grandson of Duncan, King of Scotland, sole inheritrix 
of the Honour of Skipton, to which she had succeeded before 11551 
whence in her widowhood the Canons of Embsay were translated to 
Bolton, with the consent of William of Egremont, her son, and of her 
daughters. Among the evidences of St Mary's Abbey, York, was a 
charter of Ranulph Meschines, son of William, son of Ranulph, con- 
firming to that religious house the church of St. Bees in Copeland, and 
seven carucates of land, and all its parish, and whatever his father had 
given to the same church, for the redemption of his own soul and for 
Sie souls of his father and all his relations, as well of his lords, by the 
counsel and testimony of his liegemen, by Fulk his uncle, and Reiner 
Dapifer and Godard {Dapifer^ who, and Matilda his wife, were bene- 
factors to the Abbey), and Ranulph the Sheriff, Siward the priest, 
William the chaplain, and William d'Arques (de Arches, of Thorp Arch, 
who, with Ivetta his wife, was founder of Nun Monkton and a donor to 
St. Mary's). Fulk, his uncle, was perhaps brother of Henry de Tracy, 
his stepfather, as the name is not met with in the charters of members 
of his own family Among the witnesses, however, of the charter of 
Henry, son of Henry de Percy, occur Fulk, the dapifer son of Reinfrid, 
Prior of Whitby, and his son William ; and these are evidently the same 
men. Fulk, the son of Rayfrid, was also witness of William Percy's 
charter to Whitby during Prior Serlo's time. The whole story is wrapped 
in obscurity, which may possibly be removed by an investigation of the 


Scottish annals, for at that time we must not forget that Cumberland 
formed a part of the kingdom of Scotland. In the charter of Cecilia de 
Romeli, which contains her gift of the Vill of Kildwick and land in 
Stratton to the church of Embsay, we read this declaration — ita quod 
^0 ^^ gener mtus Willelmus^ nepos Regis Scotia Duncant^ obiulitnus 
eiisdem per unam cultellam villas super altare Sanctce Maria ei Sancti 
Cuthberti. King William Rufus had made Duncan, bastard son of 
Malcolm, both a Knight and King of the Scots on the death of his 
father, in 1093 > ^^^ ^^ being slain in the next year, his legitimate 
brothers were his successors in the kingdom. He had, it seems, left 
issue a son of the same name, father of William here named, by Dugdale 
incorrectly described as '^ Earl of Murray, in Scotland, nephew to 
Malcolm, King of that realm." 

Meanwhile, the fief of Remilly in Normandy had devolved, 
apparently by right of inheritance, upon Lucia, wife of Jordan de Say, 
of whose joint grant the monks of Aunay had a moiety of the land they 
had in Asnieres, and tithe of the mills, toll, orchards, and cattle of Aunay 
and Remilly (de Romelleio), and tithe of eels and of the two acres of 
land in which the grange of the monks was built, and two parts of the 
whole tithe of Remilly, and two parts of the tithe of Banquay; in 
England, of the gift of the same Jordan and Lucia they had the church 
of Kirtlington, co. Oxou, with the glebe and all its appurtenances, and 
in Burcester the tithe of their demesne and the chapel of Jewe, with the 
tithes of their demesnes. Of the gift of Richard de Humez and Agnes 
his wife, daughter and heir of the said Jordan and Lucy, the same 
monks had the church of Remilly (de Romelleio) in its entirety, with 
all its appurtenances. Langrune was also of the inheritance of the 
family of Hommet, and given by William the Constable to Aunay in 
1 1 90, on the day that the abbey church was dedicated. From these 
evidences it may be safely assumed that Lucia, wife of Jordan de Say, 
was nearly akin to Robert and Adelaidis de Remilly, and it may be 
sister of Cecilia, whom genealogical writers of late date designate as 
daughter and heir of Robert de Remilly, though her parentage is not 
specified in her charters. 

However this may have been, the charter of William deCourcy, the 
dapifer to the Nuns of Arthington, names another sister, and renders 
the above statement improbable. It was Avice de Rumelli (she is called 
Alice in the charter of Warin Fitzgerald), mother of William de Courcy, 
the dapifer Regis An^lice, who gave to Arthington, on condition that she 
and her heirs should always have one nun of their presentation supported 
by the house, a dignitas which her son would not forego. Courcy, in 
the pays d* Auge, was the cafiuf of an extensive barony which Robert de 
Courci held in the reign of Henry L, and to which belonged eight 
knights' fees in the bailiwick of Oximin, which also included Ranville, a 
parish situate on the banks of the Orne not far from the coast, 
and of which the church and tithe had been confirmed to the Abbey of 
Aunay in the Bessin, as being of his fief, by Richard du Hommets, 


father of William the Constable. It was from this Reinville, or 
Rainville, that the ancestors of William de Rainville of Bramley came. 
We learn from Robert du Mont that William de Curcy Daptfer Regis 
Anglud had died in ii77> leaving, by the daughter of Richerius de 
Aquila, an eldest son of the same name in tender years, and other 
children. In 1180 the heirs of William de Curceio owed to the baili- 
wick of Oximin jQ^ji 17s. 6d. of the debt of their father, and ;f2oo 
" de Insulis," that is, Jersey and Guernsey, where Robert de Agneaux 
had acted as the farmer of the said William. The King discharged the 
debt due from William to Peter de Bures, the provost, and took upon 
himself the mortgage upon the land of Walter de Donestanville, as also 
the security of Nicholas de Totes. In a charter to Fountains, Alice de 
Rumeli, who described herself as "daughter of William, son of 
Dunecan," gives the land which Roger, the clerk, held — a toft and a croft 
in Cockermouth ; witnesses, William de Boivill, Drogo the chaplain, 
John Alem, William de Perci, Richard de Alnebure, Roger de 
Burneben, Richard the clerk of William, Walter Harper, William de 
Camera ; and in confirmation of donations by King Richard I., we find 
included whatever the monks have of the gifts or feoffments or fees of 
Thurston, Archbishop, the founder ; of Alice de Romlay, of Alice her 
daughter, of William de Fortibus, of Baldwin de Beton, Earl of 
Albemarle, of Alan Earl of Brittany, Richard or William de Perci, 
Roger de Mowbray, G. Rugemond, Petro de Bruz, P. de Lassell, William 
de Stoteville. 

Another early transaction which may have some bearing upon the 
spread of this family is reported in the charter of Peter, son of Serlo de 
Ardintun, giving two bovates of land in Ardington to the Knights 
Hospitallers in 1186 :— Peter, son of Serlo de Ardingtun, with the 
assent of Hawise, my wife, and my heirs, give to the holy house of the 
Hospitallers two bovates of land, viz., one which Herbert, son of 
Peter Ruffus, held, and another bovate near and to the west of that, which 
Arthur, brother of the said Herbert, held. But Master Warner and the 
brethren of the said hospital have given to me by the hand of Walter de 
Perci, then procter, 8 J marks. Dat. 11 86. — Stapleton's Norman Rolls^ 

After the formal bequest of the site, the little convent received their 
patronage. The charter of William de Curci, the King's sewer, confirms 
** the gift which my mother A vice de Rumelli gave to the nuns, on this 
condition, that there shall always be in the house of Arthington one nun 
which the Lady Avice shall have placed there ; and my mother being 
dead, I, her son and heir, and my heirs, shall have this honourable 
privilege (dignitas)" The conditions of this gift point to a settled 
habitation at a period immediately succeeding the death of the Lady 
Avice, the witnesses to it pointing to the probability that it was made on 
the convent altar. They are all men of the neighbourhood. William, 
parson of Harewood ; William, chaplain of the house of the Lady Avice 
{so her household was not yet broken up); Gocelin (very probably the 


person who, in later life, 1186, was Archdeacon of Chichester); Robert 
de Withetune, Hugh Rufus, Roger de Fedringale (one of the known 
retainers of William Percy), and Andrew Tirrell. A vice, or Alice, de 
Rumelli was that noble lady whose name shall endure in Yorkshire 
history to the end of time, the bereaved mother who founded " Bolton's 
stately Priory." Her gift to the nuns of Arthington consisted of a 
moiety of Helthwaite (the halig-thuatte^ the holy clearing), together 
with pannage in harvest time for forty hogs in her wood of Swinden, and 
common pasture for their cattle in the same wood. The other moiety 
or some portion of it weht to the Canons of Bolton, from Isabel de 
Fortibus, Countess of Albemarle, who gave them the towns of Wigton 
and Brandon, with the appurtenances, and 2 carucates of land in 
Witheton and Helthat, with the appurtenances, and 9 bovates of land 
in Rawdon. 

The other charter is of Warin Fitz Gerold, the King's Chamberlain, 
which confirms the donation of Lady Avice de Romeli, and was 
witnessed by Simon de Montealto, who was alive in 1201, Robert de 
Aumri, Alexander de Witon, Adam, then Dean of Craven, Richard and 
John and Hugh, chaplains,Adam the butler, Alan his brother, Hugh de 
Wytheton, William de Stubhus, and Ralph the clerk. Warin Fitz 
Gerold was dead in 12 18, in which year Falkes de Breaute owes to the 
King ;£"! 00, for relief of the land of the late Warine, whose daughter 
and heir Falkes had in marriage. One of the witnesses already 
mentioned, Roger de Fodringhay, was himself a donor, his donation 
being of the utmost interest ; he, Sigreda* his wife, and Jordan de 
Risford, gave four acres of land in Helewic, with pasture for forty cattle, 
twenty hogs, and twenty goats^ besides easements in the wood of 
Helewic, all which were confirmed by William, son of Cospatric de 
Estaincotes and Petronilla his wife, daughter of the said Roger de 
Fodringhay. In these names of places and persons we have the link 
which seems to bind the date of the foundation to a period antecedent 
to that usually accepted. Helewic is of Norse speech ; it signifies the 
holy place or situation^ and the fact that the native owner, the son of the 
Dane Cospatric, is called by a Norman name, William, carries us back 
to the first fusion of the rival races — that is, to a period not later than 
the reign of Henry I. ; and in Helewic and Helthwaite, Bedesholm and 
Hubberholm, we have the uncorrupted Norse speech, another clear 
glimpse of the era of the early days of the foundation which seems to 
throw it back as a tentative, struggling, and therefore much unknown effort, 
into the years when the reign of order and reconciliation was emerging 
from the rule of force and disunion. 

*In this ancient name we have a bond which firmly links the inhabitants of 
Wharfedale with the old Scandinavian rovers. We meet with the name frequently 
in Laing*s Sea Kings of Norway as that of a person of exalted station. The name 
retained its popularity — in Wharfedale, to the end of the thirteenth century. In 1272, 
Robert, the son of Sygrith was just dead. Thomas, son of Sigherith, sister of Robert, 
son of Uckeman lived in Clint in John's reign. 


Besides their bearing upon the date of the foundation, these names 

reveal the old story that is everywhere becoming obvious to the student 

of the history of monastic foundations. The first years of the effort at 

establishment are passed in obscurity and toil, the colony being tolerated 

rather than recognised. An outlying desert nook wild, impracticable, 

unnamed, and almost unknown, has, in the case of most monastic 

foundations, been the only spot that baronial charity could afford to 

Christian piety. To take the instance at hand, as in Headingley so in 

Arthington, both of them outlying members ot great parishes, the 

Anglo-Norse peasantry had at the very same moment of time to identify 

the superior foundation, where wealth and power produced an immediate 

and visible result, as the Kirk-stal, the place where the quickly rising 

church was situated; and the inferior foundation where struggling 

women, but little aided by the mighty and the opulent, were raising the 

cross of Christ —as the Helewic, the holy spot, whence shone the soft, 

tender, soothing light of religion upon their half-pagan minds. With the 

knowledge, then, of the circumstances of the foundation before us, we 

see how, in the case of Kirkstall and Arthington at least, the early 

monks and nuns literally went forth into the wilderness to preach and to 

teach the Gospel to the neglected dwellers on the borders of the large 

parishes, whose churches were so far off as to be practically inaccessible. 

From these circumstances, I therefore surmise that the advent of the 

colony of nuns to Arthington may be taken to have been some years 

before the formal dedication of the site. Up to the time of Alice de 

Romeli — ^that is, long after the first comers had planted themselves on 

the spot subsequently given to them by Peter de Arthington — it would 

seem that their local habitation had as yet to receive a specific name. 

It seems to have been parted and almost absorbed by the church, for 

William, son of William de Altancotes, gave to Kirkstall 4 acres of land 

with a toft here and pasture for r2 head of cattle and 20 sheep. 

How long it was simply known as the Holy Spot, before the com- 
pletion of the church and conventual buildings justified the grander title 
ot the Convent of our Lady of Arthington, we may possibly never know. 
But enough has been given to enable us to realise some idea of the 
conventual church at least ; and it is not improbable that, if we take the 
neighbouring church of Adel as the type, we may reproduce from it the 
priory church of Arthington, both as to its size and architectural features. 
It is well-nigh certain that the two churches were erected almost at the 
same time. Nun Monkton Priory Church, still remaining, though a 
little later than Arthington, is also likely to bear a strong resemblance 
to it. 

Throughout the whole of its existence the convent was poor, its 
patrons ever being but chary donors, if a correct list of their donations 
has come down to us. And yet there is evidence that the convent 
continued to enjoy the superior reputation which the dignity of its first 
patrons gave to it. 

All that we know of the generosity of the Arthingtons is from an 
award made the Saturday next before the Feast of St. Michael, 28 Hen. 


VI , 1449, by John Thwaites, betwixt John Arthington and the Prioress 
and convent, which recites " that Peers of Arthington gaffe them the 
place, the whillt the said abby is biggyd on," and the gift of Serle and 
the gift of " Peers, the said Serle son, of one acre of land, &c., and 
half an acre of land the gyft of his moder in the hede of Uncroft," 
and also the gift of Geoffrey, son of Peers of Arthington ; " and also 
that Agas of Arthington, daughter 
of — Vavasour^ gaffe all her land 
in Thebecroft, Ac.; and the gift of 
Raufe, son of Geoffray of Arthing- 
ton," The dates of these tran- 
sactions may be approximately 
fixed. In the 3rd Richard I., 
1191, there is a final concord at 
York, between Peter Arthington, 
complainant, and the monks of 
Kirkstall, tenants of land in Cook- 
ridge in right of the monastery. 
Peter Arthington grants to the 
hospiul of St. Peter at York, 
Malger and his wife, and what he 
held of Peter in Arthington, and 
common of pasture in the same 
town, Ralph Arthington confirms to 
the son of the lord of Goldesbuigh ; 
he was alive 46th Hen, III., 1261. In uoi, Agnes Vavasour renders 
account of z§ marks for having response ; and in the same year Robert 
de Goldesburc renders account of 2od. for trangression. 

Ralph, son of Hamel of Pouilt (Pool), gave a toft and messuage 
in Pool which belonged to Holbert of Hevat ; witnesses, Hugh Lelay 
(who was living in 1201, and gave the church of Weston to York 
Cathedral in 1221), Nicholas Ward, William Lindele (who was living in 
1220), Paul Hevat (then bailiff of Otele), William Lassell, Henry 
Weschoe, Nigel Horsford, and Robert Brun. Thomas, son of Isaac de 
Pouil, in 1254, gave a culture of land in Pool, extending in length from 
Milnebec to the highway leading to York. By an agreement made at 
the feast of St. Martin, iz66, between Robert de Pouel and William 
Arthington, Robert leaseth to the said William the rent of 20s. for a 
term of 20 years, to be taken of tenements in PoueJl, Ralph Arthington 
being witness. Jeremy, son of William de Marton, gave pasture in 
Eramhope for 200 sheep, with common in the pastures, and turbary in the 
whole. He also gave all his lands and meadow in Pool, with an essart 
of land in the same territory called Snctholfeding. 

In 1205, Simon de Kime gave 2 marks for a " precepe " from 
Easter-day in the three weeks, against Roger the chaplain of 4 bovales of 
land with their appurtenances in Appleton, and for having three writs 
Je fnorte Anteussoris, one between him, Simon, and Roheis his wife, 


plaintiffs, and Robert de Munceaus defts. of lo^ bovates of land in 
Appelton ; and another between them, Simon and Roheis and Hugh de 
Lelay, defts. of two bovates of land there ; and a third between them 
and Walter de Faucumberg deft of 1 5^ bovates, with their appurtenances 
there.* Robert de Lelay occurs in 120 1. In 1206, he gave ten palfreys, 
of which two shall be good ones, for that the King will not interrupt 
him on the Thursday, nearest after the middle of Lent, concerning the 
church of Tadcaster, nor concerning the clerks among whom there is 
contention— only so far as it belongs to his crown. Brian de Insula and 
the Sheriff of York are commanded not to interfere in the church or 
with the clerks, except so far as they have the King's special command. 
In 1 201, the Sheriff returned account of one mark of Hugh de Lelay 
for having a writ of summons against Jordan de Sancta Maria, and 
Alice his wife, at Westminster. Simon, son of Robert de Pouill, in 
1258, gave his meadow in Pool lying near Winarderiding. 

Anice Stubhouse, daughter and heiress of Geoffrey Woodhouse, 
gave the homage and service of Richard de Stubhouse, which he was 
wont to do to Geoffrey her father, and of Isaac de Stubhus, her native, 
and all the toft and croft which lie between the toft of Agnes, late sister 
of William Stubbus, and the toft of the aforesaid Richard on the south ; 
witnesses, Sir Richard Gramais, Sir Hugh Lelay, Sir Jordan Bingle, 
Richard More, Adam Wycon, Roger Newhal, Henry Westlack, Henry 
Stubhus, Henry Gaukethorp, Adam Wyyael, William Abel, and Simon 
Bramley. Henry de Stubhus also granted lands about the same time, as the 
following witnesses testify : — ^Jordan Bingele Adam Wycon,t Ralph 
Arthington, Roger Newhal, Henry Gaukethorpe, Adam Marshall (the 
farrier) of Winsdell, Henry -the son of Samuel Adem. Richard de 
Mora gave two bovates of land in Aluualdesle in 1256. John Clerk of 
Wyverdlay (Weardley), gave half an acre, which Helen, his mother, had 
before bestowed upon them. Witnesses, Sir Richard de Nore, Henry 
Wescots, Ralph Arthington, Richard Stubhus, Robert Pouill, Robert 
Atwood of Wyverdlay, Henry, son of Gamel of Wyverdlay (the Danish 
Christian name still lingering), X Jordan Lofthus, Roger Newhal, Henry 
Gaukethorpe, Elias Eastellay. 

• On the morrow of the Holy Trinity, 7th John, Roger, the priest of Newton 
(Kyme), came and quitclaimed to Simon de Kyme and Roheis his wife, all the right 
that he had in four bovates of land with their appurtenances in Apelton. John de 
Harpeham, attorney of Walter de Faukenberg, sought against Hugh de Lelay 3^ 
carucatcs of land in Appelton as his right and heirship. They agree, and H ugh de 
1 ely admits all the land to be the right of Walter, and for this admission Walter 
grants to Hugh and his heirs all that land except 5^ bovates which he retained, having 
them in domain for service, as much as the land should do where 16 carucates make a 
knight's fee. Add, Hoc., 73. 

+ Ralph, brother and heir of William, son of Hugh de Creskeld, gave to Kirk- 
stall his right to the homage and service of Adam de Wycon and his family for one 
tenement in Adel. Adam, son of Hugh de Wyton, gave an annuity to Kirkstall out 
of lands at Iveker in the fee of Adel. 

t llie old name has been more than singular. Helewise, daughter of Gamel 
of Burtheden, gave to Kirkstall all the land in Burden belonging to her carucatein 


Robert de Insula, lord of Harewood in 1332, gave a quarter of 
wheat yearly out of his manor of Harewood every Michaelmas for the 
good of his soul and that of Margaret his wife. Thomas, son of Henry 
de Screvin, gave Paynscroft, in W5'ton, lying near the road to Digton. 
On the 1 2th January, 1377, the parish church of Maltby,near Doncaster, 
given to the nunnery of Arthington, was appropriated to it by Alexander 
Nevil, Archbishop of York, who, in recompense of the damage done to 
his cathedral church, thereby reserved to himself and successors out of 
the fruits thereof an annual pension of 13s. 4d., and to his dean and 
chapter 6s. 8d., payable at the two seasons of Pentecost and Martinmas, 
saving also to the perpetual Vicar of the church (who shall be presenta- 
ble by the religious for ever) his ancient rights, with the annual pension 
of four marks, which had been usually paid by the Rectors. In 1545, 
Henry Arthington, Esq., and George Powell, yeoman, present to the 
vicarage of Maltby, by reason of the advowson or patronage given to 
them by the Prioress of Arthington. Sir Alan de Peryngton gave a 
discharge to the Prioress, in the 20th Ric. II., 1396, of 4s. of rent out 
of Wyverdlay. According to the Escheats 14th Ric. II., 1390, Sir 
William de Aldeburgh and Margaret his wife held lands in Horsforth, 
Yedon, Stubbus, and Helthwayt. 

There was a dignity about the family of Arthington, the manor- 
house, and Convent, of which we have yet sufficient evidence remaining 
to warrant, us in attributing the origin of the family to a cadet branch of 
one of the great Wharfedale houses. Attached to the manor-house we 
find the private chapel, a mark of superiority. I will illustrate the social 
history of the house by an extract from the will of John de Dene, Canon 
of Kipon, who died in 1435. I leave, says he, to the nuns of Esshald, 
6s. 8d.; I also leave to the lady Alice Cheldray, a nun of that house, 
6s. 8d., if she shall be living at the time of my death, if not, I wish 
that the said 6s. 8d. be distributed among the poor sisters of Esshald. 
I leave to the nuns of Arthington, near Otley, 13s. 4d. John Arthing- 
ton, senr., was then the patron of the Priory. The testator mentions 
him and his family. I leave to John Arthington, junr., son and heir of 
John Arthington, senr., a piece of silver, covered with a lid, standing 
upon a foot, " annameld on le pomell," and 1 2 spoons of the best kind. 
I leave to Robert Arthington, son of the said John, a piece of silver 
lidded with '^ a flatt knopp," and 1 2 spoons of the smaller kind. I leave 
to John Arthington, senr., a portifor, formerly belonging to Magister 
William de Cawood, and a missal with two silver-gilt " knoppes," and 
also a piece of silver lidded with " a rounde knoppe," formerly belonging 
to Mr. W. de Cawood. I leave to Margaret Arthington, wife of John 
Arthington, senr., a piece of silver to remain as a heirloom in the 
manor of Arthington. John Arthyngton and Elizabeth his wife to be 
of the executors. On the 22nd October, 1493, license is granted for 
William Norton and Joan Arthington to marry, they being related in the 
fourth degree ; and on the same day a license (in which the man's name 
is John) is issued to the Rector of Adel to marry them in the chapel 



within the manor-house of Arthington. On the 19th August, 1505, 
a licence was granted for Henry Arthington and Matilda Goldesburgh 
to be married in the chapel of Arthington. There had been inter- 
marrying between these families many years before. In 1295, Maud, 
daughter of Marianna Arthington, releaseth to Richard Goldesburg her 
right to a halfpenny rent in Arthington. In 1334, Lawrence Arthington 
releaseth to Richard Goldesburgh, the younger, his right to 2d. rent for 
Hcense to make a mill dam at Castley. In 1349, Alice and Dyota, 
daughters of Maud, daughter of Marianna de Arthington, release to 
Sir Richard Goldesburgh, Knight, their rights in lands in Arthington, 
late belonging to Ydonea, daughter of Margaret, daughter of Marianna 
de Arthington. In 1389, variances between Richard Goldesburgh and 
Robert Arthington about a part of Castley mill-dam taken up in presence 
of sundry people. In 1372, Robert Arthington releaseth to Richard 
Goldesburgh ;^4o, due to him by bond. In 1479, John Arthington, 
Esq., was obligated to Richard Goldesburgh ;f 100 by the award of 
John Norton, Esq., for not appearing as to lands in Pool and Creskeld. 
In 1583, William Arthington indenteth with Richard Goldesburgh 
concerning wastes in Creskeld moor. 

The recorded catalogue of the Prioresses is very incomplete. For 
at least a century and a half nothing is known of them personally. The 
first upon record is — 

i9ih Jan., 1300. Matilda de Kaswick, upon whose death a commission for 

the election of a successor was issued on the 14th Kal. 
February, 1299 (19th January, 1300). She appears to 
have been a native of Keswick (of her family I know 
nothing), and to have been succeeded by 
Agnes de Screvin, a sister, no doubt, of Henry de Screvin, 
whose son Thomas gave Paynscroft in Wyton (Wigton). 
Henry de Screvyn was one of the Kine's foresters of the 
forest of Knaresborough in 1304. He had a daughter 
named Agnes, married to William de Merkevale, and was 
dead before 1334. She ceded the rule, when 
Agnes de Pontefract was confirmed as Prioress by the 
Archbishop of York on the 2nd nones (4th) December, 
1302. She seems to have vacated by cession, and was 

Srobably the same person who was confirmed Prioress of 
[ampole on the 2nd KaL March C28th February), 1312. 

Her successor at Arthington was 
Isabella de Berghby, confirmed 3rd Ides March, 131 1. 

The circumstances of her short rule are unknown. She 

was succeeded by 
Maud de Bathelay (probably Maud Copley, of Batley), 

a nun here, who was confirmed in her omce, 14th Kal. 

October (i8th Sept), 13 12. Her vacation is unknown 

(a broken period follows), but she is said to have been 

succeeded by 
Isabel Bautre, of whom nothing more is known than that 

she died in office, and was succeeded by 
Isabel de Benyghley (most probably Bingley, of the same 

fiunily as Jordan de Bingley, already recorded as a 

donor). She was confirmed on 14th September, 1349. 

It is most probable that this Prioress was a niece of the 

4th Dec,, 1302. 

30th March, 131 1. 

1 8th Sept., 1 312. 

14th Sept., 1349. 



14th Sept., 1349. 

19th March, 1463. 

6th Dec , 14S4. 

Arthingtons by intermarriage.* Of her rule and vacation 
nothing is known. More than a century elapses, during 

Alice Roucestre only is named as occupying the office, 
the date of her rule not being given. Stie is said to have 
vacated by death. The next recorded Prioress is 

Marjoria Graven, confirmed 19th March, 1463. Of her 
family, rule, and vacation nothing is known. Her 
successor is said to have been 

Katherine Wilstrope, evidently a member of the family 
de Wyvelsthorp or Willestrop, members of which have 
already been mentioned. The date of her confirmation 
is not given ; she vacated by death, and was succeeded 

Alice Maud, confirmed 6th December, 1484. She appears 
to have been a member of the local branch of the 
illustrious family De Monte Alto, one of whom, Simon, 
a man of influence in his day, is mentioned above. She 
vacated by death, and was succeeded by 

Elizabeth Popely, confirmed 17th May, 1492; deprived 
propter notoriam incontinefUiam^ and succeeded by 

Margaret Turton, confirmed 27th August, 1494 ; she 
vacated by death, and was succeeded by 

Alice Hall, confirmed in Easter-week, 1496. Of her 
nothing more is known. Unless there is an omission, 
she enjoyed an unusually long rule, and her successor, 
probably a kinswoman, was 

Elizabeth Hall, a nun of the house, and the last Prioress. 
She was confirmed 17th July, 1532, and surrendered the 
house on the 26th November, 31st Henry VIIL, 1540. 
She had a pension assi^ed to her of ^5 per annum, 
which she enjoyed in 1553* At the time of the surrender 
there remained in charge £^ 6s. 8d. in annuities, and 
these pensions to the following nuns, whose names still 
linger in the neighbourhood, and show the class from 
which the religious were drawn : — Elizabeth Vavasour, 
Katherine Cokel, Joan Thompson, Agnes Pettye, Dorothy 
Procter, Essam Ratclyffe, Elizabeth Woimwell, Isabel 
Whitehead, and Joan Hales, each £\ 6s. 8d. In the 
26th Henry VI TI., the annual revenue of the Priory was 
valued at ^ II 8s. 4id*) Dugdale; £\% Speed. 

There were ten religieuses in this house about the time of the 
dissolution. It is worthy of remark that no member of the family of 
the patron is recorded as having ruled over the house, nor 
do the ranks of the convent seem to have been largely recruited 
from the families of armigcri after the first half of tlie conventual 

14th May, 1492. 
27th August, 1494. 

17th July, 1532. 

*I append a few bio^phical notes from the Harl. MS. :~ Agreement between Geoffrey Arthingtoo 
and Jordan Bingley, without date. Eva, widow of Geoffrey Aldington, confirms to Jordan Bingley 
private lands in Arthington. Ralph, son of Geoffrey Arthington, confirms to Gilbert cingley lands m 
Creskeld. Lawrence, son of Jordan Arthington, gave to Robert Bouensunt lands in Poole, 1339. lu 
2409, a fine between Richard Arthington, compt. and, Tohn Arthington and Margaret his wife, 
deforciants of the manor of Flasby in Craven and Baroby, near Harewood, to be the right of the 
same Richard. Walter Arthington presented to the Chantry of St. Thomas the martyr in the church 
of St. Mary, Castlejg;ate, 6th April. 1598. In 1433, John Arthington and Elizabeth his wife have a 
confirmation of a writing made unto them bv John, Archbishop of York, of lands in Ripon and else- 
where. William Arthington, gent., died aoth Augu&t, 4th Edw. VI., and Robert was son and heir and 
of the age of 30 years. 

artminCton PriorV. i6i 

existence. One of them may, however, have been an inmate of the 
house, called thence to mle elsewhere. Isabella Arthington, confirmed 
in 1513, was the last Prioress of Hampole. Dodsworth records that in 
the north window of High Melton church he found an inscription — 
Orate pro anima^ &,c., of lady Isabel Arthington, Prioress of Hampalet 
and also of all the benefactors of this glass window in the year of our 
Lord, M.CCCCCXII. The testamentatary burials at Arthington were 
those of Robert de Arthington, by will proved 21st November, 1391; 
Robert Everingham, by will proved 8th October, 1482; and John 
Arthington, by will proved a4th March, 1507. 

The site of the monastery was granted, 34th Henry VIII., 1543, to 
Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury ; and in the ist Edw. VI., 
1547, the King again granted this site, with divers messuages, &c., in 
Arthington, to the same person ; and in the fourth year of his reign the 
King granted him license to alieniate the same to Peter Hammond and 
others, as trustees for the use of Thomas Cranmer, his younger son. 
The Priory stood very pleasantly near the river Wharfe, in its deep vale, 
extending east and west, and including all the milder beauties of Wharfe- 
dale, richly wooded scenery, and pastoral prosperity, if not surrounded 
by the rugged grandeur of Bolton and the higher parts ; but no remains 
whatever are left to indicate the size or appearance of the monastic 
buildings. The common seal of this monastery is appendant to a deed 
preserved in the oflice of the Duchy of Lancaster, without date, but 
apparently of the founeenth century. The subject is a side view of the 
Blessed Virgin, crowned, but without the Infant, bearing in her right 
hand a lily. The inscription is imperfect, all that remains being 

'i'SIGILI, - - SCE MAKIE - - D - - - NGTUS. 

Leeds. W. Wheateb. 





The following list of twelve-bell peals is the fullest that gives the 
date^ weight, and note of the tenor, also the founders. The earliest 
ring was at York Cathedral, dated 1681. 

Date. Churches. Founders. Weight. 

Cwt q. lb. 

i68i. York Cathedral Church. ... Ancient ... 63 o o 

Melted down to a peal often, 1765, by 
Lester and Packe, of WhitechapeL 
Destroyed by fire, 1829, after which 
a new ring was cast by Mears in 



St. John's, Cirencester 

St. Bride's, Fleet-street 

St. Nicholas's, Liverpool 

St. Martin's-in- the Fields 

St. Michael's, Comhill 

St. Mary's, Painswick 

(Two trebles added in 1821.) 

1735* ^t. Saviour's, Southwark 

1739. St. Leonard's, Shoreditch 

(Two trebles added in 1823. Tenor 

cracked by clocking, February 27th, 


1770. St. Mary's, Cambridge 

1 77 1. St. Martin s, Birmingham 

1775. St. Peter's, Mancroft, Norwich 
1787. St John's, Halifax (13 bells) 

1 787. St. Giles's, Cripplegate 

1798. St. Chad's, Shrewsbury 

1828. Quex Park, Isle of Thanet 

1830. St. Mary's, Oldham 

1 84 1. St. Peter's, Leeds (13 bells) 

1 847. West Brom wich ( 1 3 bells) 

1867. St. Mary le Tower, Ipswich 

1868. St. Peter's, St. Alban s, augmented by 

1869. Worcester Cathedral Church 

(In the moulds.) 

The advantage of an extra bell, as at Halifax, Leeds, &c., is, that 
the key may be occasionally altered from a major to a minor^ when less 
than the full number of twelve are rung. The grand ring of ten at 
Exeter Cathedral is most remarkable for this clever arrangement. It is 
to be observed that a ring of bells was the old phrase for a set of bells, 
and not a peal ; this latter word being applied to the performance of 
ringing, whether one bell or more ; and among change-ringers it means 
the performance of the full number of changes which may be rung on a 
given number of bells : a less number of changes is called a touch. 

H. T. Ellacombe, M.A. 

••• ••• ••• 

















Whitechapel ... 









Whitechapel .. 



Whitechapel ... 


































C sharp 30 









Merry it was in the grene forest 

Amonge the leves grene, 
Where as men hunt east and west 

Wyth bowes and aicowes kene ; 
To raise the dere out of theyr denne 

Soche sightes hath ott Dene sene. 

Ballad of Adam Bdl. 

1^ ROM the earliest times Yorkshire has been famous for vert 
and venison. The great hero of the peasantry of England 
is associated with its forests and glades both by birth and 
adventure. The greatest archers and the deftest of 
poachers, according to the old ballads, are from the " north 
countrie." Among the most persistent of the feudal trespassers 
were Yorkshire knights and churchmen, whose offences varied 
from stealing the King's deer and slaying his subjects to impark- 
ing their lands and defying his authority. In 1200, William de 
Thameton gave the King 200 marksand two palfreys for having thepeace of 
the forest from which he was restrained. His pledges for the debt were 
William de Stuteville, Eustace de Vesci, Peter de Brus, and Robert de 
Ros — a respectable lot. It is almost idle to say that for horsemen and 
horseflesh the county has held a lofty pre-eminence ; it is delicious, 
however, to find how it has now and then paid for this pre-eminence, as 
for instance in 1206, when considerate John Lackland, being the guest 
of the county, orders the Sheriff of iTorkshire to purchase at Stamford 
Fair four good palfreys for the King's use, and take the money from the 
burgesses of York I 

It was an Archbishop of York who apologised to the great men of 
his diocese for that he was more conversant with hawks and hounds 
than with mass-books and sermons ; and it was precisely those great men 
of his diocese who bluntly told him in return they should like him all 
the better for that. It was an Archdeacon of Richmond whose visila* 
tions were the interludes of a hunting tour, and whose visits were 
intolerable by reason of the number of his retainers who had to be 


gratuitously supported. There has ever been such a seduction in sylvan 
life, and especially in the scenes of its opening summer, as has captivated 
even the imagination of a people not yet wholly removed from a pastoral 
world. In proof of the ancient charm, I quote an inimitable address of a 
" May-lord " of the Elizabethan days :- • 

Rejoice, O English hearts, rejoice ; rejoice, O lovers dear ; 

Rejoice, O town and country ; rejoice, eke every shere ! 

For now the fragrant flowers do spring and sprout in seemly sort, * 

The little birds do sit and sing, the lambs do make fine sport ; 

And now the burchin tree doth bud, that makes the schoolboy cry, 

The morris rines, while hobby-horse doth foot it featuously ; 

The lords and ladies now abroad for their disport and play 

Do kiss sometimes upon the grass, and sometimes on the hay. 

Now butter with a leaf of sage is good to purge the blood, 

Fly Venus and phlebotomy, for they are neither good ! 

Now little fish on tender stone begin to cast their bellies 

And sluggish snails that erst were mew*d to creep out of their shellies. 

The rumbling river now doth warm for little boys to paddle 

The sturdy steed now goes to grass, and up they bang his saddle; 

The heavy hart, the bellowing buck, the rascal and £e pricket 

Are now among the yeoman's pease and leave the fearful thicket; 

And be like them, O you, I say, of this same noble town, 

And lift aloft your velvet heads, and slipping off your gown. 

With bells on legs and napkins clean unto your shoulders tied 

With scarfs and garters as you please, and Hey for our town ! cried 

March out and show your willing minds by twenty and by twenty 

To ** Burbrig " or to " Knaresbro* " where ale and cakes are plenty. 

The Knight of the Buttling Pestie, 

One of the largest of the remaining Yorkshire woods once belonged 
to the Archbishop of York — ^it is still called Bishopwood. One of the 
choicest of the Royal hunting grounds was the " frithy forest of Galtres," 
which came down to the very walls of York. In 1200, the Abbot of St. 
Mary's gave King John a palfrey for having confirmation of the King's 
charter of the tithe of hunting therein. The -forest was protected with a 
paternal hand. In 12 14 the King permitted Master Simon de Langton 
to impark and assart the wood belonging to his preband of Streneshail ; 
and PhiHp de Kime to impark his wood of Brinesby {CaL Rot, FcU^s)' 
In 1284 thv Master of the Hospital of St. Leonard, York, was allowed 
to impark his wood of Bryningburgh, containing 56 acres, and his 
contiguous domain in the same wood, containing 100 acres, within the 
forest of Galtres. In 1294, the King granted his beloved Sergeant John 
Hayward the office of bailiff of the forest with the lands of Ingoldethwaite 
and Alwaldecotes, which William Grissel had formerly held by grant of 
the King. 

In 1331, the King granted to the Abbot and Convent of St Mary's, 
York, all the hunting of the forest of Spaunton, in Blakhoumore, between 
the water of Doune and the water called Syvene, for five years, in 
exchange for the whole tithe of hunting in the forest of Galtres. In the 
East and North Ridings there were many famous hunting-grounds, and 
not a little poaching. In 1302, King Edward writes to Richard Oysel 


and Ralph de Lellay, appointing his justices to enquire by the oath of 
good men and true of the county of York, how it was best to arrive at 
the truth, as to who were the malefactors and disturbers of the peace in 
the royal watren at Brustwyk, Preston, Kaingham, Little Humber, 
Burton Pidese, Skipse, Esington, Skiftling, Kilnese, and Wythornse, and 
who hunted in the King's parks of Brustwyk and Sprotle, in our pools of 
Brustwyk, and fisheries of Lomworth, Skipse, Burton-Pidse, and 
Wythornse mere fish- 
poaching, and who took 
and bore away hares 
and rabbits in the 
warrens, and wild beasis 
from the parks, and fish 
from the pools and 
fisheries, to our heaviest 
damage. This wide- 
spread lawless- ness was 
not to be endured. 
The judges must do 
their work, and Richard 
and Ralph must then 
look after the redemp- 
tions, full power being 
given to them to do 
their office. In 1304, 
John Sutton impleaded 
several people for hunt- 
ing hares and other 
animals in his free 
warren at Sutton in 

In the city of York 
the King maintained a 
separate prison " for 
his forest of Galtres," for 
keeping which he paid 
John de Wythornse, in 
1352, the munificent 
sum of ^d. a day — 

A LAUND IN THE FOREST OF GALTRES. ^;„ ,. _ ■!..„ , i 

twice the stipend of an 
average rector — and made him a tenant in capife to boot. It was to 
John de Insula, constable of Knaresbo rough, that stern Edward Long- 
shanks wrote in 1304, greeting — which by a north country synonym may 
mean wailing, for Edward was a mighty hunter—*' When lately we 
assigned to you and Milo de Stapleton the constabulary of our Castle of 
Knaresborough, to enquire who were the malefactors and disturbers of 
our peace in the parks and chaces of Knaresborough, and without our 


license hunted and took wild beasts and bore them away, and to hear 
and terminate that transgression according to the law and custom of our 
kingdom, we understand that certain men in the presence of you and 
the said Milo were convicted of the transgression, and were detained in 
our prison of the Castle of Knaresborough ; we named you to receive 
their fines or redemptions." And so we learn of another forest prison, 
possibly we may have a sketch of one of its scenes in 1343: — *'The 
Sheriff of York was ordered to give full seizin to Master Adam de Ottelay 
of two acres of land and four acres of itieadow, with their appurtenances, 
in Farnley, which belonged to William, son of William del Bretes, who 
was hanged for felony ! " It is not in the nature of men to resist the 
charms of the chase. The peer is a sportsman, the peasant is a poacher, 
the keeper is a — ? 

Well, if you chance to come by Knaresborough, 
Make but one step into the keeper's lodge, 
And such poor fare as woodmen can afford 
Butter and cheese, cream and fat venison, 
You shall have store, and welcome therewithaL 

It is fitting that Yorkshire should be the unchanging home of a race of 
mighty hunters. It contained the largest chase in England — Hatfield 
Chase, the hunting ground of King Edwin of Northumbria, covering 
170,000 acres ; it was twice the size of the New Forest, the mighty effort 
of the Conqueror. The largest parish in England, Halifax, containing 
75,000 acres, and being about the size of the county of Rutland, was a 
portion of the forest of Hardwicke. On the brows of the hills and the 
bosoms of our dales the pastoral habits of the Celt still prevail — his 
very terms of numeration are on the tongue of the shepherds of to-day. 
The hunting grounds of the early Norman barons may be taken to be 
but the enclosure and reservation of the spots the Celt himself had 
dedicated to the chase. But even this reservation does not appear to 
have been a pure monopoly. We have here and there singular refer- 
ences to the reservation of popular rights. In 1224, the men of 
KilHnghall, Fellischffe, Birstake, and Gresteinwra, have their common of 
pasture specially reserved to them by the King in his pastures of 
Sywerdherges and Heyra, as they were wont to have in King John's 
time. Half a century later John le Vavasour had his park at Hazelwood, 
yet he was summoned for monopolising warren in Le Wodehale and 
elsewhere in his lands in Wheruedale. Francis le Tyeys was summoned 
for the same offence at Farnelay (Leeds), where he had raised a park. 
The Templars of Newsam were among the worst of the defaulters. 
Galfrid Neville had a park at Fasel (Farsley), and warren in all his 
boundary without the park, which park and warren Ivo de Longevillers 
had of the grant of King Henry III. Galfrid appropriated for his park 
without warrant a plot of land without the fee of Farnley and in the fee 
of Bramley, and got himself into some trouble thereby. He had 
encroached upon the domains of the Abbot of Kirkstall, who, however, 
was himself an offender of the first water, as indeed some of his pre- 


decessors had been. Many of their possessions lay in Wharfedale, and 
that the dale was for centuries after the Conquest little better than an 
expanse of timbered land {sylva pasturd) we have evidence. How 
lovely it would be when covered with its leafy garment we may easily and 
correctly imagine. In 1207, Warin Pitz Ceroid gave to the King a ruby 
of the price of twenty marks, or the sum of twenty marks, as the King 
may wish, for a right perambulation to be made by twelve lawful knights 
of the neighbourhood of Langewood, between the wood of the monks of 
Kirkstall in Berdeseia and Warin's wood in Harewood — 

what fairer grove 

From Harewood lures her devious love ? 
What fairer grove than Harewood knows, 

More woodland walks, more fra^^rant gales. 
More shadowy bowers, inviting soft repose, 

More streams slow wandering thro' her winding vales ? 

Roger Constable of Chester, the sheriff, is in consequence commanded 
to have the perambulation made, and acquaint the King by whom, and 
in the meantime not permit the monks to make any waste of the wood. 
This dispute seems to have arisen from Warin's rigour as a game pre- 
server. In 1205, he had given the King 200 capons — 100 at Easter and 
1 00 at the Feast of St. John Baptist — to have free warren through all 
his lands ; therefore nobody should hunt in them without his leave, on 
forfeiture of ;;^io to the King. Warin's recorded actions offer us the 
career of a man energetic in the settlement of the many irregularities of 
disjointed times and the operations of greedy persons. In 1199, he 
recovered the presentation to his church of Harewood against the canons 
and chaplains of St. Mary and St Sepulchre, York. This action was 
revived, and, in 1208, there was an assize as to the ad vowson which 
Warin Fitz Ceroid and Alice de Curci his wife claimed. The canons 
came and said that Avice de Rumilly gave that church to St. Mary, 
St. Michael, and all Angels for the support of the clergy, and they pro- 
duced the charter of the said Avice, witnessed and confirmed by 
Archbishop Roger. {Abb. Flac, 62.) It was in the same year that the 
King granted Warin a warren, a fair, and a market at Harewood. These 
grants were renewed to Richard Redman in 1406. {CaL Rot PaL) 

In the later period some of this old trouble was revived. The 
abbot was summoned for using free warren in all his domain lands of 
Collingham, Bardesey, Wyk, Brerehagh, Sramhop, Hedingley, Cugeryt, 
Adele, West Hedingley, Horsseford, and Bramley. He denied the 
iniquity of his act with all the stoutness of self complacency. As to the 
free warren in Hedingley, Cugeryt, Adele, Horsseford, and Bramley, he 
claimed it by charter 21st Henry III., which gave it to him and his 
convent for ever ; in the domain lands and woods he had it of the gift 
of William Peytefyn, in Hedingley; of the gift of Roger Mustel and 
William, his son, in Cugeryt and Adele ; of Hugh de Lelay and Nigel 
de Horsford, in Horsford ; of William de Reyneville, in Bramley ; 
which towns, woods, and lands were without the King's forest, therefore 


nobody could enter them to hunt bucks {cervum dissum), fallow deer 
{damum, damam\ hares, foxes, or any other kind of beast without the 
license of the abbot. This argument prevailed with the King, and in 
due time sent many of the abbot's tenants to the stocks. It was not 
every peer, temporal or spiritual, who could thus gain his easy end. In 
1255, Hugh le Bigot gave to the King 500 marks for having the 
forest of Farndale to himself and his heirs, and for being there allowed 
to hunt with his dogs. The tightening of these forest laws was a con- 
tinual effort ; in the reign of Edward I.,«it appeared to be so sometimes 
as a matter of fiscal necessity. In 1276, we find the King giving power 
to Thomas de Normanville, his seneschal, to sell wood in the King's 
forest in his bailiwick, up to the sum of ^1000 per lota. 

Of the incidents of ancient forestry we have a good example in the 
neighbourhood of Leeds, in the days when Coeur de Lion was crusading 
in the Holy Land, and Robert Turnham of Bramham was bearing his 
banner and choosing horse? to bring home and mend the native 
breed. Adam de Beeston of Beeston had a dispute with William 
Grammary, Lord of Middleton, respecting the boundaries between the 
manors of Middleton and Beeston. The matter in dispute was really 
the ownership of the wood at the boundary of the manors. The wood 
had been adjudged to belong to Beeston, but one day Grammary caught 
one of the Beeston foresters there, seized him, and carried him to his 
house in Middleton, where he put him in the stocks as a trespasser, 
and took from him his cape, a gold ring, and a sword, in felony and 
robbery {Abb, Piac* 66). This act brought about hatred of a bitter 
kind, and stirred up the course of the law. Grammary had done wrong, 
and Beeston would not allow the wrong to remain unassailed. In 1 200, 
Grammary offered to the King 100 marks and a palfrey for having an 
inquisition in an appeal made against him by Adam de Beeston, con- 
cerning a breach of the peace through old hatred. Gratoifnary failed to 
pay the money into the exchequer, and therefore did not obtain his 
brief. In the next year (i 201) Grammary gave to the King jQioo for 
having a ^' licentia concordandi " with Adam on the appeal which Adam 
had brought against William and his men. He still appears to have 
been unpossessed of the money, for he obtained pledges for the payment ; 
and, as a mark of the times and the small money power even of the 
nobility, it is well to record the names and amount of the pledges : — 
Robert de Everingham was surety for ten marks ; Robert and Mauger le 
Vavasseur, each for twenty marks ; John de Means, ten marks ; Thomas 
le Lardiner, ten marks ; Robert de Lelay, ten marks ; Ralph Mauliverer, 

ten marks ; William, son of Thomas, ten marks ; Engeram , ten 

marks ; and Grammary himself, ten marks. And of the said £ \ 00 
Adam de Beeston paid 20 marks, for which these are pledges — Richard 
Malebisse, ten marks, and Samson de Ridelsford, ten marks. 

This protracted the matter for some years. In 1 207 Adam gave 
fifteen marks to ascertain if the knights who by their oath made partition 
between him and William Grammary in the contention about a wood 


and bush ijhsce et bascule) between Beeston and Middleton, had made 
the partition according to the distinct boundaries of that cirogiaph, 
Adam alleging that they had made other boundaries, and not those they 
ought to have made according to the tenor of the cirograph. Robert de 
Tumham, then home from the wars, and presenting to King John 
"Spanish horses of price," in order that the king would return to him 
his estate of Bramham, was directed to ascertain whether the boundaries 
had been made according to the cirt^raph ; and the sheriff was ordered 
that on the day which Robert named he should cause those knights, or 
the survivors of them, to come before Robert at the wood, and point 
out how and by what boundaries they made the partition. Irritated by 
the tediousness of the suit, this last act resolved the disputants to bring 


the matter to a desperate crisis. They determined to settle their 
difference by an appeal to arms. A duel was fought between them in 
1209, but what were its consequences we do not know, other than that 
the wood seems to have been ceded to Adam de Beeston. 

The magnitude of our great parks in the olden time and their 
wealth in kind are now perhaps beyond our true appreciation. In laoi, 
William, son of Hugh de Laelay, gave a mark for having a brief con- 
cerning 300 acres of wood in the park of Helagh agamst Jordan de 
Sancta Maria and Alice his wife — a mete disputable trifle in the parks of 
those days. In 1201, when William de Stuteville was constable of 
Knaresborough, we find 13s. 4d. paid to a driver, who took 105 stags 
and 24 hides, received from Henry Fitz Hervey, William de Stuteville, 


and Wimar Fitz Warin, and taken beyond Trent ; so that it appears 
probable the wealth of the Yorkshire parks had to replenish the 
scantiness of those of the south. The guardianship of these hunting- 
grounds — especially the King's forests — ^was an office of dignity, and of 
risk and difficulty, in the days of the Norman and Plantagenet kings. 
All the elements of fraud, violence, and discord were introduced by the 
arbitrary licenses of the King, well exemplified in the grant, in 1204, to 
Robert de Braybroc of leave to hunt in all the King's forests {Cal, Rot 
Pat. 2). How confusion was apt to arise out of such indiscriminate 
grants, we have frequently recorded. In 1200, Alan de Thorinton 
(Thomton-le-Moors), the forester, gave the King 100 marks for having 
his goodwill, the King being angry with him because the forest was ill kept. 
Mercenary John Lackland closed with the negligent official, but only 
after he had found ample pledges that the money should be well and duly 
paid ; and in order to show the sort of company kept by the forester, I 
will give the list : — William de Angodebi, ten marks ; Roger Brown, ten 
rbarks ; Gilbert, brother of Alan de Thorinton, twenty marks ; JoUan de 
Brimingeston, four marks ; the Abbot of Witeby, twenty marks ; Albert, 
the clerk of Scardeburgh, ten marks ; Gervas de Preston, five marks ; 
William Buissell, two marks ; William Fitz Ralph, five marks ; Thomas 
de Sedzevalle, two marks ; Richard Cook, of Scardeburgh, two marks ; 
Edmund de Brimingeston, three marks; Thomas de Pikering, one 
mark ; . Thomas, son of Odo de Pickering, one mark ; and Walter 
de Bovington, five marks. Affairs appear to have improved after 
this, for within the next dozen years we find King John stopping at 
Knaresborough several times with his sporting official, Brian de Insula. 
The sport pursued by our ancestors now and again becomes visible 
in their concessions. It was often limited to particular animals. 
In 1339, Edward III. grants to Thomas de Gra, of York, that he and 
his heirs in fee may hunt the hare, fox, and vermin in the forest of 
Galtres, and that they may include with a little ditch and a low pale his 
land of Cockbume in the same forest. (CaL Rot. Pat, 135). 

As may be expected, many of the rustic troubles of our forefathers 
arose from their poaching habits, especially when so large a quantity of 
land was preserved for hunting grounds. The more reputable avoided 
trouble by obtaining a King's license, as, for instance, Roger Huardy. a 
burgess of Scardeburgh, who, in 1252, obtained a hunting license in the 
forest of Pickering. In 1254, a similar license was given to Hugh le 
Bigod, in the county of York. And in 1255 to Robert de 
Neville of Raby for the County. The best of these licences is that 
granted, in 1269, to Richard Middleton, clerk, to hunt in the northern 
forests. He was the King's Chancellor, and died on the Sunday 
nearest after the , feast of St. Lawrance, 1272. All grades 
of society were involved in these troubles. In 1277, Robert de 
Bailliol made a fine with the King of iocs, for transgression 
in vert and venison which he had made in the King's forest. Roger le 
Straunge at Galleghaye, Henry de Percy at Spoflforth, and the Abbot 


of Fountains at Thorpe, had monopolised free warren for the last fifty 
years past. And from claiming warren, the defaulters proceeded to 
withhold their feudal dues. The Templars of Ribston, seven years ago, 
had withdrawn the domain services of a toft in Colthorpe which was 
taxed- In like manner the Prioress of Ardington, six years ago, with- 
drew the same service of a bovate of land in North Ditton. In 1334, the 
Sheriff of York is warned that the palings, ditches, and hedges in the 
King's parks within the honor of Knaresborough are in several places 
broken, and that the mares and foals of the King's stud are the less 
able to be kept in custody than they should be to the profit of the 
herbage ; he is ordered to have them mended. 

In 1339, the Eling appointed Thomas de Metham and others the 
King's justices to inquire who were the malefactors and disturbers of the 
King's peace in the parks of Southwell and Scrooby, temporalities of 
the Archbishop of York, the see being vacant. In the wilder regions of 
Heywra a "lortalice" had to be erected, the keeping of which was 
given in 1343 to Roger de Norman ville to hold during the King's 
pleasure, giving for the office ten marks — a sure proof that fines would be 
forthcoming. Roger's term was not of very long duration, for in 1350 
the King gives the office to his valet. Master John de Barton — a clerk 
evidently ! — ^taking for it the same sum of ten marks per annum. The 
preservation of the park of Heywra (misprinted Hanora) was a matter 
which concerned our great Edward Longshanks, for we find the old 
warrior granting a patent to that effect at Burgh-upon-Sands in 1307, 
when he was entering upon the last campaign of his life (CaL Rot 
Fat. 67). In 1363, William Gascoigne and Richard his son gave two 
marks for pardon of the trespass done by them in acquiring custody of 
the park, wood, and warren of the manor of Harewood ; he also gave 
20s. for pardon for acquiring a tenement in Harewood without leave. 
These things occurred at a change of manorial tenancy; but the little 
irregularity may possibly point out some facts in the boyhood of our 
most celebrated Chief Justice Gascoigne, and lead up to his burial in 
Harewood Church. In the same year Robert de Insula, of Rugemont, 
gave ;^7o for leave to enfeof Sir William de Aldeburgh and Elizabeth 
his wife of two parts of the manor of Harewood. 

I will cite a few instances, mostly from the Calendar of Patent 
RollSy which illustrate in many phases the changes taking place in the 
surface of the country. In 13 14, Thomas de Tolthorpe may include 
and attach a placea called Westwode and Wolcotewra, containing 24 
acres within the forest of Galtres. John de Thorneton, of Sowerby, 
may attach and inclose a certain place of brushwood and waste, called 
Le Lounde-in-Sutton in Galtres, and within the bounds of the forest. 
John Marmyon may crenellate his manor called L'Ermitage in his 
wood of Tanfield (p. 78). In 1315, Walter de Bedewynde, Treasurer 
of York, may attach and inclose 40 acres of waste for his own proper 
use in his manor of Alne and ToUerton, within the metes of the forest 
of Galtres, in the place called Foxholme — a not very reputable transac- 


tion. Robert Dammory was appointed supervisor and superior warden 
of the chases of Langstrode, Littondale, Topclive, and Spofford, and 
the parks of Topclive and Spofford which had belonged to Henry de 
Percy (p. 79). In 1346, the King granted to Adam de Walton, in fee, a 
place of waste called Le Westraosse in the forest of Galtres, containing 
120 acres by the perch of the forest* together with common there, by the 
service of bearing the King's bow when he happens to hunt in that 
forest; and he may inclose it with a small dyke and a low fence 

(p. 154)- 

Some 6f these instances may be taken to represent the develop- 
ment of agriculture; we have others not quite so permissible. In 1365, 
the Prior of Giseburne may impark his wood of Clive and 80 acres of 
land adjoining in the same wood {Rot. Fat 180). In 1373, Thomas Eaton 
may impark 1,000 acres of land and wood at Gillinge in Rydale 
(p. 191). In 1376, William de Nesfield holds in fee the custody of the 
free chase and warren of Kirkby Malasarte, and Nyderdale (p. 193). 
In 1379, Richard Lescrop, the King's chancellor, may crenellate his 
manor of Bclton in Wenselowdale, or Xh^placea within the same manor. 
This is a glimpse of the mansion which existed before the castle. 
The Abbot of Bilande may impark 100 acres of land and pasture in his 
domain (p. 202). In 1381, John Neville of Raby, may crenellate and 
make a castle at SherifThoton. In 1382, the King granted to Thomas 
Fairfax, armiger^ the seneschalship of his forest of Galtres, and warren 
in the lands of Ingolthwaite for his life, with stated fees. In 1383, 
Alexander, Archbishop of York, may fortify and otherwise strengthen 
{effort aliquid factre) his manor of Reste. In the same year Thomas 
de Mowbray, Earl of Nottingham, for his lifetime may hunt, hawk, and 
fish in any of the King's chases in England, Wales, and Ireland (pp. 
206, 8, 9). In strange contrast with all this, in 1399, we have the formal 
setting-free — " manumissio " — of William de Burton, citizen of York, 
a villain of the Archbishop's. 

In 141 7, when the country was troubled with Lollardism and 
unsettled, determined attempts were made to break the parks and 
largely curtail the monopoly of chase. We are told in the Rolls of 
Farliammt that in divers parts of the realm great multitudes of evil 
people assembled in an insurrectionary manner, armed and arrayed for 
war, and with great force and violence broke open the parks and hunted 
in the forests, chases, and parks of the great lords, destroyed their 
" savagines," and grievously beat and ill-treated their foresters, parkers, 
and other servants, some of whom they slew. This piece of wanton 
law-breaking was for a cover attributed to Lollardism — to those ** who 
were of opinion of the Lollards, traitors and rebels, whose object was to 
subvert the Catholic faith." The pretext answered the purpose of tum- 

*As one datum in th'* ancient measure of land I find that in 1300 the length of a 
King's perch in the town of Wartre, co, York, contained 18 feet of a man. Abb, 
Flac,^ 243. 


ing upon the offenders the severest penalties of the law. Two years 
afterwards it iK^as decreed that all artificers, labourers, servants, and 
grooms, having greyhounds and other dogs, and who on feast-days, when 
good Christians were at church hearing divine service, congregate to 
hunt in parks, warrens, and coney-grounds, to the great destruction of 
these grounds, and to the furtherance under colour of their assemblies of 
enterparlances, conspiracies, and breaches of allegiance, should be 
stopped of those practices by being deprived of their dogs. No manner 
of artificer, labourer, or any other layman, who had not lands and tene- 
ments of the value of 40s. per annum, and no priest or clerk not 
beneficially advanced to j^io per annum^ should keep a greyhound or 
other hunting dog, nor use ferrets, hairs, retes, harepipes, cords, or other 
engines to destroy savagynes, hares, or coneys, upon pain of imprisonment 
for a year. 

These abuses probably did not refer to the time-honoured 
enclosures, but to the later parks, most of which were monopolies of the 
reign of Edward III., and often regranted by tenures which would 
greatly favour invasions ; for instance, in 1370, the King granted to 
Peter de Routh all the agistments of the parks of Haywra and Bilton, 
within the forest of Knaresborough, to hold during the King's pleasure, 
returning thence to the King jf 2 8 per annum . Such grants would necessarily 
open the parks to a very large number of intruders. U hen proud Mary of 
Middleham claimed free warren in her lands in Wensleydale, she had no 
park ; we have seen some of the troubles her family and neighbours met 
in 1246 ; she might hunt over the broad chase, but she must not enclose. 
That monopoly had to be taken by her son, and it was only obtained by 
stealthy steps. In 1 331, the King grants to Ralf de Neville, free warren 
in all his demesne lands in Middleham ; three years later he had license 
of enclosing and imparking his woods of Sheriff-Hutton and Middleham, 
and also of making there a deer-leap for the game. In a few years his 
castie of Middleham was literally surrounded with parks. Yet Ralph 
was a pious man ; in 1363, he gave to the King ;^ 15 for leave to assign 
in mortmain a tenement in Snape to the master or warden and to the 
brethren and sisters of the chantry or hospital of Welle, near Bedale, 
founded by himself. How the forest laws were made to serve private 
purposes, we have another instance in 1474, when the King granted to 
Sir William Plumpton, Kt, that he may embattle and msJce towers 
within his manor of Plumpton, and impark all his hereditaments and 
free chase in the same and have them, dthough they may be within the 
wastes of the forest or chase of Knaresborough. {CaL Rot. Pat, 318). 



Merrie Wakefield is so thoroughly associated with the sylvan 
stories of Old England and our roystering outlaws, that the fame of the 
place will never die until the memory of bold Robin Hood and his 
foresters good shall have faded from the minds of men ; and when that 
will be we do not care to enquire. But, beyond its hilarious reputation, 
Wakefield has some dole^l memories, as witness the boasts and exploits of 
its rapacious pinder of ancient ballad and song ; and its constables and 
graves in the era of manorial records and appreciable fact. Situated at 
what we may call the head of Barnsdale, the classic ground of the 
wood rovers, Wakefield was the head-quarters of their plots, and, sharing 
the fame with Nottinghamshire, at the southern extremity of the forest 
of Sherwood, it was the place of their dread and punishment. Wake- 
field was then the domain of Earls Warren, game preservers the like of 
whom are rare both in ancient and modern history. They provided the 
gaol at Wakefield, and taught their officers to make it a most uncom- 
fortable residence. It is true they had a large and very wild district to 
keep in order — their sway extended over thirty miles of land, including 
some of the most rugged parts of Yorkshire ; but it is equally true that 
they did not scruple to use such means as would keep the wildest of 
districts in order, if they did not drive them into distraction and revolt. 
They hung women for felony, and gibbetted men for poaching ; and 
then their officials stole the criminals* goods. 

Themselves most impatient of control, they were most exacting of 
obedience. Their character is written both in the history and ballads 
of our country, with a pen that does not move with the stroke of bene- 
volent memory, of kindness and good- will For our present purpose we 
need not pursue them into their regal state under the Norman rule ; we 
will start with them in the days of their kinsmen the Plantagenets. Old 
Earl William, the King's Justice, who made much money by trafficking 
in other people's estates while in the King's hands by reason of minorities, 
had a daughter whom King John found both fair and frail, and a son, some 
of whose caprices have already been described. Without any warrant, 
in or about 1256, he had erected gallows at Coningsburc, and usurped 
the assize of bread and beer, pleas of blood-spilling, &c. He and his 
father had imparked the wood called AUenker, in Tykehill wapentake ; 
the enclosure was five miles round. He was then building the castle of 
Sandal — or more properly speaking perhaps converting the old manor- 
house into a castle by additions and alterations — and his men, Roger de 
Aula and Robert de Schinthorp, in 1270, began to exact toll from the 
merchants leading timber there, an innovation " quod nunquam prius 
fuit " — hitherto unknown before their day. In the worthy Roger de 
Aula — Roger at the hall — ^we have most likely one of the Earl's personal 
servants ; a man evidently who had studied his master's character, and 
copied the strong points thereof. Alexander, the cook of Sandale, who 
was probably another servant, appropriated a part of the wood of Sandale. 


The Earl appropriated free chase and warren in Henclesmore, a portion 
of Hatfield chase, and in the forest of Hardwick, a moiety of the wood 
of Sothill, all the wood of Dewesbir, and all the boundaries of Halifax, 
Shirekotes, Ovenden, Haldeworth, Saltenstal, Rutenstal, Stanesfield, and 
Langefield, without warrant. And the Earl upheld the injury, and 
particularly of the wood of Dewesbir, for which they of the neighbouring 
fee are amerced for evasion at the will of the Earl's Seneschal. 
Richard de Heydon, formerly Seneschal, and Thomas le Ragged, 
formerly chief forester of the Earl, after the battle of Evesham, appro- 
priated to themselves free chase within the boundaries of Sotehill, 
Hipperuni, Northoverum, Schipeden, Nortland, and Riseworth, without 
any warrant. In the same days of confusion the Seneschal extorted 
market-toll in the liberty of Sourbyschire, even when there was no 
market ; and they yet stand at the entrance of the market and collect 
the tolls called Dortol and Huctol, and if they are denied they amerce 
the refractory {Rot, Bund), 

When these enormities, and others similar committed by other 
nobles entirely throughout the kingdom, were reported to the King, 
Edward I., he determined to put a stop to them. His action in the 
matter is the first decisive proof of the power of the people having risen 
sufficiently to cause their injuries to be accepted from their own mouths. 
The King sent the Justices throughout England to examine into the 
complaints and redress the wrongs. The action of Earl Warren before 
the Justices is a key to the whole mischief, as it is also an evidence that 
the baronial power was still an unchecked factor in the furtherance of 
class privileges. The Earl was called to account for appropriating the 
lands, his title to which was called for. When the commissioners 
presented themselves and required to see the titles, the Earl threw upon 
the table a rusty sword, saying, " This is the instrument by which I hold 
my lands, and by it I mean to defend them ! Our ancestors who came 
to this realm with William the Bastard, obtained their possessions by 
their good swords. The Conquest was not made by him alone, nor for 
himself solely ; our fathers bore their part and were participants with 
him." Such language was not to be mistaken, and Edward found it 
prudent for a time to leave the great barons alone, confining himself to 
the seizure of a few estates from men whose weakness, or whose known 
character, offered less likelihood of resistance. 

I have alluded to the carrying of building-timber {maeremium) to 
Sandal in 1270, and to the erection of some baronial residence then 
proceeding there. This is entirely inconsistent with the received state- 
ment that Sandal Castle was built about 1320; but that statement 
cannot be correct. Sandal, from the earliest times, has always been a 
defended position. Its name indicates that it was a Saxon hal^ or guard- 
house. *^ Enough yet remains about the scanty ruins of the Castle to 
shew that the central mound was crowned by a shell keep, and that 
there were external ditches and, ramparts. The position commands the 
Calder valley and the surrounding country; and the earthworks are 


probably those of a stronghold, British or Saxon, far more ancient than 
the Castle." Earl John, who had married Joan, Countess of Bar, was 
proceeded against for a divorce in 13 14. In 1315 he released and 
quit-claimed his castles of Sandal and Conyngesburg, and the towns 
of Wakefield, Heytefeld, Thorne, Sowreby, Braythewelle, Fishelake, 
Dewesbury, and Halifax, to the King. The castle must then, of course, 
have been in existence, and that fact disposes of the above statement. 
According to Dr. Whitaker, whose error must be corrected. Sandal 
Castle was built by this John, the last Earl, as a secure retreat for Alice 
de Laci, the profligate wife of Earl Thomas of Lancaster, after her 
elopement, which is generally admitted to havetakea place in 131 7 ; but 
Mr. T. Taylor, coroner, showed a grant from the Earl to John of 
Gargrave, given at Sandal, and dated 24th September, i3i3,or four years 
before the elopement took place. Between the years 1315, when Earl 
Warren fell into disgrace, and 1322, when Thomas of I-»ancaster was 
executed, the Castle of Sandal was in Lancaster's possession. It was 
placed in the wardenship of William de la Beche after the fatal event. 
A further change took place next year, 1323, when the King committed 
to Richard de Mosele the custody of the Castles of Conyngesburgh and 
Sandale, the Manor of Wakefield, and all the other Manors which had 
belonged to John de Warren Earl of Surrey. Mosele remained in 
possession until 1325, when the King regranted the Castles of 
Conyngesburg and Sandale, and the Manors of Wakefield, Sowresby, 
Braichewell, Fishelake, Dewesbury, and Halifax, to the Earl for the term 
of his life. In 1331 the King gave the Earl leave to improve himself 
to the value of ;£^2oo a year out of the wastes of his Castles and Manors 
of Conyngesburg, Sandhale, Haitfield, Wakefield, Thorn, and 
Sowrebishyre by demising to such of his tenants as are willing to 
receive it, holding for himself and his heirs in fee tail for a certain rent. 
The King at the same time granted to William de Skargil 64 acres of 
waste in these Manors at a rent of 34/-; and to Master Ralf de 
Conyngesburg, clerk, 120 acres at a rent of 40/- {Add. Rot, Orig.). 

These transactions introduce us to the establishment of the two 
parks of Wakefield, the Old Park and the New Park. It is a matter of 
conjecture when the Old Park was first enclosed. It may be attributed 
to the reign of Henry III., the fertile period of baronial usurpation, and 
may be considered contemporary with the erection of Sandal Castle. In 
1304. the Escheator is ordered that, as well in woods as in parks which 
belonged to John de Warren, formerly Earl of Surrey, who died that 
year, and by reason of the minor age of John, grandson and heir of the 
said Earl, being in the King's hands ; of the underwood and of the 
sound but leafless oaks he should fell and sell to the sum of ;^2oo, and 
answer to the King for the money. In 1309, the King granted to John 
de Warren, Earl of Surrey, the castle and honour of High Peak to hold 
at rent for the whole of his life, returning thence 43 7^ marks. He then 
calls him " delictus nepos." In 131 2 these grants were revoked, and 
in 13 1 6 the Earl obtains a re-grant of the manor of Wakefield, but not the 


castles, although he has granted to him for life the castle of Reygate, 
where he took Alice de Laci, the castle of Lewes, and divers other 
manors and castles, remainder to John de Warren, his illegitimate son 
by Maud de Neirford, in special tail to his heirs male, and the re- 
mainder to Thomas de Warren, another son of the said Maud. {CaL 
Rot. Pat. 8f.) 

The New Park appears to have been an erection consequent upon 
the King's license of 1331, which produced much inclosure. There 
was a general improvement of the neighbourhood in 1330, the town 
of Wakefield began to smarten up a little ; it obtained then a charter of 
Pavagium^ which enabled it to pave its streets. It had paid some 
little attention to ecclesiastical affairs a few vears previously. In 1322, 
it obtained patents for the chantries of All Saints and Our Lady of 
Wakefield, the latter of which we perhaps recognise in the patent of 
1 396 granted for the chantry of our Lady upon the bridge of the town 
of Wakefield {CaL Rot. Pat. 232). In 1333, the Kmg confirmed to 
John de Gargrave in fee a toft in Wakefield for a rent of 5s. yearly ; 
and also in general tail a bovate of land in the graveship {prcBpositura) 
of Thornes, in the place called " Beskrode," and 28 acres and one rood 
called ** Rodlande," in the same graveship, for a rent of 13s. 5d.; and to 
the same John, to Ellen his wife, and to William their son, and to 
William his son in general tail, a separate place called Le Hallerode 
containing 30 acres of arable land and pasture and six acres of meadow 
in Horbury, together with common of pasture, &c., for a rent of 6s. 8d., 
those being the premises granted to them by John de Warren, Earl of 
Surrey, and held of the King in capite. In the next year we find 
trouble ; there is a suit between the Abbot of Selby and John, Earl of 
Warren, and others, his tenants of the manors of Wakefield and Thome, 
for 800 acres of land in Estoffe. In 1336, the King granted to William 
Cussying, of Wakefield, and his heirs, 3 messuages, 40 acres and the 
moiety of one borate and one rood of land, i^ acres of meadow, and 
three places of waste in Wakefield and Stanley, which John de Warren 
granted at a yearly rent of 13s. 5d. This, in the same year, is followed 
by a grant to Simon de Balderstone of a place of land, containing 120 acres 
in the New Park of Wakefield called " Strethagh,'' which Earl John 
granted to Simon and his heirs, at a yearly rental of 40s., and if Simon 
shall die without heirs, then after his death the said place shall 
remain to William de Skargil and his heirs for ever. The King also 
granted the concession which Earl John made to William de Langefeld, 
of lands and wastes of Withins, Tourleymosse and Mankanholes, with- 
out the EarPs park of Herikdene, between Mankanholegge on his part 
and Southstrindebroc on the other, of the wastes of the Earl in 
Sourebishire. In 1339, the King confirmed to William de Scargill, 
the grant which Earl John made to him of two messuages, li acres of 
land, and a place called Le Haye, containing 15 acres of land and all 
the waste lying between the Earl's Old Park at Wakefield and the river 
Keldre, containing 68 acres, together with a place between Hedlaysyk 



and Gepfeld towards Wodekirke, containing 60 acres of land of the waste 
in Wakefield, to hold these tenements for a rent of 49s. While all 
this enclosing was going on in the neighbourhood of the town, the great 
old hunting range of the Outwood was being invaded. In 1345, Earl 
John granted to Thomas de Methelay of Thornhill, his tenant, common 
of pasture in his Outwood for 60 great beasts and 100 sheep, for all 
seasons of the year as the other tenants have, rendering 6d. 

As recipients of the royal favour we find the rising family of Savile 
gaining wealth from Woodcraft and the parks of Wakefield. On the 
24th September, 1485, the King grants to John Say vile, kt., the offices 
of Steward and Master Forester of the lordship or manor of Wakefield 
and Sourbishire; of constable of the Castle of Sandal for life; of 
bailiflf of the town and lordship of Wakefield during pleasure; of 
keeper of the park of Sandal and of the woods of Thurston, Hawe ; 
Outewode of Wakefield for life ; also grant of an annuity of five marks 
out of the issues of the manor or lordship of Wakefield. On the next 
day James of Whalley is granted the office of parker of the New park of 
Wakefield, with the keeping of the outwoods there; Rauf Whalley 
having at the same time the office of keeper of the Old park. 

Leeds. W. Wheater. 



One of the most extensive, and assuredly one 6f the most roman- 
tically beautiful, of the Parks of Yorkshire is that of Wentworth 
Woodhouse, the seat of Earl Fitzwilliam. Its leputation as a magnificent 
domain has been established for now nearly two centuries. ** It is 
thought by the greatest virtuosos," said a quaint antiquary more than 
one hundred and fifty years ago, "that Wentworth Woodhouse is the 
finest seat in Yorkshire, and would take a volume to describe its 
beauties." It is seated in a country which, up to the present century, 
retained all the best features of the olden scenery, and which still retains 
all the best traditions of the field sports of Old England. Incidents of 
its wood-craft underlie the whole of its recorded history ; it has ever 
been a portion of a most favoured hunting ground. In 1200 Roger de 
Somerville, a knight of the Laci fee, gave to the King 15 marks for 
having the hunting of the fox and hare in Nottinghamshire— the border 
often intervened between him and his sport. Roger did not long enjoy 
his extended privilege, for in the same year Matilda, his widow, offers 
to the King ten marks and one palfrey not to be constrained to marry, 
since she holds nothing of the King, or of the Earl of Chester, who has 
given her to William de Chacumb. Its emergence from the forest 
primeval is occasionally shown in the national records, as, for instance, 
in 1272, when Roger, son of Thomas, was attached to answer to Robert 


Wyskarderode, why he took the cattle of Robert in the free common 
pasture of Robert de Wambewellewode. {Adif. Plac, 187.) 

In the olden times the Earls Warren were the mighty potentates of 
South Yorkshire. John, Earl Warren, son of Earl William, who was one 
of the chief agents in obtaining Magna Charta, died in 1242, when the 
King granted to Matilda, his Countess, the custody of all his lands, 
except the manors of Wakefield and Conisburgh, " the waters of Brade- 
mare, and a certain chamber {canierd) in Thome," which was a prison 
erected for the confinement of poachers ; all these were retained in the 
King's hands until the majority of his son and heir. A period of easy 
rule succeeded, the Countess having the rearing of the boy upon her 
hands, for which she had given the King a sum of ;^S42 yearly. In 
1247 the King remitted of that item Jl^^^ ^ year, to be expended 
on the sustentation of the young Earl until his majority. This was a 
very ample allowance for the noble prodigal, for it exceeded ;£'4,ooo of 
present money. The Countess died in 1248, and henceforth her way- 
ward son is in trouble greater or less. Though " the last person in 
England who held out in favour of the King," the Earl was eventually 
compelled to join the Barons under De Montfort, in their rebellion against 
the throne. He took a most active and prominent part in the Barons* 
War, and he was not unknown in the annals of personal violence. In 
1269 the King granted a pardon to John, Earl Warren and Surrey, 
because he struck Alan la Zouche and Roger, the King's son, in West- 
minster Hall ; he also granted the Earl a safe-conduct for him coming to 
court. The quarrel had been one of no slight import, for in 1272 Earl 
John gave the King 10,000 marks for a fine for certain contentions 
between him and Alan. In the satirical ballad of Richard of Almaigne^ 
we find him thus spoken of : — 

By God that is above ous, he dude muche synne. 
That let passen over see the Erl of Warynne : 
He hath robbed Englelond, the mores ant the fenne, 
The gold ant the selver, and y-boren henne; 

and it would seem that the allusion to his robbery of ** the mores ant 
the fenne " refers to his doings upon Hatfield Chase, the Wakefield 
Commons, and other of his estates as a game preserver and a destroyer 
of the common rights of the people. South Yorkshire was sadly afflicted 
with these feudal autocrats, of whom the Earl was the chie£ We may read 
much of their usurpations. In 1280 Thomas de Furnival was summoned 
to shew by what warrant he claimed to have free warren at Sheffeud ; 
why he should not allow the King's bailiffs to enter his lands of Hallam- 
shire to exercise their office ; and why he had withdrawn the homage 
and service of his barony of Hallamshire, and similarly why he had 
strengthened and crenellated his castle at Sheffeud, and had appropriated 
free warren, gallows and tumbrel there. In 1300. Idonea de Leybume 
had likewise to account for using free warren in Bautre. Cymber worth, 
Ostrefield, gallows, in/angtheof, utfangtheof, market, fair, and toll in 
Bautre, and park at Kymberworth. In reply, the fair potentate stated 


that Robert de Vetripont, her father, the grandfather of Robert de 
Clifford, son of Isabel de Clifford, whose heirs they were, died seized of 
these liberties ; and this she held to be enough. Of a proud stock and 
powerful was this dame Idonea. In 1264 we find that Roger de Clifford, 
with a knight and three squires, and Roger de Leyburne, with all the 
force he can raise are ordered to attend upon the King. This is in the 
day of civil war ; the reward of their loyalty is afterwards given to their 
children. In 1267, there was a contention between these two Rogers 
as to the castles and manors of Isabella, the eldest, and Idonea the 
youngest daughters and heirs of Robert de Vetriponte, to whom they 
had been committed. In 1281, there is a patent concerning the 
perambulation made upon the honor of Steinmore, between John de 
Britannia, Earl of Richmond, and Roger de Clifford, and Isabel, his 
wife, and Roger de Leyburne, and Idonea, his wife {CaL Rot Pat). 

It is surprising to us, in these less arbitrary days, how much power 
was granted to or usurped by the territorial magnates. Gallows were very 
liberally scattered over the land; he need not be one of the great 
barons to have the right to hang his fellow-men ; and he certainly was 
not regarded as a monster who exercised that right practically at the 
bidding of his own will. Richard de Heyden, for a long time the EarFs 
seneschal, was a scoundrel of the most detestable proclivities ; un- 
fortunately, however, he was but a type of his class. Thiere is a long 
catalogue of his crimes recorded in the Hundred Rolls of the year 1276. 
One of the salient ones shall be here revived to illustrate the usages of 
the period. Heydon, Henry de Normanton the sub-sheriff, John de 
Keyworth, and Robert de Riperiis — who was doubtless known to his 
fellow-men as Robert Banks — seneschals of Alice de Laci, all took 
bribes for doing their office, and also for allowing the escape of thieves. 
Heydon ordered William de Coneshal, Alan, son of Capel, and several 
others, to go to the Grange of the Abbot of Roche at Armthorpe, beyond 
the liberty of the Earl, and arrest brother Richard the granger and John 
the forester, because John had shot with an arrow a wild doe (Jeram) in 
the Abbots' wood, and had followed it into the Earl's warren — an 
enormity which the zealous seneschal of a stout game-preserver could not 
allow to pass unpunished. He imprisoned Richard and John at 
Coningesburc, and detained them until the Abbot came there, who paid 
for the release of brother Richard £^0 ; but John was detained in 
prison for a whole year. Heydon also imprisoned Beatrice, wife of 
Giire, the tailor of Roderam at Wakefield, for a whole year, and how she 
was set at liberty they do not know, but Richard inflicted upon her 
devilish wrongs — diabolicas oppressiones et innumerabiles ! 

In his comrade Normanton the sub-sheriff, Haydon found a worthy 
colleague ; in the pair of them the south of Yorkshire found agents of 
the most atrocious infamy. Manslaughter thay readily concealed for 
sums varying only according to the culprit's ability to pay. Things 
" unnumbered in their villany *' are told of him in every wapentake. On 
one occasion he took John de Shires, whom he caused to be indicted 


for manslaughter, and imprisoned him until he had paid a fine of five 
marks. He also took a horse of the value of 40/-, which belonged to 
a thief who had been gibbetted at Rodram, and he held it. And as he 
was, so were the minor officials. Nigel Drury, constable of the castle 
of Conesburg, took in the town of Rotherham six stone of wool from a 
" kist," which belonged to a woman hanged at Conesburg, and he took 
the wool away against the prohibition of the bailiff of that town. 
Galfrid de Sandiacre, constable of TykehuU, accepted from Roger 
Presteman of Tyneslawe, a thief, one mark, and from Henry Skayf, 
another thief, half a mark to permit them to escape. John de Rafnesfeld, 
Sergeant of the Earl Warren, received from William de Stayneland 20/-, 
due to the King, and he has not acquitted himself of it. He took from 
John, son of Elias de Stansfeld, half a mark of the King's debt, then 
another half mark, then 6/6 ; and similarly half a mark from John de 
Haldesworth, and he has not acquitted himself of these sums. 

But these are the repulsive things of the ancient days of the chase 
and its neighbourhood ; in praise of its sylvan splendour the pen has 
never wearied. Anna Seward, the poetess, thus writes of it in October, 
1796 : — "You know how rich is the prospect upon the confines of 
Yorkshire. Landscape is always exquisite in the tracks which intervene 
betwixt the barren grandeur of a mountainous country and the rankly 
lavish vegetation of a flat one. It acquires a sufficient portion of the 
latter before it has lost the majesty of the former. Our harvest, exu- 
bergint beyond what I had ever seen, was in its ripe glory. The dark 
woods on the yet mountainous hills waved over vast fields whose yellow 
and bearded ears, undulating to the gales, seemed like lakes of fluid 
amber ; and over the green sloping uplands the corn sown in stripes 
gave me the idea of gold lace on the border and up the seams of a 
birth-night beau in the olden time, ere fashion had spumed that splendid 
distinction." A happy simile which presented itself to that poetic 
imagination! Over the gilded earth-embroidery there waved the 
undying charm of the ** greenwood tree," and the result of the blend 
was a scene of prosperity and freedom. 

Regarded as an enclosure for deer, the park is comparatively 
modem. On the 2Sth May, 1633, we find that King James **is well, 
and this afternoon is rid abroad to see the Lord President's new 
park " — the Lord President being Sir Thomas Wentworth, and the entry, 
perhaps, having some reference to Wentworth Woodhouse. Of the 
picturesquely broken and beautifully wooded, the surface is superb. 
Yet such are the unaccountable divergencies of taste that even a mag- 
nificent deer park is not always pleasing, as witness the opinion of 
Prince Puckler-Muskau, who, when he visited Wentworth some sixty 
years ago, thought that the park was ^' melancholy and monotonous." 
The " immense tracts of grass," he declared, " with a few scattered 
trees, and the tame, sheep-like deer grazing upon them, in time become 
intolerable." And so, for his dull vision there was r^o scenic charm in 
one of nature's master-pieces. He never can have knoi^-n either the 


aspiration felt or satisfaction enjoyed by the old foresters among the 
tangled brakes — 

And neere to them our Thicks, the wild and frightful heards, 
Not hearing other noyse hut this of chattering birds, 
Feed fairly on the launds, both sorts of seasoned deere ; 
Here walk the stately red, the freckled fallow there. 
The bucks and lusty stags amongst the rascalls strewed; 
As sometimes gallant spirits amongst the multitude. 
Of all the beasts which we for our renereall name, 
The hart amongst the rest, the hunter's noblest game. 

The wild, rugged beauty of Wharncliffe, with its thick covering of 
wood, is still remindful of what nearly all Southern Yorkshire must have 
been while yet the Normans reeved at home, while yet Wortley and the 
famous chase of WhamcliiTe were the home of Anglo-Saxon freedom 
and before the Wortleys had risen up to be a race of mighty hunters, 
although their efforts in that direction have had a comparatively early 
beginning. The first notice we have of them as Nimrods is in 1292, 
when Nicholas, son of Nicholas de Wortley, is summoned before the 
King's Justices to show by what warrant he has free chase in all his 
domain lands of Wortley and Herdewyk. His answer to the summons — 
to him, no doubt, an intolerable impertinence — is very conclusive. The 
right was granted in 1241 to Nicholas, son of Nicholas, father of him, 
the said Nicholas, by the King's charter, which gave him free warren in 
all his lands not within the boundaries of the King's forest, and so his 
plea was allowed on the production of that charter. The boundaries of 
the forest, royal or baronial, were then very apt to encroach upon the 
public rights. In 1260 Alan de Storth, in Stainburgh, and Adam 
Unttyer (Hunter), in Wrteley, obstructed the King's highway at Stain- 
burgh, for the length of one mile, and in breadth ten feet. Another 
instance of the rectification of matters interfering with their territorial 
conveniences occurs in 1302, when William de VVyntteworthewodehus 
made a fine of 6s. 8d. for leave to include a certain public highway 
touching the north part of his mansion, so in the place of it he shaU 
make, at his own cost, another highway sufficiently large and convenient. 
We have a glimpse of the intervening condition of things in 1363, when 
the King granted Robert de Morton and Richard de Clifford leave to 
cut down and sell the underwood in his park of Beskewood, in the 
King's forest of Shirewode, in the place called " Les Heseles," which 
extends from the gale called "La Rasgate," up to the gate called 
Calverton gate, and to repair the palings of the said park with the 
money so derived. 

The most celebrated of the Wortleys was Sir Thomas, " a knight 
for the King's body" of Henry VIL, a favourite, a recipient of estates 
under attainter, and a man who made some small noise in his day and 
generation. Among other notable things, Sir Thomas and Joan his 
wife, widow of Sir John Pylkington, Knight, obtained a pardon in i486 
for all offences committed by them before that date, and from all the 
penalties attending thereto. A wholesome precaution this, Sir Thomas ! 


You had been sheriff of the County of Stafford, and it was well known 
both to yourself and to the King that your accounts were not rigidly 
balanced up ! In the neighbourhood of the old hunting lodge in the 
midst of Whamcliffe Chase is the famous legend which Sir Thomas 
inscribed in 15 10, to the effect that he built the lodge " that he might 
hear the hart bell in the midst of Whamcliffe." When Lady Mary 
Wortley Montague visited Wharncliffe Lodge, she described the chase 
as " a wild rural spot, which yet I must own I thought not disagreeable." 
Distance, however, in her case seems to have lent enchantment to the 
view, for many years afterwards, describing the prospect she saw from 
the window of her house at Avignon, she said it was the finest land 
view she had ever seen except that from the old English hunting lodge. 
Wharncliffe Chase, indeed, is very nearly the most romantic spot 
in England. Amid that bluff stretch of heather and boulder, surrounded 
by a solitude which is almost oppressive, linger many wild and weird 
traditions of earlier days. There is that creepy story of the great burial 
place which the old men say lies beneath the heather. There are tales 
of love-lorn maidens, as of Barbara Wentworth, " daughter of Roger 
Went worth, of Athewick in the street, esquire," a tender maiden, who 
by " her parents' perswasions, when a child, was married to a young 
gentleman called Anthony Norman, which marriage was set aside for the 
advantage of lucer upon the addresses of Robert Holgate, Archbishop 
of York, who made no scruple. to break the engagment to obtain her, 
and married her at Athewick Church, isth January, 1540." There are 
tales of wrong and death, such as that of Sir Thomas Wortley having 
destroyed the town which stood at the top of Whamcliffe, that his beloved 
deer might have no human disturbers in their domain. This may be 
the act alluded to in the ballad of " The Dragon of Wantley " — 

All sorts of cattle this dragon did eat, 

Some day he ate up trees ; 
And that the forests sure he would 

Devour up by degrees ; 

For houses and churches were to him geese and turkeys, 

He ate all and left none behind 
But some stones, dear Jack, that he could not'crack. 

Which on the hill youll find. 

Wharncliffe legends are eerie to listen to on a winter's night, particularly 
if they wind up with the gruesome tradition of Sir Thomas, the great 
Wortley Nimrod, being seized with madness in his old age, and dying 
bellowing like his own deer. Few, indeed, are the districts which are so 
rich in weird remembrance as Wharncliffe Chase, and fewer those which 
can claim so loud a voice in the pastorals of the merry days of old. A 
description of the simple enjoyments of those times is very pleasing :-^ 

At Ewle we wonten gambole, daunce, to carroU, and to singe, 
To have gud spiced sewe and roste, and plum-pies for a king : 
At Fasc's-eve pan-puffes, gang-tide eaites did alie masses bring. 
At Paske began our morrise, and at Pentecost our May. 
Tho* Roben Hood, John, friar Tucke, and Marian deftly play, 


And lard and ladie gang till kirke with lads and lasses gay ; 

Fra masse and e'ensong sa gud chere, and glee on every greene, 

And save our wakes 'twixt eames and sibb^, like gam was never seen. 

At baptis-day, with ale and cakes, bout bon-fires neighbours stood ; 

At Martelmasse wa turned a crabbe, thilke told of Roben Hood. 

Till after longtime myrke, when blessed were windows, dares and lights, 

And pails were filled and hathes were swept, 'gainst fairie elves and sprites. 

But the sprites and the ghosts have gone with the grey gosshawks and the 
fair ladies who " sate in their bowers, down by the greenwood side '* — 
leaving behind them only a somewhat prosy view of modern existence. 
And with them, too, have vanished the great herds of " the antlered 
monarchs of the glen." What thenumber of deer may have been at Wham- 
clifFe in its palmy days cannot with certainty be said ; at present, there are 
usually about two hundred within the confines of the park. The best 
features of the olden time were not, however, abolished with the mass 
and Morris-dance. The famous hospitality of yore was quite surpassed 
on the follo\v'ing']occasion : — 


On Monday, 13th May, 1751, was celebrated at Wentworth Wood- 
house the birthday of the Marquis of Rockingham, being at the age of 
twenty-one, where there was the most numerous appearance of nobility 
and gentry, &c., as ever were seen at such an occasion, upwards of 
10,000 in all ; above 3,000 were entertained in the Hall, and after they 
had dined the victuals were carried out to booths, &c., ready provided for 
the common people, with as much liquor as they pleased, and the whole 
entertainment conducted with great regularity; at 53 tables in 23 rooms, 
132 dishes of beef, 92 pasties, 60 dishes of mutton, 48 hams, 5c dishes 
of chickens, 55 dishes of lamb, 70 dishes of veal, 104 dishes of fish, 
106 of cheesecakes and tarts, besides jellies, &c. ; 150 bushels of wheat 
fiour, in bread and pies ; 20 hogsheads of strong beer, most of it brewed 
in 1730; 13 hogsheads of ale, 3 hogsheads of household beer, 8 hogs- 
heads of punch, 6 hogsheads of port wine. And the next day was 
drunk 8 hogsheads of strong beer beside ale as much as the common 
people could drink, not to excess. The following healths were drunk, 
viz., the King : the Prince of Wales; the Princess Dowager of Wales ; 
the Duke, the Princes, and all the Royal Family; the Church of 
England as by law established ; Prosperity to the County of York and 
the Trade thereof. The Marquis passed through every room and paid 
his respects to the company, and his health was followed with loud 
huzzas ( WilsorCs MSS). 

Leeds. W. Wheater. 


Hath not old custom made this life more sweet 
Than that of painted pomp ? Are not these woods 
More free from peril than the envious court ? 

When Henry de Laci founded the Abbey of Kirkstall, in 1152, 
the first gifts of land he made to it were the place of Kirkstall, Bramley, 
and the vaccary called Brachinley, near Le Runde Heia ; to these were 
added the common rights of all the moor called Winnemor. The 
vaccary, cow range, or grazing farm of Brachinley — the Bracken Field — 
denotes absence of wood and the existence of rude cultivation, while 
the common right on Winnemor speaks of the outlying wilderness. 
Le Runde Heia means in modern language the round enclosure ; heia, 
or haga, the Saxon word for an enclosure, occurring around us in many 
forms, as haigh, hey, but always signifying the same thing — a preserved 
plot severed from the adjoining open lands over which, while there were 
common rights for the peasant, there was also the choicest of hunting 
ground for the lord. Rothwell Haigh, on the south side of Leeds, as 
Roundhay is on the north, are prominent instances of the most ancient 
of these game enclosures. At the present day Rothwell Haigh, as to its 
boundaries and sylvan features, is but a name ; yet the map shows that 
at Le Runde tieia the ancient form and limits have been preserved 
intact, while as to its sylvan features and arboreal beauties a more lovely 
spot does not exist in all Yorkshire. Though Winmoor is cultivated, 
and Leeds teems with hundreds of thousands of busy— and oflen 
meddlesome — folk, the park is still the dream of the poet and charm of 
the artist. 

As a hunting ground Le Runde Heia was preserved by the Lacis, 
lords of Pomfret, and the above date assures us that it would be one of 
the earliest preserves in England. Beyond that fact, however, there is 
very little known of its ancient history. Roundhay Grange, as its name 
imports, was one of the Kirkstall farms established by the monks in the 
first days of their conventual existence, and clearly in the Brackinley 
cowpasture. Roundhay Park lying nearer to the conventthan the Grange, 
was a hunting ground the monks cast their eyes upon, only, however, 
to be foiled. So long as the Lacis ruled in the great feudal fortress at 
Popifret, just as long was the park devoted to themselves and their 
guests. To the domestic necessities of the sportsmen we owe the 
establishment of the manor house, where there has many a goodly 
company been gathered in the olden time, when gallant knights and 
fair ladies were wont to ramble over the country, sometimes to enjoy the 
chase, but more frequently to enjoy each other's society, and that 
greatest of earthly sweetnesses, *' love's young dream." The ancient 
pastime of hawking was one most popular with the ladies ; and con- 
sidering the facilities offered for flirtation, and the more serious 
engagements which often followed, we do not wonder at its popularity. 
The climax of pomp, prodigality, and itinerant pleasure seems to have 

1 86 OLD VORKSHtR£. 

been reached at Roundhay in September, 12 12, when King John 
stopped there for three days, with a retinue composed of the great men 
of the court and the nobles of the land, hunting with a pack of hounds 
exceeding 200 in number ! We dare not allow imagination to picture 
that scene. We dare not guess at the train of " baron and yeoman, 
knight and squire,'' from the adjoining halls, including, as it most 
probably did, ** the Romish priest in his priest's attire " from more than 
one of the neighbouring convents, hunting being a part of the offices of 
the Church, as witness the life of Chaucer's monk — 

Therefore he was a pricasour aright, 
Greyhoundes he hadde as swifte as fowel in flight ; 
Of prikyng and of hunting of the hare 
Was al his lust, for no cost wolde he spare. 

Of what a motley company then gathered at Roundhay we have ample 
evidence, positive or circumstantial. The monk might not be the sole 
representative of the Church, secular or regular. Here and there 
perhaps would ride a mincing nun, " that of hire smylyng was ful symple 
and coy ;" and among the comely dames of the neighbouring knights and 
the ripeningclusters of their blushing daughters, there was mostassuredly a 
sprinkling of the King's lemans, whose entertainment may account for 
the gratuity given by the King to the nuns of Arthington. But let us 
turn from this category of the ** douce et bel " to the healthier section of 
the roysterers. Leeds — ^just then emancipated by Maurice de Gaunt's 
charter from its feudal bondage — would doubtless pour forth its grateful 
burghers, happy in the sunshine of associated splendour and municipal 
prosperity. Pomfret — or, as the King then both called and wrote it, 
** Puntfreit " — would certainly send the chosen of its chivalry and the 
pink of its beauty. It may, therefore, be taken for granted that when 
the hunting-horns of Robin de Samford and John le Chat {the cat^ a deft 
stalker, no doubt), the king's huntsmen, sounded the assembly, the glades 
and brakes of the splendid woodland would witness a concourse of 
merry-makers which, in point of dignity, though not in point of numbers, 
has never since gathered within its meets and bounds. And when the 
mighty throng had tired of the chase, and the king had cast aside his 
furred scarlet robe, his little socks, and the royal buskins of cow's 
leather, which cost the State two shillings and sevenpence ! Ah, well-a- 
day! the normal habits of hunters are so constant and so well known as to 
foreshadow the sequel. Harpers there were and minstrels in attendance 
upon the King. The sumpter horses bore their loads of wine ; the 
baggage-carts bore the king's wardrobe, including his cape with tunic 
and supertunic, and pall furred with green cendal, costing eightpence I 
They aiso bore many other of the royal trappings, even down to the 
State bed and its furniture. 

And when the bay of the hound had ceased, and the grooms had 
stabled the horses in the great range of stables that completed the con- 
veniences of the manor-house — the ** easements," as they are afterwards 
called ; — when Robin and John had thrown aside their russet coats and 


green tunics, furred with rabbit skin, and had settled themselves down 
to the huge ** pasty s of the doe," to mighty beakers of nappy ale, and to 
the blandishments of the rosy kitchen wenches or of the more pretentious 
tire-women, among whom was Susan, the tire-woman of the king's 
mistress — domicella arnica domini Regis^ as the record of this expedition 
bluntly puts it— who had donned her tunic and supertunic of black 
burnett, furred with cendal of saffron colour, which cost the King 
sixpence ! — ^when the harp and the tabor would be called into requisition, 
and roasted crabs would hiss in the bowl ; why then the basket of dried 
roses, for which the king had given three pence, would yield its fragrance 
to the ready ball-room, and the pleasures of ** bone camerardrie" and 
the delights of the dance would succeed. Henry de Neville would 
sport his robe of scarlet-red, furred with cendal, and presented to him 
by the king at a cost of fourpence ; the page Henry de Tracy, and his 
comrade Richard, the king's son, would figure in their capes of russet 
with tunic and supertunic, which cost the liberal motiarch sixpence ; 
and Brian de Insula would shine majestic in the robe of ruby scarlet, 
with the tunic and supertunic furred with green cendal, and presented 
to him by the king at a cost of eightpence ! The royal tailor's bills of 
those hearty days were moderate, as we learn from this and other 
veracious histories : — 

King Stephen was a worthy peer, 
His breeches cost him half-a-crown ; - 

He held them all a groat too dear, 
And called the tailor thief and loon. 

The young and the sprightly would betake themselves to the mazy dance, 
while the King and the elders would and did betake themselves, " ad 
tabulas," to the gaming table, where reckless John on more than one 
occasion lost various sums, in some instances amounting to five shillings, 
as the records of the royal accounts still testify. Brian de Insula, of 
Harewood, and Constable of Knaresborough, was a frequent winner at 
these entertainments; and others of his neighbours are recorded as 
having dipped their fingers into the king's purse. John Lackland was 
hardly fitted to gamble with Yorkshire knights. The scene that I have 
ventured to draw is no imaginary thing ; it is a literal truth in most of 
its features — probably so in all. Every man above-named and described 
was in the king's train at one time or another during his journey, even 
if all were not at Roundhay ; and every article mentioned was supplied 
to them. The cost of the hounds at Roundhay for the three days was 
S8s. 4jd. paid down ; and when John left the country he gave to each 
of the bridges of Tadcaster and Ferrybridge, one mark for repairs. That 
was his very liberal way of getting over the pontage toll. 

Roundhay Park remained an appendage to Pomfret as a crown 
manor until 1361, when the king, with the consent of his cousin Matilda, 
one of the daughters and heiresses of Henry, late Duke of Lancaster, 
granted it to his dearest son John of Gaunt, Earl of Richmond, and 
Blanche his wife, another daughter of the deceased duke, together with 


the castle and town of Pomfret, the manors of Bradeford, Almonbury, 
Altoftes, Warmfield, Rothewell, Ledes, Scoles, Barwyk, Kypax, Allerton, 
Knottyngleye, with the mill there, Beghale, Kamsale, Owston, Elmesale, 
Akeworth, and Tanshelf, with their members and appurtenances, and 
the bailiwicks of Osgodcros, Agbrigge and Stayncros, and the bailiwick 
of the honor of Pomfret, viz., an annual rent called " castelferme," and 
pleas and perquisites of the court. It then became a member of the 
great Duchy of Lancaster, and as such reverted to the crown when the 
time came which 

Should wrong the Gaunt-bom great Lancasterian line 

During the century of national trouble which began with the reign 

of Richard II., who was 

to cold Pomfret sent 
And in a dungeon miserably pent, 

and which ended with the Wars of the Roses, Roundbay was Slipping 
from its ancient dignity to the position of the house of a country squire. 
In the reign of Henry VII. it descended even lower than this, for 
chivalry deserted it, and the mansion became the home of a Leeds 
clothier, after the park had been granted to Richard Brampton as keeper 
for the term of life with the fees and wages belonging thereto. On the 
Sth March, i486, the King grants a lease for seven years to William 
Netilton of the chief messuage with the easements of the houses of the 
manor of Roundhay, with all the lands, &c., thereto pertaining, together 
with the marl pit and the annual rents of the freeholders and term- 
holders in Roundhay and Shadwell ; also the pasture and one bull and 
24 cows in the park of Roundhay, with the herbage and pannage of the 
said park ; also of the bailiwick of the Vill of Ledes and the common 
oven, with four bovates of land in Thornor ; rendering for the chief 
messuage with easements of the houses of the said manor ;^ 16 13s. 4d. ; 
for the herbage and pannage of the park ^,£4 12s. od. ; for the bailiwick 
of the Vill of Ledes £g 3s. 4d. ; for the common oven 44s. ; for the 
four bovates in Thornor 50s. and an improved rent 3s. 4d. We also have 
the further information, which we must prize much more highly as 
giving us a glimpse most probably of the ancient house in which King 
John revelled, but in which certainly John of Gaunt sojourned — ** the 
said William to keep all the premises in repair at his own cost, taking 
timber and thakstone from the park of Roundhay and the woods of 
Secrofte at Shadwell and at le Stondelf there." There has been a slip 
in this business, for two months later, on the sth May, there is a King's 
lease for the term of his life to Sir John Nevylle " one of the Knights of 
the King's body," of the herbage and pannage of the park of Rondhagh, 
parcel of the Duchy of Lancaster, rendering annually for the same 
£4 2S. od. ; and he had also the office of master of the game in all the 
forests, chaces, and parks within the manor of Pomfret, together with 
the custody of the park of Rondeshagh, with the wages and fees pertain- 
ing to the same. 


The appointment of a parker and the restriction of the number of 
neat cattle to be grazed in the park, together with the specific office of 
Sir John Neville is conclusive evidence that the park still remained 
preserved for the King's deer and other beasts of chase. The letting of 
the mansion to a tradesman is however equally conclusive of the change 
which had set in. The slip which we noticed as occurring in i486 
appears to have been remedied in 1488, on the 24th February, of which 
there was a lease granted by the advice of the Council of the Duchy of 
Lancaster for seven years from Michaelmas last past to the same William 
Netilton of the chief messuage with easements of the houses of the 
manor of Roundhaye ; and of a marl pit lately yielding 13s. 4d. and 
66s. 8^. from the rents of the freeholders and terminaries of Roundhay 
and Shadwell ; and of pasture for one bull and 24 cows or other 
animals, in the park of Roundhay in winter and summer ; and of the 
bailiwick of the town of Ledes and the common oven there ; and of 
four bovates of arable land in Thomor with all demesne lands, meadows, 
and pasturages pertaining to the said manor ; and of one close called 
Brekke, and of another piece of meadow called Esling : — ^at an annual 
rent of ;^i6, and i6s. for the capital messuage and appurtenances ; and 
of £1 1 7s. 8d. for the bailiwick and common oven ; and of 50s. for the 
four bovates of land in Thornor ; and of 4s. 8d. for the increment. The 
tenant to sustain and repair the house standing within the manor with 
timber and ** thakstone " to be allowed him by the King's servants, in 
the park of Roundhay and the woods of the Secrofte at Shadwell and 
Stondelf there. 

Leeds [From the Yorkshire Weekly Post\ W. Wheater. 


As a specimen of the treatment of criminal matters in those '^ brave 
days of old," and of the abhorrent morality of officials, both crown and 
baronial, I append a few episodes. In the pleas at York, Easter Term, 
1 2th Edw. II., 1 3 19, William of Swetton, Walter of Ceszay, Robert of 
Rikhale, and Thomas of Keyvill, taken at York '* below the verge " — 
infra vergam — on suspicion of theft, were brought up for trial. The 
getting up of a case presented great difficulty to the Seneschal and 
Mareschal of the King's Hospice, who were the prosecutors ; but under 
the circumstances of the arrest, with the instincts of their tribe, they 
found themselves bound to obtain a conviction. Swetton became an 
approver, and charged the others with having committed robbery in his 
presence, but without the King's verge of York. The place of the 
alleged robbery is not given in the pleadings. 

The Seneschal took the prisoners before the King who was 
informed of the charge and the nature of the pleadings. Swetten, when 
asked, replied that he wished to urge his plea and then to become 


evidence- Ceszay defended himself; he was prepared to back his 
defence by bodily combat with his accuser. His offer was allowed, and 
they fought, Ceszay was beaten and in consequence hanged, his guilt 
being assumed to be established by his defeat The other prisoners, 
Rikhale and Kejrvill declared they were clerks ; but they were neverthe- 
less committed to the Mareschal and sent for trial. When they came before 
the jury they were found to be not guilty, and were therefore discharged. 
But to satisfy the law, which had evidently abetted perjury and sacrificed 
an innocent man, the approver was himself taken and hanged. The 
justification of the officials appears to have been that under similar 
circumstances of miscarriage oif justice, an approver had previously been 
hanged (Add, JP/ac, 334). He probably as richly deserved death, and 
so assuredly did the officials if they had received their dues. 

The law records of the time contain repeated entries of orders to 
arrest "vagabond monks and canons ;*' but a few strolling clerics of 
the Friar Tuck order did not, with the ** good yemen " who were always 
prowling, constitute the whole criminal class, as we have already seen. 
Baronial morality was not always proof against riot and rapine. In 
1246, the King granted to Peter de Savoy half a Knight's fee in 
Ledenham and Fulbeck, and the advowson of Fulbeck, also part of the 
forest of Wensledale, which lately belonged to Ranulf Fitz Robert of 
Middleham, as belonging to Peter's honour of Richmond. This is an 
example of the creation of confusion of which the following may be 
taken as the sequel. In 1267, Robert de Tateshale, senior, opposes in 
the court at York, Ranulf de Middleton ( ? Middleham), Richard, son of 
Gilbert de Hengrave, and others, on a plea that during the disturbances 
of the Barons' war they took, destroyed, and carried away his goads and 
chattels from his manor-house of Witton. They did not appear, and in 
default the Sheriff was ordered to distrain upon their goods and take 

their bodies. 

Henry de Middleton opposed Brian Fitz Alan and many others 
who came to his manor-house of Melsanby, which was in his custody, 
and took therefrom goods and chattels to the value of ;^2o ; they also 
took away Adam, son of Hugh de Nairiord, who was in his custody. 
They did not appear to the action and the Sheriff was ordered to 
distrain and arrest them. The Sheriff did not distrain, pleading the 
liberty of Richmond for not doing so ; for which he was fined iocs., 
and then ordered to distrain on all their lands and goods, and to take 
their bodies notwithstanding the liberty of Richmond {Add. Plac. 169). 
The matter seems to have created a bitter feud. In 1292, Brian Fitz 
Alan opposes Hugh Fitz Henry and ten others for hunting in his park 
called Westparke in Cotherstone, a warren that had been given to his 
ancestors by charter of King John. They were committed to prison for 
the offence. Hugh alleged divers errors in the plea and is given a 
further hearing. He seems to have obtained a verdict by arguing that 
the park was not enclosed ; and that a place unenclosed by a wall, 
hedge, or pale, ought to be called a little chace rather than a park. It 


may be that the bitterness did not end here. In 1305, Adam de 
Waylford impleaded the parson of Melsunby, for that by night he cut 
down trees at Melsunby, in a place called Riscough, and carried them 
away. The parson argued that he and his predecessors had always had 
housebote and haybote in the wood and place, and therefore he found his 
church^eized of the right. It was not an easy thing to upset the claims 
of the parsons. In 1295, ^^ ^ suit at York, the jurors established that 
in the parish of Caterich, the custom was that the parson or vicar ought 
to have for an obit from each parishioner who makes a will, one fourth 
part of the goods of the defunct {Abb, Plac, 235). Their pretensions 
sometimes brought them into unpleasant situations, as was the case with 
William, the \\Q2x of Attingwyke, for the slaying of whom William 
Stuteville obtained the King's pardon at York assizes in 1296. 

But the true home of shocking tragedy was on the southern border 
of the county. Since the days of bold Robin Hood, the Sheriff of 
Nottingham has not borne a name celebrated for humanity. The 
statements of the virtuous outlaw have been held to be considered as 
poetic license ; but the following record of the winter gaol delivery at 
Nottingham in 1238, does not leave room for the suspicion of much 
exaggeration on the part of the worthy, if persecuted rangers. It is taken 
from the Fine Rolls of that year, and in the matter of accuracy is 
beyond doubt. Hugh Fitz ELalph, the Sheriff, renders account of the 
goods of the criminals capitally punished. It is a horrible list. The 
persons whose names are given were hanged, and their goods forfeited 
to the King realised the amount attached to their names — William de 
Wetton, 5s.; Alan de Breus, 4d.; Walter StaUing,4s. 4d.; Robert Baker, 
3s.; Aldusa de Cruch, 12s.; Agnes de Stanth'Ker, 12s. 4d.; William 
Haldein of Eyton, iS^d.; Walter de Berliston, ss. 6d.; Reginald de 
Karleton, 15s.; Hugh Paynell, 4s.; Gilbert the Miller, 8s.; Roger 
Fasing, 13s.;' Ranulf Fasing, i6s.; Leticia de Wingerworth, 9s. lod.; 
Richard Brid, 4s.; Hugh son of Henry, 4s.; John de Oreston, 3s.; 
John de Dunpain, who had no return of goods ; and Margaret de 
Colingham, whose chattels realised 14s. From this dreadful slaughter 
Martin the Tailor escaped as a fugitive ; his goods were seized, and 
they realised 2s. That four women and fifteen men were despatched ** at 
one fell swoop " speaks much for the rigour of the law, and possibly 
was like unto the deeds which established the ancient reputation of the 
proud Sheriff. 

In the Lancastrian days the castle of Pomfret enjoyed a degree of 
splendour, perhaps never equalled before or since. It was frequently 
the residence of the Kings, and was especially prominent in feudal 
grandeur during the constabulates of the fine old family of Waterton of 
Methley, of whom one broujjht thither and detained as his prisoner, 
the King of France after Agincourt in 1415. It is pleasant to read of 
the pomp of royal residence ; it is exhilarating to restore to the vision 
the pageantry of chivalry with its trains of gallant knights and its bevies 
of beautiful ladies; its comely pages, sandalled friars and faithful bowmen; 


but the realisation of the demands of the locust-like troupe, attendant 
during these royal visits is a sad commentary upon their splendour. 
The advent of the King's household was destructive as a pestilence. 
The neighbourhood of his residence was extravagantly requisitioned. 
In 1442, it had to be ordained by parliament, ''that no manner of man 
take any vitaill, stuff, or carriage for your said household, les than he 
paye redy money for such vitaill and stuff, and for the carriage when it 
is do, after that it be resonablie accorded betwene the parties opon the 
beying and sellying of the said vitaill and stuff, and hiryng of the said 
carriage." The ground of complaint which brought about this ordinance 
was that the purveyors of the King's household " taken dayly for hym of 
his people of this land their oxen, shepe, pullaile (poultry), whete, otes, 
barlich, malt, benes, all maner of salt-fyssh, wyn, ale, wax, spicere, and 
all manere, vitaill, and stuff yat longith to household, with carriage ; 
under colour of the which takyng, and namely, of more than is necessarie 
to his hous, and in diversez wises by diversez menes not resonable, take 
exactions of his people, be colour of yoffice and takyng aforesaid, not- 
withstondyng full noble ordinances-penales that have ben mad thereof 
in his full noble progenitour's time, to their importable hurt." 

* Other fitful glimpses of the old order of things are now and again 
afforded. They all reveal the day of opportunity — of making hay while 
the sun shines. In 141 5, we have Robert Roos appointed to the office 
of keeper, and one of the emoluments of his office was the complete 
allowance of the agistment of the park, and of a certain pasture within 
the park called " Viccarisclose/' leaving sufficient pasture for the King's 
deer within the park, rendering annually for the agistment of the said 
park, 59s., and for the pasture, 21s.; and in the case of pigs turned into 
the park, he was bound to take the precaution of having them 
sufficiently " rung " so that they may not cause damage by " wrotyng." 
On the 2ist September of the same year, there is a grant to Sir George 
Stanley, I^ord le Strange, of the office of steward and surveyor of the 
honor of Pomfret, and of the constableship of the castle; also of the 
office of forester of the parks and warden of all forests, parks and 
chaces within the honor and lordship ; also of the office of master of all 
the King's game therein ; to hold for the term of his life, with all the 
fees, endowments, &c., thereunto pertaining. At the same time Sir 
John Everyngham is granted the office of constable and porter of the 
Castle of Pountfreit ; to hold for the term of his life, with all fees, 
wages, &c., to the same belonging. Nicholas Leventhorp has a grant 
of the office of receiver of the honour and lordships of Pomfret and 
Knaresburgh, parcel of the Duchy of Lancaster ; to hold during the 
King's pleasure, with all fees, wages, &c., to the same belonging ; also 
of keeper of the artillery within the castle of Pomfret, with the fees and 
wages for term of life. But when the quieter times came in the reign 
of Henry VII., the military rigour of the castle does not seem to have 
abated, nor were the woodland sports diminished. We find from writs 
and grants " given at the casteil of Pountfreit," that Henry was stopping 


there in the months of June, July, and August, 1467. The forest 
regulations were stringently upheld; the superior sylvan sanctity of 
Rothwell-Hagh, being most scrupulously preserved, as of old, when it 
had its establishment of foresters. On the 22nd September, 1485, there 
was a grant to Peter Wright, as well for his service in parts beyond the 
sea as in England, of the office of the parker of the park of Rothewelhay, 
within the honor of Pountfreit, and of the office of bailiff there, to hold 
for the term of his life, with all the fees and wages, the same as Roger 
Hopton had received. Hopton had been promoted. Two months 
later there is a lease for seven years granted to him of the site of the 
manor or lordship of Ackworth, and all the demense lands thereof, and 
the agistment of the park of Ackworth, and the profits within the lord- 
ship ; also of the herbage and pannage of the park of Rothewelhay ; 
rendering therefore annually for the site of the manor or lordship, with 
the demesne lands, ;^ios. 6s. 8d.; for the water-mill 33s. 4d.; for the 
agistment of the park of Ackworth, los.; for the profits within the lord- 
ship, 8d.; and for the herbage and pannage of Rothwelhay, j£6 13s. 4d., 
and an improved rent of 6s. id. 

Though not entirely descriptive of the iniquities of Yorkshiremen, 
it is pertinent to the present subjects to mention the misdeeds of a 
" graunt nombre of Escolers and Clercz of the University of Oxenford " 
as illustrative of the continuance and wide-spread range of offences 
under the game laws. In 142 1, a petition js presented to parliament 
against these roysterers, stating that they have disseized and ousted 
several men of their lands and tenements, threatening to beat and kill 
them so that they dared not remain on their lands. These ** escolers 
and clercz" were wont to hunt with hounds and greyhounds in the 
warrens, parks, and forests, and to take both by night and day deer, 
hares, and coneys, and to menance the rangers, foresters, and parkers, 
their servants, &c., and they have also taken with a strong hand, clerks 
convicted of felony, out of the custody of the ordinaries, and set them at 
large. The petition asks that on the warrant of a Justice, the Chancellor 
of the University shall banish these clerks from Oxford for ever, and 
that the banishment shall not be delayed beyond three days of the 
delivery of the writ, on pain of paying to the King 100 marks for each 
omission. The petition was granted. 

Leeds. W. Wheater. 





The common instruments of penal correction in the olden time 
were the whipping-post, the pillory, and the stocks ; of which the last 
are survivals to our own day, though of very rare occurrence. Some- 
times the whipping-post and stocks were combined — the arm-holes 
of the former being fastened low down to an upright wooden 
pillar, and the bended bare back of the offender was before the inflictor 
of the chastisement, usually the constable. This very old and common 
mode of punishment, was publicly performed so late as the last century. 
In the reign of Henry VIII., vagrants and sturdy beggars (male and 
female), who were able to work, were unmercifully whipped until the 
body was bloody. Gipsies came in for a large share of correction-r-for 
the first offence whipping ; second, the right ear chopped off; third, 
death as a felon or enemy to the Commonwealth. 

I select instances from Yorkshire Records and Injunctions and 
from the Statutes of the Realm. 

1605. — The commonest occasion was for theft. 1607. — For stealing a Iamb, 
value 3d. 1608. — "The Constable of Wath was presented for not executing his 
ofEce in whipping of rogues, being sent unto him by the Highe Constable." " Agnes 
>Egglesfield, late of New Malton, for stealing there a felt hatt, value lod.; sentence to 
be whipped and set in the stocks at Malton, with a paper on her head." 

In 1609. — The mother of an illegitimate child, to be whipped in full market 
tynie, until her body be bloudie, &c. Stat. 18 Eliz., 1576. — Two justices may inflict 
corporal punishment Upon the reputed father by whipping^ not being of ability to 
discharge the parish. 

I Jac., 1003. — Infected and plague-stricken people going abroad in that state 
were to be whipped. 

7 Tac. L, 10 10. — Spinsters, &c. (spinners), imbezilling or detaining any wool 
from clothiers shall make satisfaction or be whip'd or put into the stocks by constables. 
Unlicensed ale-house keepers, having no goods whereon to distrain, were to be 

43. Eliz., 1600. — Hedge-breakers, robbers of orchards, persons cutting growing 
com and not making satisfactory amends, were to suffer the like punishment, and if 
the constable n^lected to apply the whip he was himself to be committed to the 
House of Correction without bail. Procurers and receivers of stolen wood were to be 
treated in the same way. These ordinances were further enforced 15 Car. 2, 1664, 
and I Geo. 2, 1727. 

In 1655, East Ardsley constable's accounts — ** Given to John Hall for whipping 
a man that was taken for theft." ** Spent in watching of him one night.'* In 1689, 
" ffor mending buttes, whipstock, and stocks, is. 4d. 17 Geo, 2, 1744. " Beggars 
to be whip't by constables as vagrants if they continue to beg in the streets." In 1 761, 
May 30, at the Quarter Sessions, held yesterday, at the Moot Hall, in this town 
(Leeds), ** Mary Hardman, alias Moll Fagg, for stealing a candlestick from Mr. 
Nichols, the Red Bear, in this town, was ordered to be publickly whip't " {Leeds 
Intelligencer), On Friday, 17th August, 1764, **Lydia Longbottom, of Bingley, 
was publickly whip't through the market, at Wakefield, for reeling false and short 
yam, the Town Bailiff carrying a reel before her.'* 


called in Latin " carcannum," " collistrigium," and ".truncus," and by 
the Anglo-Saxons " heal-fang '* (neck grasper) and strech-neck " (a very 
appropriate term), was of several kinds. One was a horizontal plank. 

PHAS£S Ot OLD t»ARIStt LlFE. tgj 

with a hole for the head in the middle. It was supported on each side 
by pillars. The culprit's head and neck were thrust into the aperture, 
and having no foothold, he was suspended, which would be a very 
wretched and uncomfortable position. The more modem make con- 
sisted of a cross beam of wood, with holes for the neck and wrists. This 
was placed in an upright post, and the occupant stood on a ledge or 
platform. It was really a municipal engine of punishment, and was 
generally erected in the market place, for the better exposure of 
notorious cheats, impostors, libellers, immoral people, and political 
offenders, to open shame, derision, and practical abuse, in the form of 
filth and foul things being hurled at them. 

Statute 3, John, 1202. The assize of bread was to be observed under pain, of the 
pillory or judgment of the body — awarded to bakers giving short weight. 

51, Hen. 3, 1266. ''The statute referring to the assize of bread remarks, also 
if they have in the town a pillory of convenient strength, as appertaineth to the liberty 
of the market, which they may use, if need be, without bodily peril either to man or 

5 and 6, Ed. 6, 1552. Forestallers, for the third offence, shall lose all their 
goods and be set on the pillory. 

In 1606. North Riding Records. Unlicensed informers are to stand on the 
pillory two hours in full market with a paper on their heads testifying their misde- 

In 1656. James Nayler, a native of Ardsley, for imposture and blasphemy, had 
to suffer in this way. He was placed on the pillory, whipped, and had his tongue 
bored, and he was branded on the forehead << B " vrith a red-hot iron. Such horrible 
treatment brought on his death. 

Leedes, July 23d, 1754. Last Monday, at the Quarter Sessions for this 
burrough, Eleanor Hall, commonly known by the name of Nell Duxburry, was 
prosecuted for keeping a disorderly and infamous house, and convicted of the same, 
and this day, pursuant to her sentence, is to stand on the pillory. — Z^ds Intelligencer. 


One of the earliest modes of punishment adopted, and the last to 
survive, was a kind of wooden prison for the legs. It scarcely needs 
any description here, as several may yet be seen in Yorkshire villages. 
By Act of Parliament in 1405 it was decreed " that every town or 
seignory " shall provide a pair of stocks, those failing to do so to incur 
the penalty of 100s. They were often fixed near the church, probably 
to be convenient for the churchwardens and constable, and to be a 
warning to passers-by. In the Middle Ages there was a kind called 
" barnacles," which had holes at various distances to extend the legs 
and increase the torture according to the oflFence. They were also 
movable, and kept in castles, being an appendage to the inner gate, 
even for the detention of prisoners till they could be conveniently taken 
to prison. 

In 23 Edward III., 1349, was enacted the Statute of Labourers, in which it 
states that " servants refusing to take the oath or perform what they had sworn to 
(that is, carry out their contract) shall be put into the stocks or sent to the next gaol, 
and there remain until they will justify themselves ; and in order to enforce the same, 
that stocks be made in every town for such occasion betwixt tins and the Feast of 
Pentecost" This was further insisted upon (5 Eliz., 1563) especially during harvest 
time ; if they will not be set on to work they were to be two days and a night thus 

196 OLD YOl^KSHlRfi. 

Before Henry yth's time constables had power to put a man in the stocks who 
broke the peace, such as affrayers, those fighting in public and would not desist when 
asked ; for disobedience to his official orders, or when an appointed watchman would 
not do his duty. Parents deserting their bastard child, or dropping one and leaving 
it unprovided for in a parish, when apprehended were to be placed in the stocks. 
A felon was to be set in the stocks, and locked in irons put upon him or pinioned to 
prevent escape when about to be carried before a justice of the peace. 

Drunkenness was punished in England by a fine of 5s. for each offence. If 
unable to pay, the party was to sit in the stocks six hours. 2 James, 1605. 

1606. North Riding Records. — "For stealing a paire of shoes to be sett in the 
stockes (sedente curia) ^ be soundlie whipped and bound over to good beheavour, and 
to appear," &c. 

1609. "For refusing to pale Buch money as is assessed upon Northolme 
towardes the repayre of Edstone stockes," &c. *^ The towneshipp of^ Kirklington for 
not having stocks." 

I Car. 2, 1650. — Sabbath breakers — Constables and churchwardens are to levy 
the Penalty of 3s. 4d. on such as use bull-baiting, games, or plays on a Sunday— for 
the use of the poor. If not forthcoming the offenders shall be set in the stocks 
three hours. 

1667. East Ardsley accounts. — ** Paid for repaireing the towne stockes and for 
wood and workmanshipp,*' is. 6d. In 1689 " Pd. for repairinge ye stocks," lod. 
1786. West Ardsley, constable accounts. — "New stocks, 14s." 

19 Geo. 2. 1745. — Profane cursing or swearing was punishable by the stocks, in 
de&ult of not paying the penalty, which for a common labourer, soldier, sailor, &c. , 
was Is. ; under the degree of gentleman, 2s. ; above this degree, 5s. Repeated 
offences of this sort entailed a doubling or trebling of the fine. 

East Ardsley (From the Yorkshire Weekly Post.) J. Batty, F.R.H.S. 

As these ancient instruments are now obsolete and almost forgotten 
in every parish, I add a few of the recollections of correspondents touch- 
ing the subject W. J. B., Liverpool, writes thereon — -What has 
become of the Leeds Parish Stocks ? I remember them well fifty 
years ago, and have several times seen people in them. Their locality 
was at the side of the building (now the Post-office), near the end. 
Close beside them was a low, dungeon-looking door, which opened to 
a flight of steps leading to a large room, in which I believe the Quarter 
Sessions were held. The ordinary examinations of prisoners took place 
in a room at the front of the Court-house in Park-row — the room on the 
right-hand side entering the vestibule. At the time I believe the con- 
stabulary force of Leeds consisted oi four constables, with a Chief 
Constable (Mr. Edward Read). This state of things was soon altered 
by the introduction of the new police, vulgarly called " Peelers " and 
*' Bobbies," a sort of left-handed compliment to the statesman of a similar 
name. Talking of the police, I remember well their first day's appear- 
ance in Leeds. They walked their beats in couples^ one at each side of 
the street directly opposite to each other. This was soon discontinued. 
I suppose the Watch Committee found it would be too expensive, and 
perhaps more ornamental than useful. I also remember a little anecdote 
of a circumstance occurring within the first few weeks of their operations. 
One Saturday night there was some street disturbance at the top of 
Lady-lane, a small crowd had gathered, and a fight was evidently 


fermenting, when one of the new officers (rather short in stature) made 
his appearance, urging his way through the crowd. He did his best to 
restore order by advising the men to be quiet and go home, when 
suddenly one of the combatants, moved probably by aliitle bacchanalian 
humour, got hold of the policeman in his arms, and threatened to carry 
him home. The captured official, making fruitless efforts to sever the 
attachment, at last said, ** By gum, if thou doesn't let me down, Til tak 
thee up." This speech settled the row. I must apologise, for the police 
seem to have slipped in unconsciously, and, in obedience to one of their 
principal injunctions, 1 " move-on." By-the-bye, permit me to ask a 
question. What became of the stocks that used to be in the old 
churchyard ? This will be more than fifty years ago. They used to 
stand near the gates which faced up Kirkgate. The last persons I saw 
in the prison stocks were two men of the '* Bill Sykes " type. One wore 
an old velveteen coat, and the other a smock frock. There were one or 
two of their friends condoling with them outside the railings. 

*'West Bar" writes — I remember the stocks near the Kirkgate 
corner of the old Parish Churchyard, and also those near the old Court- 
house, where I have several times seen them occupied when I was a 
boy. It may also be interesting to know that the last person who was 
flogged at the cart tail in Leeds was John Bird, a quack doctor, who 
lived near the end of Harper-street, in Kirkgate. He was flogged down 
Briggate and Kirkgate. I relate it as told to me by my father, an eye- 
witness of the operation. It was customary in Leeds when I was a lad 
for a ** cropper " to take his eldest son, teach him the trade, and have the 
advantage of his services. Being an old man now, I am probably the 
last cropper that was so taken in connection with the Leeds trade. 

Mr. J. Johnston, Beeston, writes — There is in good preservation, 
even up to the padlock, a set of stocks just outside the gates of Leathley 
Church. I saw them during the summer on my way from Arthington 
station to view Lindley Wood Waterworks. I may add that they did 
not seem as if they had been opened for many years. Also, I had 
pointed out to me fourteen years ago the stone uprights of the stocks in 
a recess at the top end of the old stone cottages close to Shipley Church. 
I have also a dim recollection of seeing a drunken man in the stocks at 
Wetherby, these stocks being under some steps in the Town Hall, 
opposite the Shambles ; but this is a long while ago. 

J. W., Barnsley, writes — My recollections of the stocks at Barnsley 
date back nearly sixty-five years. The instrument was then a fixture 
at the south end of the Town Hall, on Market Hill ; but through some 
cause — although the seat on which the prisoners sat when incarcerated 
was allowed to, remain — the stocks when not in use were kept in 
the yard of the Cock Inn, and only brought back to their old standing 
when wanted for use. This was the place for them until the Town Hall 
was pulled down, after which they were placed anywhere on Market 
Hill at the caprice of the constable in charge. This did not last long, 
for through age they became very dilapidated, and eventually were 


broken up. This would be about 1824, and for twenty years the stocks 
were considered to be a thing of the past ; but in 1844, the town 
authorities determined to have them replaced by new ones, which were 
made to run on wheels, so that they could be removed when not in use. 
Thiss being done, the younger portion of our population had their organ 
of astonishment brought into full play on Wednesday,October 9th, 1844, 
by finding them on Market Hill with two men tethered therein. For 
about sixteen years they were oft tenanted, the usual term of punishment 
being four hours, and as Market Hill is very steep, one half of the time 
the prisoners were placed with their faces down the hill, and then the 
machine was wheeled round, and being thus placed with their backs to 
the fall of the hill must have added greatly to their punishment. Their 
last tenant was a man from Dodworth. I only knew of one female who 
was sentenced to confinement therein, but she was not publicly exposed, 
her punishment being carried out in a spare room inside the Court- 
house. The Barnsley stocks must have been broken up previous to 
1868, in which year the late Mr. George Sykes became superintendent, 
for he said they were destroyed before he took office. 

Mr. J. Cooper, Helmsley, writes— Sixty years ago I did not know a 
parish in our district without stocks. They seemed as indispensable as 
the constables, and for a very small offence they were used. I have seen 
people in them both at Helmsley and Sinnington. The most dreaded 
affair was the throwing of rotten eggs at the culprits while in the stocks, 
which in our language was called " cobbling them." Only once did I 
witness the egg affair. The prisoner was a fighting man, and threatened 
what he would do afterwards. He so cowed the party that he escaped 
the dirt and stones. The old stocks at Helmsley were in the centre of 
the market-place, and had a companion that has not been mentioned 
by any of your correspondents — ^the pillory — the only one I ever saw. 
It was made of oak, and was square. It would measure from 15 to 18 
inches on each side. Time had made it black, and it looked like 
standing for ever. It would probably be about seven feet out of the ground, 
and at about the height of an ordinary man's face was an iron clasp, 
formed so that it would embrace both the wrists and the head of a man. 
Like the stocks, the pillory was fastened with a large hang-lock. Both of 
the instruments were removed nearly sixty years ago. A pair of new 
stocks were, however, put up at the end of the town, while a wooden 
lamp-post did duty for the pillory in the market-place. During the 
alterations the iron bracelet was mislaid, and a new one made before 
the job was finished. The old one turned up, so that we had one on 
each side. Helmsley oil lamps were only lighted for a few years, and a 
runaway waggon (the wheels caught the post) knocked it down, and 
Helmsley pillory became a thing of the past. The stocks were used 
once or twice after the removal, but the pillory never. 

Leeds Menuty Weekly Supplement 



HAT is the laconic announccmenl of the foundation of one of 
the most celebrated feudal strongholds of Yorkshire. As 
an announcement it is entirely inadequate to its purpose, if 
that purpose was to account for the initiation of a seat of 
rule and a system of goveminent It Is, on the other hand, 
entirely sufficient to reveal the popular power centred in 
naresborough when we know that the earlier of the Norman 
sties were only erected in those places which had been the 
seats of government from the days of the Celts. In the develop- 
ment of their conquest, for nearly a century after the taking of York and 
the devastation of the country in 1069, the Normans were held to the 
earthworks they found garrisoned by their predecessors to arrest their 


progress. The occupation may be fairly measured by the dates of these 
strongholds ; erected as established power and opportunity allowed the 
invaders to convert the earthworks into the stronger citadels their 
instincts' and their ease alike demanded. York, seized by an army and 
protected by a powerful garrison, could be immediately commenced. 
Pomfret, captured and held in the same manner, was about contemporary 
with it. Richmond, further away from the base, could not be completed 
until 1 146. It was not before 1172 that the Keep of Newcastle could 
be raised ; and it was even ten years later than that before Scarborough, 
Helmsley, Skipton, and Middleham — lying off the main road as they 
did, and therefore not so urgent — were wholly created. In the mean- 
time the police duties of the country had to be in the greatest measure 
performed from the dep6ts established at the ancient earthworks, where 
garrisons alone could be sheltered. By this light we may read the full 
meaning of the words, "To all men, French and English," in the 
charters granted by the second and third generations of Norman Barons. 
They are a plain admission that there were districts m the land where 
the English were still rulers, their fealty being a matter of good-will and 
not of subjugation. 

The erection of the castle of Knaresborough, I take it, was the 
act of a man who — himself or his father — had gone over from the native 
race. For a century even after this event the old English were not 
dispossessed of the soil. From the Viking districts of North Lincoln- 
shire, over the hills of Yorkshire, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, and 
up to the Roman Wall, they were yet the landlords and local magnates. 
At the close of the twelfth century they were donors to the Templars, 
and as I read the annals of that majestic order they were generous 
donors and fervent friends; to them I can fancy it was more congenial 
and appeared much better to support the church with a cuirass and a 
good brown blade than with a cowl and a homily. In Burnbem, 
Richard, the son of Harkale (Arkil) gave lands, as did Ralph, son of 
Aldrid in Aldefield ; Wigan, the son of Cade at Bartune; Thorferat 
Burg ; and Thomas, the son of Arkill, at Waldbi. By that time the 
Norman, having potential hold of the strategic points, was endeavouring 
to extend his dominion ; but the struggles of conquest were not over, 
and it is plain that they only ceased by the absorption of the conquerors. 
In the affections of English ladies more than in their own swords the 
post-Conquest Normans found titles to their lands. In the reign of 
Henry III. the ,Gunhildas and the Gunnoras, the Sigrethas and the 
Ediths, were given with their lands to the Alans, the Brians, and the 
Eudos; their children being called Matilda, Cicely, and Sibyl— to 
the extirpation of the old Norse names. We have instances enough of 
the change. In 1200 Alexander de Caudebec claimed against Robert 
de Curteney and Alice his wife, lands in Cumberland, which Waltheof, 
the father, and Gospatric son of Oron, the grandfather of Alexander, had 
held. In the same year William Stuteville, then Constable of Knares- 
borough, was himself pledge for Thomas, a son of this Gospatric, in a 


claim for lands in Coupland. In 1201, Stuteville had the custody of 
the land in Yorkshire belonging to this Thomas, together with his 
heiress and her maritage by fine which Roger de Beauchamp and 
Hillary, Thomas's wife, made with the King. In the same year the 
Thanes and rent-men (Theingi et firmarii) of the honor of Lancaster 
gave 50 marks for one Knight's fee of that honour. In 1205, Thurstan 
de Tolvestan and Agnes, his wife, had lands in Moreby, Dringehuses, 
and Maltemby. In 1207, William de Egremunt, William, son of 
Goscelin, and Robert, son of Uthdred, were detained in custody for the 
death of Walter Belle. In 12 19, Alan, son of Lefsi, and Alice, his wife, 
had a tenement in Sherburn. In 1235, Swane de Hudersal (Ordsal) 
held two bovates of land in Hudersal; Lanes, of the King in capite as 
a thane (Jn thanasio). These events, which are but a type of local 
affairs, and could be multiplied at pleasure, are sufficiently illustrative of 
the fact that the Norman only established himself in the remoter 
districts by alliance with the natives, and the inheritance rather than 
conquest of their lands. How the old patronymics were changed for 
territorial appellations the case of Alexander de Caudebec is an excellent 

Having the zeal of their class, the converts to the new rule were by 
policy as much as necessity, which was urgent, intrusted with power 
over their refractory compatriots. The Cnorre's burg, a Crown manor 
of the old English days — the tribe's burg, or people's burg, evidently of 
the oldest foundation — was one of the principal gathering posts of the 
antecedent races. It was, therefore, merely taking over a fixed establish- 
ment, and to maintain the rule exercised in the olden days, that Serlo 
built the castle, doubtlessly as early as the possession of the neighbour- 
hood was at all settled. So it is clear that the rule he consolidated may 
be taken to prove the conditions of existence in the days before the 
Conquest. Knaresburgh, the head and judgment seat of a district for 
many antecedent centuries, continued as such under the new order of 
things. It may be assumed that in the olden days the local folkmotes 
and the ordinary tribunals of justice assembled to sit in the town; for it 
is a fact that the King's Justices continued to sit there both in the 
Norman and Plantagenet eras. It is also a fact, of the greatest signifi- 
cance too, that the aboriginal Celt must have been an active agent in 
events, for his race cannot have then been extirpated, as his speech has 
not yet forsaken the lips of the mingled races who to-day are there, the 
occupants of his lands. His presence is here and there vouched for 
in the superior records. In 1205, Juliana, the wife of William Craddoc, 
the forester, gave iocs, for liberating the said William, her husband, who 
was in custody in the gaol at Nottingham. In the pleas of the reign of 
King John, AJice, who was the wife of Ralph Mauleverer, sought against 
Henry le Waleis, lands in Duneford and Little Duneford (in alia 
Duneford) which Ralph, formerly her husband, on the day he married 
her, gave to her as dowry, by command of William, his father, then 
present. Henry said that Ralph gave the lands to him for homage and 


service, by a charter which he shewed, and which witnessed this, and 
William, the son and heir whom he called, ought to warrant that 
land. The court considered that Henry should have his warrant {Add. 

The building of the casde need not be taken to indicate any violent 
social change or the introduction of a previously unknown check upon 
personal liberty. The new buildings appear to have been residential 
rather than military and menacing ; to the defamation of the structure 
and of the very shadowy but horrible stories of human iniquity, tyranny, 
and lust. We know that the donjon contained a pitiless prison, and 
that in the courtyard or the market-place were erected the stocks, pillory, 
gibbet, and gallows : but we must not believe that these instruments were 
unknown in the olden days. Knowing this, we must not attribute to 
Serlo any more than a tightening of the reins, and then say some things 
biographical of him and his race. I take it that his surname de Burgh 
or de Penbroke — the latter being regarded by me as a corruption of 
Pundeburg — was merely .locating him at Burg, or the Pundeburg, as 
Boroughbridge was then called, in contradistinction evidently to 
Aldburgh, and as it continued to be called as late as the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth. He is said to have been the Baron of Tonsburg, in 
Normandy, and to have flourished early in the twelfth century. It is 
true that he flourished early in the twelfth century, but he is much less 
likely to have been Serlo the Norman baron of Tonsburg, than Serlo of 
Pundeburg, son of one of the Drenges or Drengi^ native tenants in capite^ 
who either for domestic or other reasons had given their fealty to the 
new regime. Anyhow he was the uncle of Eustace Fitz John, founder 
of Malton Priory and progenitor of a race now to be bound up in the 
fortunes of Norman Knaresburg and its neighbour Pundeburg. 

On the death of Serlo, Knaresborough is said to have descended 
by hereditary succession to Eustace, who had the manor for life, accord- 
ing to the received accounts, the truth of which is more than doubtful, 
for he held the manor as a farmer under the Crown. Eustace, slain in 
battle in Wales in 1157, was succeeded by William de Vesci, his son, 
who held the manor a short time, *' but, through a certain indignation 
which our lord the King conceived against him, the manor was taken 
away from him and given to William de Stuteville, his brother-in law." 
This was done by King Henry II., whose charter is afterwards 
mentioned. King Richard confirmed the possession of William, after 
whose death Robert entered as son and heir, and King John confirmed 
his possession. Robert died seized, and after his death iRistace, his 
son, was within age and in wardship of King John. To this Eustace, 
King Henry gave his heritage, but retained Knaresburg and Ponteburg. 
{Pari, Rolls.) William of Newburgh, the historian under the year 1 1 74, 
tells how Ralph de Glanville, Robert de Stuteville, Bernard de Balliol, 
and William de Vesci, captured William the Lion, King of Scotland, at 
Alnwick, after a bold night march — a deed which permitted the marriage 
of the young Eustace de Vesci with Agnes, the Lion's daughter, and so 


brought about many of those complications between the two countries 
which had to come up for settlement in the reign of King Edward I. 

In the reign of Henry II., De Morville, one of the knights who 
slew Thomas a Becket, was Constable of Knares borough, to which he 
and his fellow-assassins fled after the murder as to a place of refuge. 
It is presumed that he nominally retained the constabulary until his 
death. It is, however, worthy of remark as possibly illustrative of the 
state of the defences that Roger Houeden,narrating the circumstances of 
the murder, says the assassins fled to Knaresborough, '^ the totvn of 
Hugh de Morville," without even mentioning the Castle. Hugh a 
successor in name at least held lands in the Constabulary a generation 
later ; he was one of the donors to the Templars, having given them 
the whole town of Sowerby. He had married Helewisia de Stuteville. 
William de Stuteville had been excommunicated by the Archbishop of 
York, for the part he took at Tickhill against Richard. He was restored 
when John's faction again came into the ascendant. In 1198, we find 
a dispute between William de Stuteville and William de Untingfeld and 
Isabel his wife, on a plea of dowry. There was also then a dispute 
between William and Alan son of Elias, as to the advowson of Kirkeby 
Useburn, and following the litigation of the neighbourhood we find '' a 
day given" to William Briwer, in his dispute with the Abbot of 
Sauleia as to the advowson of the Church of Tadekastre {Abb. 
Flac.) At Michaelmas, 1200, there was a ** concord" between 
William de Huntingfield and William de Stuteville of the town of 
Cousebi, of lands which did belong to Bemerd de Stuteville. William 
Briwere had married Helewisa de Stuteville, the widow of Hugh de 
Morville, but was reappointed to the Castle by the King's grant on the 
22nd April, 1200. The grant gives to him and to his heirs for his 
services Knaresborough **and the Burgh" by the service of three 
knights' fees, according to the charter of King Henry II. He died in 
1203, when, on the 9th of July, the King gave to Robert his son and 
heir ** Cnareburg and Pundeburg, with the sokes and forests, and the 
forest of Westmoreland " — hence the presence of William de Stutville in 
the matter of Alexander de Caudebec It is plain that in these times 
the jurisdiction of the Constable of Knaresborough extented much 
beyond the bounds of the present forest. It was well established in parts 
of Westmoreland and Cumberland. I take that to be due to the fact 
that Knaresborough was the most westerly of the Norman strongholds. 
Kendal Castle was not then erected. Carlisle was not the citadel it 
became a century later, and in all its stages it was behind Knares- 

We do not know how much of the fortress of Knaresborough was 
built in those days. We may assume that it was but little — ^ mere 
strengthening of the ancient earthworks by defensible buildings. The 
main works were not constructed for nearly half a century yet to come. 
The view of the Keep here given refers the work to 12 14 as mentioned 
below. We have very valuable evidence as to the date of much of the 


work in the Close Rolls. On the 13th and 14th of February, izo6,.John 
and his Queen were stopping at Knaresborough, the accommodation of 
which was in decay. On their departure the officials were ordered by 
the King to repair the houses and the Castle " according as we have 
made provison and have told you ; " and thnt " in reparation of the 
houses and Castle ye act by the view and testimony of lawful men." 
John, disreputable himself, did not believe in the integrity of officials, 
and he had much occasion for distrust Up to this time the works 
were enclosed only by the ditches of the ancient earthworks; Brian de 
Insula, the then Constable, completed the digging of the fosses in izo^. 
But the erection was going on for more than ten years later than that ; 
and the local stone was evidently prized for castle building. During the ■ 
years 12 12-T3 thirty thousand 
" quarrells " (stone quoins or 
ashlar blocks) had been sent 
from Knaresborough to Ports- 
mouth, and an additional ten 
thousand were ordered to be 
sent to Pool for the erection 
of the Castle of Sberburn. 
In t2i4, the Bishop of Win- 
chester ordered Alan de St. 
George, constable of Knares- 
borough, to make all the 
"quarrells" he can, and cause 
them to be sent to Portsmouth; 
but he is to retain about one 
thousand to furnish the Castle 
of Knaresborough, if it shall 
be necessary. It was not 
before rz22, that the dis- 
charged constable, Brian de 
Insula, obtained his release 
THE KEEP or THE CASTLE. ^f the debts due for the 

issues of the Caetle and manor ; and then he shows that he had spent 
much money in the work of the Castle. As we shall see, there was 
further reparation in izz6. The beginning of this extraordinary care 
for the preservation of a rule of force is an unwritten but eloquent 
admission of the then |reality of popular power. We must remember 
that Magna Charta was just at hand, and that the people were 
undauntedly asserting their supremacy in the state. It is no mere 
imagination which sees in the construction of Knaresborough Castle a 
fear that the dominant power, which sought to rely upon brutahty, felt 
itself to be overturned, and that a place of refuge must be created to 
shelter obstructive officials, and all the instruments of class-rule, who 
would have to meet the dreadful possibility of the vengeance a people 
would wreak if their demands of reform were not granted. Public 


opinion could not be met intelligently ; it had to be resisted by stone 
walls and force of arms. Had there been newspapers in those days we 
should have heard of indignation meetings, and government candidates 
receiving adverse votes from the audiences they addressed. The era of 
castle building in England is not less conclusive evidence of the political 
status and unsubdued resistance of the populace than is Magna Charta 
itself the enduring evidence that a law-abiding people insisted upon 
having a law which was worthy of the recognition of freemen. 

In 1201, King John was roaming the country, and we And in his 
itinerant train William de StuteviUe, Seneschal of Knaresborough, Robert 


de Tumham, of Bramham, Hugh Bardolf, Eustace de Vesci, of Malton, 
Simon de Pateshull, and other magnates. Their journey was a mere 
round of sport. Huntsmen with their hounds and falconers with their 
birds accompanied the King everywhere. He was literally using the 
whole country as a hunting-field. On the death of William de StuteviUe. 
in 1203, his lands were given to Nicholas, his brother, for a fine of 
10,000 marks, including the sum of i,ioo marts which he owed to the 
King, except Boroughbridge and the Castle of Knaresborough, which 
were retained in the King's hands as a security for the fine. On the 
aist December, 1205, the Sheriff of York was ordered to return the 
forest into the King's hands in the state it was when King Henry gave 


it to William de Stuteville ; and in such state he shall give it to the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, who will hold it by his bailiffs. This order 
is clearly directed against the changes of tenure and service which had 
occurred in the interval, to the detriment of the King. Shortly after- 
wards the King appointed one of his roystering comrades, Brian de 
Insula, of Harewood, constable of the Castle. Brian was a favourite. 
He had been chief forester of the counties of Nottingham and Derby. 
In 1 204, the King gave him to wife, the daughter and heiress with all 
her lands of Thomas, son of William Seleby, in the county of Lincoln, 
{CaL Rot Fat 8.) In 1205 Brian gave to the King 3000 marks for 
having the wife of Norman de Camera of Lincolnshire with her 
inheritance. Warin Fitzgerald was one of his pledges ; Robert de 
Insula, Alan de St. George, and Fulk de Cantilupe were others. {Fine 
Foils 240.) The defalcations now began to come to light. It 
is surprising how little money value the honour was of in those days. 
In 1 190, the King gave to William de Stuteville j^ii in Cnatesburc; 
in 12 17, the Sheriff rendered account of £60 new rent for Knares- 
borough and Boroughbridge ; and in 1220, Bertram de Bulmer, then 
Sheriff, rendered account of £6/^ for those places, and for the land 
which had belonged to Hugh de Morville a further sum of £ig. 
If, however, the lands were then low in pecuniary value, the 
verdure and wealth of trees must have been magnificent; it was 
notorious in the sixteenth century, when Drayton wrote : — 

Outfiowes the nimble Nydc, 
Through Nydersdale along, as neatly she doth glide 
Towards Knaresburg on her way. 

Where that brave forest stands* 
Entitled by the toune* who with upreared hands 
Makes signs to her of joy, and doth with garlands croune 
The river passing by. 

The picturesque situation of Knaresborough has always commended 
itself to the lover of scenic beauty, as unsurpassed by the most famous 
of our landscapes ; it has been held to be unequalled even in Yorkshire 
except by majestic Richmond. Brian de Insula created some stir 
among the adjoining owners by his zeal for the King's service. An 
example of rapacity had been set him. In 1199, Richard de Bonville 
gave to the King his war-horse for having an inquest of lawful men to 
ascertain whether he was disseized of the town of Denton justly by the 
will of the King or by his bailiffs. This example Brian was not slow to 
copy. In 1 20 1, Nigel de Plumpton had to give 15 marks and a palfrey 
for having his land within the forest of Knaresburgh, of which Brian 
had disseized him as being Master of the Forest; but Nigel having given 
security for the fine, was to have the lands restored to him. King John 
was drawing a considerable revenue from the royal forests. In 1202 he 
re-appointed Hugh Neville to the Wardenship of the royal forests 
throughout all England, as he had held it in the time of Henry IL; 
and in the next year we find that at Chambray he received from Neville 
one thousand marks out of the issues of the forests. In the next year 


there was power granted to Neville of demising of the green woods and 
assarts within the forests. (Cal. Rot, Pat.^ i, 2.) This appears to have 
been the power out of which dissentions arose between the grantees and 
the local officials. In 1 206 Thomas de Arden gave 60 marks and a 
palfrey for having his part of the land which Ralph de Glanville gave to 
William de Stuteville in marriage with his grand-daughter Bertha ; and 
Brian having obtained security was ordered to give Thomas full seizin. 
And so John Lackland and Brian the officious managed to supply the 
deficits of the royal treasury. Peter de Brus gave 25 marks and a 
palfrey for having seizin of the land of Lofthus, which is of his fee and 
did belong to William de Sauceye, who is beyond sea against our Lord 
the King with his enemies. As a manoeuvre to avoid the consequences 
of his treason, William de Stuteville had taken this land of De Sauceye to 
farm for eight years, of which a moiety had then passed. But this 
mattered little. When Peter shall have given security he shall have 
seizin of the land. 

These irregularities brought about one great change in the bounds 
of the forest. By charter dated at Westminster, 27th March, 1204, the 
King utterly disafforested all the forest of Whervedale of all things 
which belonged to the forest or the foresters, granting the men living 
therein and their heirs freedom from all things belonging thereto. The 
troubles of De Brus did not then, however, cease entirely, for next year, 
1206, we find him giving two palfreys and two beagles for having half a 
carucate in Bume and Walplo which he claimed to belong to his land 
in Lofthus. Brian having taken security was to give him his seizin. 
These bribes of palfreys and hounds are very indicative of the manners 
of the times ; and it is pleasant to see how they are sometimes enhanced 
by the influence of the tender passion. In 1208, we find Henry de 
Fountains giving a Lombard horse of price for having the King's com- 
mand directed to Henry Fitz Hervey that he should give him to wife 
his daughter, the widow of Walter de Bolebec, if he (de Fountains) 
shall first have made a fine with the King for marrying her. Hugh de 
Balliol was to be the pledge. John loved bribes for their material worth, 
but those which most touched his kingly soul were bribes of horses and 
dogs : — 

Of Diomede's stabyll he brought out a rabill 
Of coursers and rounces, with leapes and bounces, 

And with mighty luggynge. 

Of the sale of women he had but little compunction. 

The extortions in the neighbourhood of Knaresborough during the 
year 1205 were numerous, and to the Crown remunerative; yet at the 
same time they are highly illustrative of the internal condition of 
tjie forest. Nigel de Plumpton was again mulcted. He had to give a 
palfrey for having, until the King shall come to York, seizin of his land 
of Rothferlington and Ribbeston, with the appurtenances of the same 
town, taken into the King's hands as waste of the forest. Brian de 
Insula, Alexander de Rof ham, and Alexander de Dorset are commanded 


to give him this land until then, when they shall inform the King of the truth 
of the matter. Adam de Staveley gave 60 marks and a palfrey for having 
seizin of three carucates of land in Farnham and 50 acres in Staveley, 
whence he was disseized by command of the King. Brian and his 
companions are ordered to return to him the lands, having accepted 
security for the 60 marks ; and it is to be noticed that Brian is to 
account for the money. He had already forfeited confidence, and his 
position was becoming scarcely tenable. Roger de Bosco — his com- 
rades and neighbours called him at t'wood, he was of Swinsty, and most 
likely a " Forster of the Fee,*' hence his name — gave ten marks for seizin 
of a carucate of land in Lofthouse, one in Burton, and a mill in Killing- 
hall, whence he was disseized by command of the King. Brian and his 
companions are to accept security and give him seizin. In the name of 
Killinghall, a Saxon clan-station, we have a fresh peep at the Teutonic 
Colonisations, and that a mill is found there at so early a period is a 
distinct mark of the first political organisation. Killinghall has been an 
outpost pushed from Knaresborough to the verge of the moors ; and it 
is significant that the next occupation beyond it, Hampsthwaite, is 
Danish. Where the mill was found in Norman times, there the Saxon 
had halted and consolidated his powers His successor had to find new 
ground in the further wilderness. Walter del Wood was a carpenter 
more than a century later than the above dispute, and the name still 
survives at Timble. Bernard de Rippelle gave 60 marks and a palfrey 
for having an inquest of lawful men in the neighbourhood of Killinghall, 
which is in the King's hands, but said to be of the right of Bernard and 
for having seizin of the land if the inquest shall give it to him ; and for 
having a writ de morie antecessoris of a carucate of land in Lofthouse and 
a mill in Killinghall. The climax of dissatisfaction quickly followed. 
On the ist March, 1209, the King informs the constable and garrison 
of the Castle that he has committed the Castle and honour to Robert 
de Burgate, bailiff of the Archbishop ; he is to hold them during 
pleasure and as Brian de Insula held them. In 12 12, the King was 
compelled to order an enquiry into the extortions of the sheriffs and 
bailiffs of the counties of York and T^incoln (Ca/. RoL Pat. 4), 

Such was the state of affairs at Knaresborough when John and his 
Queen came to visit the Forest in his incessant pursuit of sport. On 
the 15th February, 1206, while stopping at Richmond, he orders Brian 
to cause the abbot and monks of Fountains to have 8s. in the land of 
the socage of Cnaresburgh, in Kyrkeby Useburne, which William de 
Stuteville gave them. He then goes into accounts — which for thriftless 
John is a worthy exercise — ^and allows ;^4 19s. 3d. and three ** bacons" 
and six *' porcos de Frescang," 18 quarters and i bushel of oats, also 4 
quarters of oats and 2 J skeps of wheat, and 3 tuns of wine " for ouj 
expenses at Cnaresburg on the Monday before Ash-Wednesday." He 
moreover further allows 42s. 7^d., i skep of wheat, 2 skeps and 2 
bushels of oats, 3 bacons, and i " pork-Frescang " for the expenses of 
the Queen there. He then proceeds to complain of the state of the 


Castle buildings, ordering them to be repaired. He had been taking 
money, too, at Cnaresburg, for on the i8th February, when at Carlisle, 
he admits that on the Tuesday before Ash-Wednesday, *' in our 
chamber at Cnaresburg/' he received a part of the fine made by the men 
of Beverley — fines were the readiest machinery of supply, John found 
fault, and inflicted punishment, when lo ! the Exchequer was supplied. 
It was a miserable England which writhed under such legislation as this. 
Our "rude forefathers,*' had, some little reason as we see, for insisting 
upon Magna Charta. John pays another visit to Knaresborough, and 
on the 9th March is at Nottingham, where he audits Brian de Insula's 
accounts, and allows ;^6 13s. 8d. money paid, 93 quarters and 2 bushels 
of replaced oats {de instauro\ given to 42 of our own palfreys while 
stopping' at Knaresborough, and in expenses of their coming from 
Knaresborough to Nottingham, and in 30s. i^d. expenses of eleven 
beagles 3 '*vealtri" and 6 dogs **de mota" for 20 days; and in 
entertaining William, Earl of Sarum, our brother, for one night, 
23s. lod. and 4^ quarters and 2 bushels of oats {Misce Rolls). 

Then, a twelvemonth after this, we have a highly fragrant piece of 
information — i8th Aug., 1207 — the King orders William de Cornhill, 
Archdeacon of Huntyngdon, to send to Brian de Insula 20 " dolia " of 
our wine bought in Holland, to store at Cnaresburg, and 5 dolia to be 
sent to York, to go thence to Lancaster and Dereby. Brian was to take 
the wine and charge the carriage to the Exchequer. A dolium of wine 
is a somewhat uncertain measure ; it was most probably the modern 
hogshead, and the 20 dolia may therefore have exceeded five thousand 
gallons ! Ye Gods ! but there has been high feasting held within the 
precincts of the Castle in these olden times of frugal simplicity. " Oh ! 
tell me, ye mortals, what pleasure so fine, as the haunch of a buck and a 
cup of rich wine." Corpore de Baccho ! but they did not " drink the 
red wine with the helmet barred," when they had to replenish 
such cellars as these. What a rousing chorus would burst through the 
vaulted corridors when the hunters " were filled with old wine and the 
toothsome flesh of wild beasts !" John Lackland, notwithstanding his 
defects, was clearly a bountiful tapster. Probably touching this matter, 
we have a curious entry in 1247. The King ordered the Sheriff* of York 
to sell all the old wines belonging to him in that bailiwick ; and the 
same order is also given to the Sheriff's of Northampton and Nottingham 
{Abb. Hot Ori^. i. p. 11). Those in York were to be sold by the view 
of the mayor, bailiffs, and o\hex probi homines of the city. 

As a hunting ground, John enjoyed the Forest of Knaresborough 
even more than as a means of replenishing his empty coffers. He again 
visited the castle in May, 1 209. It was apparently for his pleasure that 
" the park below the castle" was enclosed. The act was only completed 
by means of a legal outrage. We learn from the Hundred Rolls " that 
the Earl of Richmond included a great portion of the common of the 
sokemen of Knaresborough within the park of Haye ; and he stopped 
up two King's highways which led through the middle of the park.*' 



The same consideration doubtless caused Heywra Park to be enclosed ; 
and goodly hunting grounds they both were. We have a verbal des- 
cription of them in the same century, which enables us to comprehend 
that matter ; we have a measurement of Heywra at the present time, 
and it shows the park to include 2,245A. ir. i6p. "There is a park 
there called Hay Park, containing in circuit about five hides ; and also 
another park called Heywra Park, containing in circuit about eight hides." 
In his construction of those parks John was not so unscrupulous as his 
successor. He at least paid some show of respect to popular rights. 
In 1224, we learn that the men of Killinghall, Felliscliffe, Birstake, and 
Gresteinura have their common of pasture specially reserved to them by 
the King in his pastures of Sywerdherges and Heyra, as they were wont 
to have m King John's time, when enclosures were stoutly resisted. We 
find William de Cornburc and others getting themselves into some 
trouble at the instance of the Church of St. Mary's, York, whose liberties 
were interfered with by the pulling up of some hedges. The matter 
seems to have been evaded by Richard de Wiall giving half a mark that 
he may not swear {Abb. Plac*^ 93). 

John was again at Knaresborough on the 13th June, 1212, 
Wednesday after the feast of St. Barnabas the Apostle, when there is 
expended 2od. in hire of a two-horse cart carrying the harness and money 
of the garderobe, journeying for two days, namely, from TykehuUe to 
Rowell, and thence to Knaresborough. On Thursday, 14th, we find the 
expenses of twelve brachs (hounds) and three persons of Robin de 
Samford stopping at Gn^resburg for one night i2d. The carts with the 
money went from Knaresborough to Richmond. The journey lay 
through the wildest districts of Yorkshire ; and that it could be performed 
in one day does not speak meanly of the condition of the roads. It was 
on one of these occasions, as we learn from the life of St. Robert of 
Knaresborough, that the sportive King paid the hermit a visit in his 
cell. John was having another mighty hunting here on Friday and 
Saturday, 7th and 8th September, 12 12, and fortunately of this adventure 
we have some rather instructive details. The King was a hard rider ; 
he had ridden from Durham to Knaresborough in one day — a distance 
• of 65 miles. While at Beverley he bought of Gilon de Pampeluna, the 
bowman, five Spanish horses, for which he gave the large price of ;^8. 
His concomitants at Knaresborough were a hunting; retinue of magnifi- 
cent size. In the Royal Treasury accounts we find the expenses of 49 
valtrar* and i bern', and Ferling, the hunter, who has 6^d. a day ; of 182 
leporar' — beagles, perhaps, and not greyhounds, for he calls them "grues," 
as many people do nowadays — and 38 dogs "de mota," going by the 
King's command from Kingeshagh towards Knaresborough for two days ; 
the sum of 39s. yd. being paid to William Richardson {Msa Rolls). 

We have direct evidence of what kind of beasts of chase there were 
then in the forest. The last wild boar was killed in the ** Boar Hole *' 
in Heywra Park in the reign of Charles II. Wolves were met with ; 
they were accustomed to trouble Robert the Hermit, and the Canons of 


Bolton paid for the killing of one in, 1306. They had been terribly 
abundant and ravenous ; but they cannot have been plentiful at this 
time, for during these hunting expeditions we find the King elsewhere 
paying sums of 5s. each for the finding and killing of a wolf, and as that 
sum would represent about £6 of present money, it cannot be supposed 
that the reward could be very readily earned. That they were, however, 
far from being destroyed, we have the patents of 1280 to shew, wherein 
the King " grants that Peter de Corbett may catch wolves through all 
the King's forests in divers counties," as also may John GifFord of 
Brymmesfield. Gifford was a man of intrepidity, and doubtless 
exceedingly fit for the service. In 1272, he carried off Matilda de 
Lungespee, a baroness, from her manor of Caneford, and took her to his 
castle of Brymmesfield. In 1218, Ralph Fitz Henry, who married 
Alice, daughter and heir of Adam de Staveley, made a fine of 60 marks 
for the lands which belonged to Adam in Staveley, Lofthus, and 
Farenham, held by him in capite and now descended to the said Alice 
(Ex. Rot. Fin.<, i. p. 14). Robert Lupus —the Wolf— -constable of 
Knaresborough, is ordered to take security of Ralph for the fine and 
then give him possession ; Ralph to answer for the relief of one Knight's 
fee and a quarter which Adam held in capite. This Robert Lupus, son 
of Matilda Bardulf, was nephew of Robert Bardulf. The fact of his 
maternity gives him a local origin, and perhaps leads up to the probability 
that his cognomen was not ancestral, but owing to some circumstance 
in his life. He seems to have acquired land by marriage, as was the 
habit of many a navus homo both before and after him. In 12 13, Ralph 
de Greseley made a fine of 500 marks for having the land of Robert de 
Muscamp, father of Isabella, Ralph's wife, and that he might marry his 
daughter Agnes to Robert Lupus ; but if by chance he may not have 
her, the father will marry her with the approval of the King. 

The fine had due effect. The Sheriffs — among them being the 
Sheriff of York — ^are ordered to lake security, and in all probability 
Agnes Greseley quickly became the bride of Robert the Wolf, for the 
King orders the Sheriff of Nottingham to free Agnes to the safe custody 
of eight lawful knights until the Feast of St. Michael, 12 14, by which 
time the father shall have found the fine. Robert seems to have 
married, secondly, in 1233-4, Agnes, daughter of Hugh de Samford — 
Robin de Samford was John's huntsman — and gained other lands with 
her. In 12 19, Lupus is ordered to give full seizin " to our uncle W., 
Earl of Sarum, or his messenger bearing these letters," of the lands and 
fees which belonged to Eustace de Vescy in the marches of the Castle 
of Knaresborough, but to retain in our hands the lands and fees which 
belong to the Castle. We may follow this transaction a few years, and 
then find " a romance of the forest" connected with it. In 1243, the 
Sheriff of York is commanded to take into the King's hands all the lands 
which Nicholaa de Stuteville had in dowry of the heirship of Eustace de 
Stuteville, formerly her husband. William de Percy made a fine of 100 
marks for the wrong-doing in marrying, without the King's license, 


Nlcholaa de Stuteville, who was in the King's gift (Add. Rot Orig,^ 
i. p. 5). Lupus appears to have died in 1247, when Galfrid Dispensator 
made a fine for the custody of his Manor of Carleton until the age of the 

In the civil troubles of John's reign, ending in Magna Charta, there 
was confusion at Knaresborough. Matters ecclesiastical seem to have 
been as unsettled as things secular. In the octaves of Holy Trinity, 
1 21 2, there is an assize to inquire if William de Valoines unjustly dis- 
seised Henry de Burtun of his free tenement In Burtun. The jurors said 
that the town of Burtun was formerly a member belonging to the town 
of Burg, which was the King's demesne, and that Uctred, father of the 
said Henry, and Ugge, his grandfather, had always held that tenement 
by service of rendering yearly for every bovate of land i2d., and doing 
two " azaras " at the lord's keep, and three boon days at the lord's keep 
in autumn, to wit, for each bovate i scythe i^falcem). They also say that 
his ancestors always could marry their daughters without redemption and 
without license to freemen or others at their pleasure, and therefore it 
is considered that this tenement is free, and that Henry was disseised of 
his free tenements, and that William is in default, damages half a mark. 
Afterwards the King, at the petition of William, caused 24 men to be 
summoned to convict these men of perjury. The judgment was taken, 
but they agreed with the 12, and therefore Henry may have his seizin, 
and William was cast in damages, 100 marks. {Abb, Plac. 86.) In the 
Michaelmas term, 15 John, 12 12, Juliana, who was the wife of Nigel de 
Plumpton, seeks that Peter de Plumpton, against the concord made 
between them and granted in the King's Court, disseised the said 
Juliana of a carucate of land called Ran, and her capital messuage of 
Ribestein, and of 32s. rent in Ribestein, and of one culture called 
Croswett, and of a culture, of Shadewell, &c., and he took away her 
chattels to the value of 15 marks, and he carried away as much wheat 
that from these were given seven waggons of tithes, and it was valued at 
40 marks. The Sheriff was directed that she have a writ of seizin, ifec. 
They afterwards agreed among themselves that she should grant to him 
all the land of Ribestein and four carucates in Ran, and the land of 
Shadewell, viz., Sedecoc, and whatever she had there, viz., in rent and 
domain, and she remitted to him one mark of four marks which she 
ought to have in the mill of Plumpton, &c., and he remitted to her 
similarly 15 acres of land in Ribestein, viz., in the Essart, which 
belonged to Walter de Stockel, and five acres of the 36 acres of the field 
of Plumpton. {Ibid 91.) 

In 1 215, John gave to Nostel Priory "the church of Cnaresburc, with 
its lands, tithes, and chapels," saving to Alexander de Dorset, clerk, 
" the possessions which he has in his church of Cnaresburc so long as he 
shall live." {Rot, Claus,) This gift had been anticipated in a manner 
which requires explanation. In the pleas of Easter Term, 13th Edward 
I., it is told to the Prior of St. Oswald, before the King's Council at 
Salop, upon the showing of a charter of King Henry I., dated 1121, of 


the donation of i2d. from day to day out of the farm of Eboracshire, 
and of the churches of Bamburgh, Cnaresburgh, and Tykehull, and of 
land in Fleteham and Heleford, that he may go for the church of 
Tykehull i/W^ die. {Abb. Flac, 207.) On the 2nd September, 1215, 
the King orders Brian de Insula to permit the Earl of Albemarle to have 
without hindrance whatever belongs to his castle and manor of Skipton- 
in-Craven, as well in lands and pastures as in other things, but that he 
retain to the King's use " whatever belongs to our Castle of Knares- 
burgh." Brian's dismissal soon followed this. John was again at 
Knaresborough in January, 12 16. On the 27th February, 12 16, Galfrid 
de Neville, the King's Chamberlain, is ordered that of the lands which 
Brian assigned for the wages of the bowmen and sergeants serving in the 
Castle of Knaresborough he shall hold the rents in payment of those 
wages, and that " out of the land of our enemies " he should provide 
without delay for Leodgarius de Diva, Constable of Knaresborough, ;^2o 
in land, to support himself in the King's service. Brian's high-handed 
conduct had brought him into trouble. The Plumptons, who were 
master foresters, seem to have aroused his anger. In the beginning of 
the wars between John and the Barons, Brian of his own accord disseised 
Robert, son of Uckeman (and a kinsman of the Plumptons), of two 
bovates and 38 acres of land in Clint, and caused them to be held in 
villainage. This wrongful act was not remedied until the reign of Henry 
III., when Alice, wife of William de Goldesburgh, sister of Robert, 
stirred into the matter, and seizin was given to William and Alice, as 
Robert had it before Brian disseised him. This rapacity was the disgust 
of the whole forest In 1213, Robert de Percy had to complain of the 
King's bailiffs. He gave four good palfreys for having the King's letters 
patent granting him warren in all his lands of Bolton and Sutton, so 
that they lie without the forest. He obtained a writ of prohibition 
addressed to all the bailiffs and the King's faithful people, inflicting 
upon them a penalty of ;^io if any of them impeded him. {Rot Fin. 
p. 481.) 

Brian was dismissed his appointment, but the punishment was not 
lasting. In 1220, he was appointed Chief Forester of England. He was 
reappointed to the Castle on the 30th May, 1223, to hold the town and 
manor and also Boroughbridge during the King's pleasure, and at the 
old rent of ;^5o. He again fell in 1226. The Archbishop of York had 
custody of the Castle as Warden, Brian being summoned before the 
Barons of the Exchequer at Easter to answer for his receipts while in 
custody of the Castle. He had neglected the fabric, for the Archbishop 
is commanded that in reparation of the King's houses within the Castle 
he shall expend;^ 10, and return the remainder of the revenues to the 
Exchequer. From the date of this appointment Archbishop Walter de 
Grey resided much within the Castle. He appointed as his sub-custos, 
Adam de Stavele, who in 1227 rendered account of ;^42 4s. 6d., the 
King's rents of Knaresburgh and Boroughbridge for that year. We find 
him also busy replacing and increasing the stores of the Castle. He 


pays IIS. for 7 "cablis" for the stone-mangonels {ad petrarias de 
inangonell) \ 30s. for a "custum *' placed in the horse-mill in the Castle; 
and for 4 baldricks and one " turnum " and other things necessary to 
the " balistas *' he pays 13s. 4d. He also buys 17 steers and some corn 
of Falkes de Breaute at Harewood ; and for " cendals** (silk hangings) 
for covering the King's chamber he paid 7s, 2d. In the troublous times 
of Magna Charta Falkes had rendered the King good service, and by 
him had been put in possession of many of the castles of the rebellious 
barons. The forest and neighbourhood shared in the revolt. Roger de 
Jarpeville and Robert de Coleville, ambassadors of the Barons, objected 
to be sent to the King to treat of peace. The King ordered possession 
to be taken of the chattels of all people throughout the kingdom, who 
declined to swear with the 25 barons according to the form contained in 
the charter of liberties granted to enquire into and stop the knavish 
customs of sheriffs and their officers in forest and warrens, and to sell 
their chattels as a subsidy for the Holy Land. In 12 16, Falkes had a 
grant of the manor of Luton which belonged to Baldwin, Earl of 
Albemarle (Cal. Rot Pat, 6). But a change came over this. In 1223, 
there is a safe-conduct granted to R., Earl of Chester and Lincoln, G., 
Earl of Gloucester, W., Earl of Albemarle, J., Constable of the Castle, 
Robert de Vetriponte, Falkes de Breaute, Brian de Insula, and Inghram 
de Cicoingay, belonging to the King. Falkes was appointed warden of 
the Castle of Lincoln. In the administration of the affairs of the Craven 
fee Knaresborough was frequently concerned. In 1240 the King took 
the homage of William de Fortibus, son of William de Fortibus, formerly 
Earl of Albemarle, and granted him the Castle of Cockerham, Skipton- 
in-Craven, and Skipse in Holderness. In 1248 there were patents granted 
for the Countess of Lincoln, who was formerly wife of W. Earl Mareschal; 
for Amice, who was the wife of Baldwin de Insula, formerly Earl of Devon, 
and Baldwin, his son and heir ; for William de Valencia, brother of the 
King, and his wife, one of the heirs of Walter Mareschal, formerly Earl 
of Pembroke. Baldwin de Insula, son and heir of Baldwin, formerly 
Earl of Devon, was a forest owner. William de Fortibus died in 1259. 
{Cal. Rot. Pat, 23, 24.) 

Adam and his ecclesiastical superiors were maintaining like rule in 
1229. The Archbishop's tenure throws much light upon the contem- 
porary history ot the forest. On the 26th February, 1230, he records 
that with the consent of the King and of Mr. JohnRomanus, sub-deacon 
of York, whom he instituted to the Chapel of Hamesthwait at the King's 
presentation, he assigned to Roger de Essex, for life, the corn and hay 
tithe of Padeside, Tornthueit, Menewit, Langescales, Birslade, Fellisclive, 
Farnhille, Raudon, and Grastenuro, in the name of his simple benefice, 
which the said Roger afterwards leased to Mr. J., the sub-dean of York, 
for his life for five marks a year. He is to have no more from the same 
chapel while Mr. J. lives. This record tells us that the whole of the 
corn and hay grown in these townships was only worth 50 marks 
0^33 6s. 8d.), which is an astonishing fact, even if we consider the then 


value of money as twenty times greater than at present (Grays Iceg., 
Sur. Soc) 

Another act of restitution to the Plumptons was done in 1226, when 
the Sheriff of York was ordered to permit Robert de Plumpton to 
have his land of Plumpton, within the forest of Cnaresburgh according 
as he was wont to hold it, and not to vex or molest him. The Arch- 
bishop of York, then warden, was ordered that he cause Robert de Ros 
to have two " capriolos " — wild bucks — within the forest by the King's 
gift. And so the stories of right and wrong, which, however, are 
evidences of development, continue to be told. While the heather 
bloomed on the hills, and the blithe troll of the forester supplemented 
the songs of the birds, the lazy wreaths cf smoke rising from the cottages 
in the dales, the clang of the blacksmith's hammer, the clank of the 
ponderous mill-wheel, and, above all, the merry clash of the Sabbath 
bells in the valley, told that even then man was living in increasing 
prosperity, and pushing his domain further and still further into the 
thither wilderness. Of the sturdy yeomen typified by Henry de Burton 
the forest had enough and to spare. In the ranks of early chivalry its 
children were also to be found. At the close of the reign of Richard, 
we find four of them joined in some mission — Matthew de Bram, Richard 
de Goldsburc, Alan de Stanley, and Walter de Stockeld. (Add, Plac, 
98). In 1 24 1, there was another embodiment of the military power of 
the forest and neighbourhood ; when William de Cantilupe, junior, John 
de Gray, Phillip Basset, and Paulin Peyvre, were appointed constables 
and leaders of the King's Knights, sent to the King in Poictou. In 
1246, we find that Brother Robert de Sykelinghall is the King's 
Treasurer at the New Temple, London, where the King's money is 
deposited. {CaL Rot Pat, 21.) These race-names are the starting- 
points of many a forest incident. In the Easter Term, 4th Edw. I , 
there is a plea, sine die^ of Agnes, daughter of Alan de Stanley, for 15 
tofts and 8 bovates of land and a mill in Farnham, with costs against 
Hugh Fitz-Henry ; and another of John de Hinton for four tofts, a 
garden, 60 acres of land, seven acres of meadow, and the third part of a 
mill, and costs against the same Hugh. {Abb, Plac, 189.) 

In the above extracts from contemporary records we see that the 
forest, although a hunting field of the first magnitude, was not the mere 
wilderness its name implies. When, Henry III. gave the manors 
of Knaresburgh and Aldburgh to his brother Richard, King of 
Alimann, they are said to have been worth ;^ioo per ann. On the 
banks of the streams, at least, human habitations were fixed and 
agriculture was followed. But it was in the main a wild and lawless 
country, having but too few of the elements of civilisation operating 
within it. The Castle became the centre of sale, barter, hard bargains, 
and extortion. On the 27th September, 12 13, John was at Cnareburc; 
where he, William Briwere being present, permitted Hugh de Balliol to 
find two knights to be at the King's service and command on this side 
of the sea or elsewhere as the King may think, to serve for a whole year 


with horses and arms, if he may have a quittance of the fourscore marks 
due to the King of the debt of Hugh's father. {Rot, Fin, 490.) Men 
were so cheap at that time that they were not likely to be very scrupulous. 
In the early history of the forest we have but the least reference to 
religious matters. On the other hand, we have plenty of allusions, 
direct or indirect, to the poaching of those days ; and besides mention 
of the gaol at Knaresborough Castle, we have reference to other and 
not less severe measures. When, according to the old ballad, the King 
in his ride met the Tanner of Tamworth — ^whom we may restore to his 
native heath, and call the Barker of Braham — he asks the way to Drayton 
Bassets-otherwise Spofforth — and is answered— 

To Drayton-Basset woldst thou go 

Fro the place where thou dost stand ? 
The next payre of gallowes thou comest unto 

Tume in upon thy right hand. 

And so we may read that between the house of the Plumptons, the 
master foresters — having three wolves' heads in their armorial bearings — 
and the Castle of Knaresborough, gallows were greeted in more places 
than one ; and the forest laws tell us what they were erected for. The 
forest was greatly deficient in religious instruction, as well as in the social 
improvements which in their early days the monastic establishments 
afforded. There was not within the bounds one single monastery to 
influence the foresters for good by uncorrupted earnestness. For a 
time it had its flighty saint, Robert, to offer such an example as his life 
provided ; but he departed from his labours in 12 18, and, despite the 
traditions incorporated in his biography, there does not appear to have 
been much disposition to install a successor. On the ist February, 
12 19, the King ordered the Constable to give to Master Alexander de 
Dorset, the rector of Knaresborough appointed in the summer of 1208, 
" Custody of our hermitage of Knaresborough, to whom we commit it 
during our pleasure." {Rot Claus,) Master Alexander was a staid and 
ancient official, who had been taught to regard business habits as of 
much more importance than mere enthusiasm. His transactions only 
erred from prudence in the paths of rapacity. In 1242, we read of one 
of his mistakes. Constance Fitz-Alan opposed him on a claim of half 
a bovate of land in Cutun. The award of the Court was that Constance 
should receive her seizin against him "by default," and Alexander was 
" in misericordia." {Abb, Plac, 119.) It would appear that he had 
then resigned his charge at Knaresborough, for in 1233 Archbishop 
Gray grants the church to Dom. Peter de Rivall as long as he shall live, 
or in any other way change his life, he paying yearly to the Canon of 
the prebend of Bechill 10 marks sterling; afterwards the said church 
shall revert to the said prebend. Peter was a great favourite of the 
King. In 1231 "he granted him nearly the whole kingdom in one 
shape or another." He made him Warden of the port of Dover ; gave 
him kingly power in Ireland ; made him chief butler of Poictou, and 
Warden of all the royal forests in England. 

kNARfiSB6R0U6tt CASTLfe AND FOftESt. 21 7 

There was some clerical dispute after this. Among the pleas of 
Easter, 1286, is one for the advowson of the church of Knaresborough, 
on which judgment was given. The judges had decreed, in 1277, that 
Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, had recovered the advowson, and that the 
Archbishop was not able to show that it had afterwards reverted to him, 
either by deed of the Earl or by presentation. He had now merely set 
up an unsupported claim which could not be admitted, so the King 
should recover his seizin, and should have a writ to the Archdeacon of 
Richmond. {Abb, Plac, 269.) 

The cultivation of the ecclesiastical influence started with the ex- 
tinction of the hermit. The priory was founded in the thirteenth 
century, and a few years after that we find the Earl of Richmond giving 
to the brethren of St. Robert four carucates in Knaresborough of the 
fee of Richmond; and the same brethren held in Throp 15 bovates of 
the fee of Brus, of the gift of several people, and the tofts which belonged 
to the Lepers. In 1234-5 the King granted the castle and honour of 
Knaresborough to Richard, Earl of Cornwall and Poictou. Peter had 
then fallen into disgrace. In 1236 the King granted to Robert de 
Crepping the forests, parks, and hayes of the royal domain in the 
counties of York, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Lancaster. 

When Edward I. sent his Justices throughout the country to inquire 

into some of the high-handed dealings of the magnates, those who 

visited Knaresborough pulled up Edmund. Earl of Cornwall, for 

allowing his bailiffs to trespass by hunting in warren and chace of the 

forest, and for having custody of the prison there, infangtheof, a gibbet, 

gallows, pillory, and tumbrill — pretty playthings these for men of 

arbitrary tendency — by which right kingly acts we learn what the 

** malefactores " and disturbers of the peace had to expect when they 

got into the grip of the foresters or their " sergeants," who were lurking 

in the bowels of the castle — a race not too scrupulous and conscientious, 

themselves after their own fashion not infrequently being at fault.* We 

may safely complete the picture sketched in the " Hundred Rolls" from 

the experiences of Mr. Wyllyam of Cloudeslee, who had done a bit of 

poaching in Inglewood Forest. It is the Sheriff who is spoken of as 

the performer. 

Then went he to the Markett-place, 

As fast as he coulde hye ; 
There a payre of new gallowes he set up 

Besyde the pyllorye. 

A lytle boy among them asked, 

" What means that gallow-tre ? " 
They sayde, ** To hange a good yeman 

Called Wyllyam of Cloudeslee I" 

But they were not all " good yemen " who got themselves into trouble. 
We have an instance in 1277 o^^ knightly malefactor being brought to 
account for his transgressions. Robert de Balliol made a fine of loos. 
for trespass in vert and venison in the forest of Knaresborough. {Abb* 
Rot Orig.y i. p. 36.) For him there was not gallows or gibbet, nor 


even the pillory or stocks ; but it may be that he was roughly handled, 
and that his case made some little stir in the world of forestry, for in 
the same year a case is tried at Westminster, when the superior court 
gave judgment that a Court Baron had not power to implead any 
trespass in a park or chase of wild beasts except the person be caught 
red-handed. In consequence of this another judgment was given 
against John de Malton, bailiff of the Earl of Cornwall, for trespass at 
Knaresborough. The forests were fertile grounds of trouble, inviting 
trespass and abuse when occasion served. In 1264 William de 
Gre)aidorge, Adam de Swynesheued, and others, availing themselves of 
the civil commotions, entered the forest of Schypton in Craven, belong- 
ing to William de Fortibus, Earl of Albemarle, then in custody of Prince 
Edward by the King's commission, and cut down trees therein. They 
were summoned before the King's Justices for the offence, but they 
absconded, and the bailiffs of the Wapentake of Staincliffe were ordered to 
apprehend them. Greyndorge V«ras not a mere vulgar malefactor, but 
clearly a man capable of appreciating the situation, and prepared to help 
himself in the scramble of civil turmoil. In 127 1, the Sheriff is ordered 
to summon a jury of twelve men as well knights as free and lawful men 
of the neighbourhood of Flasseby, to inquire if Robert de Neville had 
seizin of the manor of Flasseby on the occasion of the trespass by 
William Greyndorge, in the time of the late troubles ; and if William 
afterwards intruded himself in the manor and subsequently refused to 
Robert redemption according to the Dictum of Kenilworth ; or if the said 
William at the time of the troubles constantly adhered to the King 
XAbb, Plac. 1 80). 

The Skipton raid was opportune; the Prince was in trouble, and the 
owners of the castle non-resident. The fee remained in the hands of 
Prince Edward until after he had ascended the throne. In 1280, he 
granted to Alianora, his mother, for life, the castle and manor of 
Skipton, and the manor of Pokelington, co. York, and the manors of 
Middleton and Dertford, in Kent (CaL Rot Pat 49). The abuse of 
power was not peculiar to the secular autocrats ; the parish priest is 
often a defaulter. In the Easter Term, 17th Edward I., Walter, Parson 
of Letheley, and 19 others, are impleaded by Falcasius de Lindeley, for 
cutting down his woods and trees in a place at Lyndeleye called Laynde- 
myre. They say they have common there, therefore it is allowed to 
them to cut down and bear away ; but the jurors say they have not, and 
they are therefore cast in damages. {Abb. Plac, 218). 

The acts of the officials recorded at this period were simply scandal- 
ous, and a reproach to all government except that of serfs by demons. 
The government of the forests was most arbitrary. In 1234, John de 
Neville was appointed Chief Forester and Justiciar of the forests of 
England. In 1248, Marmaduke Darel was appointed Warden of the 
King's forests in Yorkshire. {Cat Rot Pat 18.) Their power as 
exhibited by their subordinates was nearly irresponsible. The bailiffs 
of Knaresborough, in or about 1256, withdrew all the services of the 


towns of Over-Timbel, Belay, Castelay, Snitton, Kesewick, Rigtbn, and 
Stayneburn, which were within the bounds of the forest and used to be 
taxed. At the same time the Earl of Cornwall, during the rule of 
William de Ireby, his seneschal, had usurped galloA^s and assize of 
bread and beer. Henry de Perpunt, the Earl's seneschal of Knares- 
borough, would not permit the King's bailiffs to enter the liberty or land 
of the King, to exercise any office there, and much more within the 
bounds of the forest. Perpunt was an official of the most disreputable 
order. He took of Henry Loch en, a public thief, eight marks a year 
for having his countenance (advocatione). He took Thomas de Skinling, 
a man of Thirsk, and imprisoned him for taking a doe which he found 
in his own garden, and then received of him a bribe of a mark to stay 
prosecution. Ireby was also a rapacious governor. The jurors said that 
the water of Use from Boroughbridge to York was in all time free until 
William de Ireby, seneschal of the Earl of Cornwall at Knaresburgh, 
levied toll, and a heavy passage, by which the people are much vexed. 
Luke de Taney, who had been the King's seneschal in Gascony, and 
seneschial of Knaresburgh, apprehended Bateman, of Apeltrewyk, for 
having stolen two cows. Bateman offered to acquit himself by inquiry 
of four of the neighbouring villages, but he could not be heard until he 
had given Luke five marks, and three marks to John Sampson, bailiff of 
the Countess of Albemarle, at Skipton. The jurors also said that 
Liolf hanne, Staingartes, Westtout, between Knaresburgh and Setton and 
the town and field of Knaresburgh, are in liberty to the middle of the 
course of the Nidd, and beyond the forest, and used to be common to 
all, but Ralph de Grenham has stopped it. {Rot Hund,) In 1281, 
Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, gave to the King 7000 marks for custody of 
the lands and tenements which belonged to Baldwin Wake ; and those 
were of the ancient fee of the Stutevilles. There can be no wonder that 
rapacity was competed to follow such bribes as these. 

The greatest abuses of the various offices were of continued 
existence. The rangerships of 'the forest were of almost solemn import- 
ance, being in the direct gift of the King himself. They were in 
consequence capable of being converted to very lucrative uses, and were, 
of course, clung to with tenacity. Not a few of the forest families owe 
their start in greatness to these offices. The foresters had the disposal 
of the falls of timber, as we learn in 1304, when the King ordered Milo 
de Stapleton, constable ot Knaresborough, to sell timber up to the sum 
of £/^o ** by the view and testimony of Henry de Screvyn and Thomas 
Russell, our foresters there.'' {Abb. Rot Ong, i., p. 144.) So it came 
to pass in more instances than one in the forest that the blooming 
woodland lassie who gained health and beauty in the lonely brakes and 
glades, who trained her roses and honeysuckles up to the 
thatch of the forester's cottage, and whose foot brushed aside the pearly 
dew that gathered on the purple heather, should become a wife meet for 
a knight As the inferior posts were desirable, much more so were the 
superior ; they were the rewards of the mighty. The King recalled 

220 OLD YOkKSHIkfi. 

Piers Gaveston in 1307, made him Earl of Cornwall, and gave him the 
domain of Holderaess, and the Castle, town, and honour of Knares- 
borough, with the free chase and the manors of Routhecliffe and 
Aldburgh. Gaveston was scarcely settled in his forest castle before the 
King came to him as a guest. Edward was at Bowes on the 6th Sept., 
1307, at Knaresborough on the loth, and at York on the 13th. In 
1309, the King commanded the Sheriff of York to take into the King's 
hands the Castle, manor, and honour of Knaresborough, with the free 
chase ; and the manors of Routhecliffe and Aldburgh, which Piers de 
Gaveston held for life. Next year he granted these offices to William 
de Vaus to be held during pleasure (Ibid i86). In 131 1, Gaveston was 
granted the castle of Scardeburg. On the 21st January, 1312, the King, 
being at York, ordered William de Slengesby, warden of the manors of 
the Templars of Ribbestayn, that out of their effects he should hand 
over to the Constable of the castle of Knaresborough 100 qrs. of wheat, 
10 qrs. of oats, 20 oxen, 80 sheep, and two iron-bound carts for the 
munition of the castle (Rymer*s JuBdera ii., p. 154). A fell deed of 
kingly weakness, of Papal arrogance, and of episcopal intolerance, had 
smitten England, with the rest of Europe^ before this mandate was issued 
on the wreck of the unmatched glories of the superb fraternity of the 
Knights of the Temple. 

Now and again we find a slip in the appointments of officials, and 
strong evidence of intrigue used to obtain them ; as we also find baronial 
usurpation upon the King's rights. In 1300, Henry de Percy points 
out by the liberty of his barony of Spofforth that the King's bailiffs are 
wrongfully claiming the manor of Letheley to be within the bounds of 
the forest; but Henry's demonstration was not happy. In 13 13, the 
King appointed Richard de Merkevale bailiff of the forest, in place of 
Thomas le Rou, lately dead {Abb. Rot On'g,, i., 205). In 131 5, this 
order was found to be irregular, and was promptly revoked. There was 
sad trouble then in the forest, for famine was universal in the land, and, 
in addition to its dreadful effects, the consequences of Bannockbum 
were being felt. Knaresborough was suffering perhaps beyond its 
neighbours ; and, of the sufferers in this town, the ecclesiastics were not 
the least. On the 23rd August, Archbishop Greenfield made a loan of 
;^2o to Henry de Knaresborough, minister, and his convent of the 
house of St. Robert of Knaresborough, on account of their great need. 
The Constable of Knaresborough, William de Vaus, was one of the 
unfortunates who fell at Bannockburn, so we may know that at least 
some of the foresters were in the thick ()f the fight, and we can»believe 
that very few of them returned. In 1333, the widow of De Vaus 
petitions the Queen on a demand made upon her for the payment of a 
debt of ;^i44, arrears of her late husband at the time he had the 
Wardenship of the Castle. *' La sue Bourge," as the widow describes 
herself, beseeches the Queen to forgive this debt, which may only be 
apparent, for her husband at the time he was slain in the wars lost many 
acquittances and allowances made on several occasions {FarL Rolls), 


Disgust alike with the King and the turn of events was more 
universal than either loyalty or dread. The men of the forest took 
affairs into their own hands and broke out into revolt, seizing the Castle, 
and coercing into rebellion the garrison, then under the personal 

coramandJofThomas, Earl of Lancaster. They professed that their 
action was for the King's good. On the 3rd November, 1317, the King 
writes to the Earl " complaining of certain malefactors and disturbers of 
the peace having lately entered into the Castle of Knaresboutgh by 


night " and possessed themselves of the same, '' with the goods, arms, 
and victuals found there," and of the garrison of the Castle, to the 
King's detriment and manifest contempt, ''which said malefactors have 
occupied the premises in your name, at which we wonder very much." 
If this were done, continues the King, in the Earl's name, but for the 
King's benefit, the Earl will not thwart the King's wishes, which are that 
the Sheriff of York, Nicholas de Gray, shall retake possession, and Earl 
Thomas, as a good subject, is requested to deliver up to him without 
delay {Fcsdera^ ii., 345). Roger Damory was then appointed constable 
during the King's pleasure, returning yearly for the office 200 marks. 
The rebels appear to have deftly covered their retreat, for on the 4th 
January, 13 17-18, the King grants that the Earl of Lancaster and his 
adherents may safely return to the kingdom without arrest, and there is 
also an order issued for resuming the Castle of Knaresborough, lately 
retained by the rebels. The Castle of Skipton was to be retained in the 
hands of the King; and, as if great joy, accompanied the pacification, 
the "minister" of the house of St Robert of Knaresborough may 
enclose and build upon three acres of land in the field of Belmond, 
within the m^tes of the forest {Cal. Rot, Pat, 83). 

In 1 318, the Scots invaded England, sweeping over the forest with 
the fury and destruction of fiends. Knaresborough was burnt to the 
ground, and left to tell its tale of sorrow in a petition to the King 
praying the remission of the Crown rents. Its church still bears the 
marks of the fire kindled to destroy it. 

When Robert Bruce with his brave Scottish band, 
By other inroads on the borders made, 
Had well-nigh wasted all Northumberland, 
Whose towns he level with the earth had laid ; 
And finding none his power there to vrithstand, 
On the north part of spacious Yorkshire preyed 

Bearing away with pride his pillage got, 

As fate to him did our last fall allot. 

In the restoration of affairs after this melancholy experience, we 
find that (13 18) Godefrid de Alta Ripa may crenellate his house 
{camera) at Elslake in Craven, and in 13 19, the King grants a patent 
" for the Hospital of Knaresburgh." {Cat. Rot Pat. 85, 87.) John de 
Wysham succeeded as constable in 13 19. He was appointed during 
life, returning from the issues 800 marks per annum — an extraordinary 
advance, and significant of the worst of the old rapacity. {Abb. Rot. 
Orig.y i., p. 250.) Wysham eventually did well out of the honour. The 
King granted him a yearly pension therefrom of 200 marks for life, 
which Edward III., on his accession to the throne in 1327, compounded. 
He granted the constable in lieu thereof the Manors of Fulbrik and 
Westhall, co. Oxon., lately belonging to Hugh le Dispenser, '*the 
rebel," and also the manor of Faxflet, with its members and other 
appurtenances, in co. York, to hold for life. {Ibid, ii., p. 11.) He died 
in or before 1332. 


On the 25th January, 1319-20, the King, being at York, writes to 
Constable John de Wysham informing him that, by the inquest of 
Robert de Sapy and Gilbert de Wyggeton, " divers of owners and tenants 
of our castle and lands in the towns of Knaresburgh, Skrevyn, Burbrigg, 
Minskypp, Tymble, Clifton, Foston, Thorscross, Menewith, Clynt, 
Felesclyf, Birstake, Heymthwaythe, Kyllynghall, Roshirst, Bilton, and 
Nidd, by the burning of their houses, the taking away of their animals 
and goods by the invading Scots, and for the great part are ruined," and 
they ask to have the dues of the castle relaxed. In consideration, then, 
of their desolation and depression, pardon is given for the rents due at 
Michaelmas up to the sum oijQ()2 3s. yd., being the amount of the loss 
certified at the inquest {Fadera ii., 385). Horrible, no doubt, their 
sufferings had been — ^as horrible as the sword of vengeance and the 
frenzy of lust could inflict — ^yet it must strike us as very strange that the 
whole of the damage did not amount to a greater pecuniary sum, even 
when allowance is made for the then value of money. The smallness of the 
damage enables us to measure the domestic condition of the townships. 
Exchange of money has been of rare occurrence. The people have led 
the most frugal of lives, and have depended mainly upon the crops of 
their fields and the produce of their folds for the support of their families. 
We are apt to believe that the district was mostly pastoral, and the only 
evidence we possess of its industrial economy tends to that conclusion. 
But even this only points out the paucity of the flocks and herds. To 
they^ra? nature of the forest we must, therefore, look for at least some 
amount of the sustenance of the people, however it may have been 
obtained by them. 

Amid this poverty and confusion Knaresborough was the scene of 
some important events. First came the fight at Boroughbridge, and the 
subsequent execution of Earl Thomas of Lancaster — 

And nothing else remains for us beside 
. But tears and coffins only to provide ; 

When still as long as Borough bears that name 
Time shall not blot out our deserved shame. 

Nothing, however, in the shape of national disaster was equal to correct- 
ing the folly of the King. An idle, dissolute life, regardless of his 
kingly duties, was that to which he abandoned himself. In the year 
T 323? he was again in the north, where he spent much time. We find 
him at Pomfret on the i8th February; he moved thence to Knares- 
borough, where we find him on the 26th and 27th ; and it would appear 
that he remained there, perhaps without even a break, for more than a 
fortnight. He was certainly in the Castle on the 4th and 9th of March. 
On the 14th he is present in the Castle, treating for a final peace with a 
multitude of Scottish delegates (cum Scotis quampturimis^ Cal, Rot. Patj 
93) ; footmen and archers had been summoned to Knaresborough, but 
on the 15th he left the Castle for the south. A truce ** ad verbum " 
was eventually arranged at York on the 7th June, and the war ended. 


The border of the forest was still a scene of trouble ; life was often 
endangered and property was always insecure. Between the extortionate 
officials and the disreputable bush-rangers, or ns the ballads glorified 
them — 

Yond brieht yemen 
In greenwood wbere they be, 
honest men had a bad time of it, a specimen of which they record tn 
1276. when they complain that John de Arden, while he was bailifT of 
Ottelc, took money of Robert de Balladama for receiving David de 
Buckele, a public thief. In 1328, some of the old troubles were again 
to the front Robert del Isle and others complain that though King 


John had disafforested the Wharfedale district adjoining the forest, 
which was not of the fee or lordship of Knaresbo rough, nor in the forest, 
nor had been of free chace, yet the King's Foresters charged the dis- 
trict with " Future" and other forest customs. Although John, by his 
charter, had disafforested the district, yet since the time of William de 
Ireby, seneschal of the Earl of Cornwall, who, by extortion and distress 
"de son tort demeigne," Wharfedale was charged with "Future de 
Forestiers " and other charges and customs. And since, by writ to her 
officers, " Madame Dame Isabelle," the Queen, in whose hand the 
manor and forest were now, had ordered the abuses to cease, but they 
had not done so, in consequence of which the complainants appealed to 
Parliament. The usurpations were ordered to be discontinued (*«/. 


Paft). Robert was of the old family of Tlsle or de Insula of Rugemont 
and Harewood, whose estates had been diminished by partition. In 
1310, the King took the homage of Agnes, daughter of Robert Lounde, 
of Harewode, defunct, for all the lands and tenements in Harewode, 
which the said Robert, her father, held at his death, of the heirship of 
Robert de Insula, lately dead, who held of King Edward I., in capite 
{Abb. Rot Orig,, i. p. 170). 

Wysham was succeeded in 1330 by John de Wauton, who held also 
the farms and issues of the wapentake of Langberg. William de 
Slingesby, a " forster of the fee," has left us in that same year a reminis- 
cence powerfully illustrative of the social episodes of the forest in a 
petition to Parliament for a Writ and Terminer against John of 
Clotheram, Robert of Stokesley, and other evil doers, who, while he was 
out attending to his duty, broke down his doors, entered his house, 
defouled his wife and children, and took away his goods and chattels to 
the value of £,^^^ beside doing other damage to the value of ;£'6o {Rot, 
Pari), It is, perhaps, needless to say the writ was granted, and very 
properly so too ; although we may conclude that it was a gross exaggera- 
tion to state that he had suffered to the extent of j^ loo. We remember the 
whole of the damage done by the Scots in their raid not twenty years 

The old line of Foresters began now to be interrupted to some 
extent, but their influence was not destroyed. In 1332, the King 
granted to Benedict de Hill the bailiwick of the forestry of Okeden, in 
the forest of Knaresborough, to have during pleasure {Abb, Rot. Orig, 
ii., 69). Men of the name of Rous — or Rede, which is the same — 
were found in the forest nearly a century later, nor was that of Merkevale 
entirely lost in the above incident. They seem to have been fully 
restored under Edward III., who hunted the forest on more than one 
occasion. We find the King at Knaresborough on ist of December, 
1332, and he doubtless had a jovial time there, for he is not noticed in 
public affairs until the 12th, when he is found at York. He was again 
at Knaresborough on the 6th April, 1333, this time journeying north, 
being found at Durham on the 8th. He was again at Knaresborough 
on the 1 6th of August of that year, and for a fourth time on the i6th of 
February, 1336. 

There are evidences of firm rule and well-ordered establishment 
during these periods. In 1330, the King granted his clerk, John de 
Neusom, the custody of the herbage in Le Hay, Heywra, and Bilton, 
and of the Little Park under the Castle, and the issues thereof beyond 
the sustenation of the King's stud {Abb, Rot. Orig,^ ii, 53). In 1335, the 
King granted to William de Neusom the custody of certain great horses 
as well as his stud beyond Trent and the herbage in the Parks of Le 
Haye, Bylton, and Haywra, and those of Ightenhill, co. Lane, and 
Macclesfield during pleasure ; which was soon exhausted, for in the 
same year the King appointed his valet Edmund de Thedmarsh. The 
park at Bilton was then being diminished by enclosures. The same 



things were granted to Koger de Normanville in 1334 {Abb, Rot Orig,^ 
ii. 167). In 1334* William de Markevale had the custody of free 
chase in Knaresborough and in the parks of Hawra, Bilton, and Hay, 
which came to him in right of Agnes, his wife, one of the daughters of 
Henry Scriven ; and Joan, wife of William de Slingesby, our unlucky 
acquaintance, is another heir who, with her husband, gave up the land 
to the said William de Markevale. This was at a time when the 
" fortalice " in Heywra Park was a Royal hunting lodge, occupied, as 
we have seen, by the King, and after him by John o' Gaunt and "the 
Gaunt-born great Lancastrian line," from whom it became known as John 
o'Gaunt's Castle. It is gone ! and Heywra is cultivated. Harrogate 
now exists, and is of world-wide tame. Gone are all the barons bold ; 
gone are all the knights and squires ; but every spot in the forest bears 
traces of them. The town which has just developed into a borough, 
entirely eclipsing the two old boroughs, owes its origin to a Slingsby, 
who in turn owed his origin remotely to Henry de Screvin, one of the 
old rangers of the Forest of Knaresborough. 

Leeds. W. Wheater. 


PoMFRET is noted for something besides its cakes, although they 
are toothsome and difficult to excel, and have a character of their own, 
like the succulent Bamsley chop, over which they possess this advantage, 
however, that they are quite as tempting and not so dear. Pomfret is 
grey with age ; its very name is a mystery over which men have wrangled, 
some choosing the more fashionable word Pontefract, while others, 
clinging to Pomfret, insist upon the greater correctness of the word 
continuously used in the speech of the people, than of the compound 
coined from the mediaeval Latin of the scribe. The town is rich in 
historic memories of a rude time, when blows were as frequent as words, 
and valour a commoner attribute than it is in these polished days, in 
which the respectable Englishman relies on the law instead of on his fists. 
Sauntering along the worn, bouldered streets that lead to the Castle, I 
marvel at the change that has come over this celebrated borough. In 
my reverie I ponder over the pageantries of old, — scenes in which " the 
long vassal train " of knights and nobles were the actors, and the deeds 
they performed things now only to be restored to memory by 
application to musty records. I realise one, the commonest of those 
scenes, a young knight coming to sue for the lands of his dead father. 
As, for instance, in 12 13, when Hugh Bardulf made a fine for relief of 
the lands which Ralph his father held of the Constable of Chester, 
whose lanHs were then in the King's hands and custody of William de 
Harcourt ; the fine being that he should serve the King in Poictou, or 
where the King shall please, well prepared with horses and arins, from 
the second Sunday after the octave of the Apostles Peter and Paul, for 


one full year, and for this the King took security by Galfrid de Neville 
his chamberlain. William de Harcourt, custodian of the honour, is 
then ordered to give to Hugh full possession. And thus, " visions of the 
days departed, shadowy phantoms fill my brain," and the grass-grown 
streets are still occupied by the spectres of the past. That was 
emphatically an age of force, an age of the law and logic of the sword. 
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries even the municipal story of 
the town was one of turmoil and contention. It was too often a struggle 
between the arbitrary lord and the aspiring tenant, the interruptions of 
the domestic peace showing how steadily the burgesses were demolishing 
the feudal exactions. In 1 243 Walter Robinson gave 20 marks for a 
writ that he may enquire concerning the liberties of Pomfret; in 13 13 
the men of the town made a fine of ten marks for having Favagium — 
the right of mending their streets and keeping them in order — for five 
years. In 1346 the bailiff and probi homines made a fine of four marks 
for having letters of pannage — feeding their swine in the woods. And 
then, beyond these illustrations of the antique life, we have occasionally 
glimpses of the angularities of feudal rule. In 1290, when Henry de 
Laci, earl of Lincoln, gave into the King's hands the castle, town, and 
honour, together with the hamlets, &c., which his mother held in 
dowry, the King appointed the Prior of St. Oswald warden of the town 
and castle until further orders. 

Now, however, all this seems to be but a dream, or an insult to the 
memory of the present somnolent town, so quiet and peaceful, 
no longer disturbed by the hurried tread of men-at-arms, the clash of 
weapons, and the fierce cries of contending soldiery. The halberd and 
the pike lie idle, and the most vital questions that come before the 
people are settled without recourse to the old mode of deciding disputes. 
The destruction which has happened to its military grandeur has also 
befallen its ecclesiastical fame. Its once celebrated Priory of St. John 
the Evangelist, a shrine of honour and dignity, is no longer visible upon 
the earth. The preaching firiars, who once called its people to hearken 
to the word of God, have the Salvation Army for their modern represen- 
tatives. The little military chapel of St. Clement within the castle, 
founded by De Laci, and extended by his successors to a collegiate 
church, is an atom of the wreck of the fortress. The Anchorites who 
served the little chapel of St. Ellen are, with their cell, lost even to 
memory.* The sword rests in its rusty scabbard, and not even in op- 

* 28 May, i486, the King presents, in right of his duchy of Lancaster, Henry 
Payn to the prebend within the college of St. Clement in the Castle of Pomfret, void 
by the death of Simon Beryngton, the last incumbent. 23 July, i486, grant for the 
term of her life to Ellen Multon, anchorite, within the chapel of St Ellen in 
the town of Pontefract, of the annual lent of 40/-, which King Edward IV. gave and 
confirmed to Alice Ripace, anchorite, within the aforesaid chapel. loth Dec, 1487, 
presentation of the beloved subject, William Tavemer, chaplain, to the pension and 
salary which Thomas Rowson, chaplain, deceased, lately had in the cnapel of St. 
Elene in the town of Pountfret, for celebrating divine service there ; the said pension 
and salary to be received out of the issues and revenues of the King's honour or 
township of Pountfret. 


position to the vicar's tithe will it be pulled out again. The county 
court has taken the place of the rapier. Justice is sought in a more 
civilised fashion than in the desperate times when young gallants had 
only two occupations — emptying wine cups in pledging fair maidens, and 
fighting terrible duels in their honour. 

Turning back to the faded pages of history I feel impelled to ask, 
Why do novelists trust so much to imagination when thrilling facts are 
so plentiful? Pomfret alone could provide material for a score of 
romances, each more sensational than the most startling of modern 
dramas. In this old place monarchs have schemed and played the ticklish 
game of hazard ; tragedy has rioted in blood ; humour and daring have 
frolicked in the face of death. No town in England has been the 
scene of more stirring events ; no town in England has evinced more 
dauntless courage. Its patriotic glories commenced before the Castle 
was built, and before York had been insulted by the foot of the Norman 
conqueror. We have one of the most vivid scenes in the invasion of 
1069, connected with the old Saxo- Danish town. Whether the latter 
may be traced in any degree to the thoughtful clause in Roger de 
Lascy's charter in the twelfth century that ** no woman shall give toll in 
our borough for selling beer,""^ is a question worth considering in this 
goody-goody age. 

An evidence of the might of which the castle was the centre and home 
is given in 1213, when John de Laci, Constable of Chester, is admitted 
to the lands of Roger his father. John pays to the King, who on the 
1 8th and 19th September was staying in the castle, for those lands, and 
that he may be quit of all arrears and debts which his father should have 
paid to the Exchequer, seven thousand marks, a most enormous sum, 
for it had the purchasing power of ;^ 100,000 of present money. It was 
not, however, to be paid in one sum, but in four yearly instalments ; in 
the first year, ;^2,ooo ; in the second year, 2,000 marks ; in the 

* Ludicrous Blunder. — Allow me to call attention to a remarkable instance 
of a ludicrous slip by an able and learned writer, due to an imfortunate neglect to 
consult an original authority. Dr. Whitaker publishes in his ** Loidis and Elmete," a 
copy of the charter granted to Leeds in 1209, and thus translates one of its clauses: — 
"No woman shall pay custom in our borough who is to be sold into slavery," adding 
as a foot-note (page 11), "A very liberal truly. If a free woman sold herself (for 
such must be the meaning of the words) as a slave, the lord graciously remitted the 
toll due on such a transaction." Dr. Whitaker thus sanctions the opinion that in the 
thirteenth century an Englishwoman could "sell herself into slavery." But what 
was the fact ? 1 he privileges of Leeds, granted by Maurice Paganel in 1208, were 
distinctly said to be those enjoyed by the burgesses of Roger de Lacy at Pontefract, as 
granted in 1 194. Now, if there was any doubt as to what those privileges were, what 
would have been easier than for Dr. Whitaker to have consulted the original charter 
of 1 194, still in existence at Pontefract? Had the learned Doctor done so, he would 
have obtained much light on many points which were by no means clear to him. That 
in question is, however, of so singular a character that I select it as the subject of the 
present note. The translation of De Lacy*s charter is, ** No woman shall pay toll in 
our borough for selling beer ! " and the unfortunate copying of servici for cerevisia 
occasioned this extraordinary blunder. — Richard Holmes, Pontefract. 


third year, i,ooo marks; and in the fourth year, i,ooo marks ; but, on 
account of the faithful service of Roger, the father, and for the good and 
faithful service which the King hopes to have of John, the last thousand 
marks the King has pardoned. If, however, at any time the service is 
unsatisfactory, or if, as might happen in those tickle times of treachery 
and rapine, John should go over to the King's enemies, all his lands 
and tenements shall return to the King. Twenty Knights of his fee, 
Jordan Foliot, John de Birkin, William Stapleton, and others, pledge 
themselves for the fine, continuous service, and good conduct of their 
lord. If John go over to the KingV enemies all the other Knights of 
the fee holding scutage shall pay in quittance of the fine according to 
their scutage. If by chance John be absent by God's providence before 
the fine is paid, they shall hold his lands until the end of the payment. 
Nor shall John marry without the King's assent, who shall retain in his 
hands the castles of Pomfret and Donington, to the cost of holding of 
which for the three years, De Laci shall contribute ;^4o yearly. An 
instance of the pomp which marked its affairs is afforded in December, 
1245, when John, son and heir of John de SothuU, did fealty for the 
fourth part of a Knight's fee held in Derton, of John, formerly Earl of 
Lincoln, whose son and heir is in the custody of the King. The 
custodian of the honour of Pomfret is ordered to accept security of 20s., 
and then give seizin of the fee. 

The castle, so long the pride of South Yorkshire, was built by 
the Lacys, but its thrilling history scarcely began until the fortress 
passed into the hands of the Earl of Lancaster. A sad night of suspense 
that in March, 1322, when he was checked at Boroughbridge, and 
waited in the rain for the Scottish allies, by whose aid he hoped 
to break through King Edward's forces. The battle that followed 
at dawn was one of disaster to him, for, with ninety other nobles, he was 
taken prisoner, and arraigned for high treason. What a different result 
would have followed had the court party been patriotic ! 

fioroughbridge had then known not the kindling madness 
Of brethren who fight with the rancour of hate ; 

And on Pomfret's hill there had not been the sadness 
Of murder committed mere malice to sate. 

Surely no man ever realised to such an intense degree the 
meaning of the oft-repeated phrase, " the irony of fate ;" inasmuch as it 
was to Pontefract that he was brought captive, and into one of his own 
dungeons that he was thrust, afler appearing before the angry king. 
'^ Bareheaded as a thief in a fair hall within his own castle " he was 
charged, not only with treason, but with *• raising war against his 
sovereign, destroying His Majesty's subjects, and plundering their 
estates." Sentence was passed upon him as an arch-traitor, but he 
indignantly retorted, "Nay, lords, forsooth, and, by St. Thomas, I 
never was a traitor !" And when he learnt that it had been 
decreed that he should go through the ignominy of being drawn, hanged, 
and beheaded, he asked, "Shall I die without answer?" Scant 


consideration was given to this perhaps his last query. His power was 
broken, his friends in as great jeopardy as himself, and little heed was 
given to the inquiry of the disgraced nobleman, nor did punishment (as 
is often the case now) follow tardily upon his sentence. " The quality 
of mercy," of which Shakespeare speaks, does not appear to have had a 
vigorous existence in the monarch's heart, and the executioner almost 
trod on the judge's heels. Pitiful, though quaint, is the narrative of the 
earFs death. *' For reverence of his blood, being the King's near kins- 
man, drawing and hanging were remitted unto him." His head was 
stricken off the same day without the town of Pontefract. He was set 
upon a lean white horse, without saddle or bridle ; attired by a certain 
Gascoigne, who placed a soiled broken hat or hood upon his head ; and 
attended by a friar preacher to the fatal hill, which lay a few hundred 
yards northwards, in sight of his own castle. At the scaffold he was 
pelted with mud, and assailed with the title of King Arthur, whilst he 
exclaimed, " King of heaven ! grant me mercy, for the king of earth hath 
forsaken me ! " But he was speedily beyond the reach of gibes and 
insults. No sooner had he knelt at the block than the headsman's axe 
descended, and the great Earl of Lancaster was only a figure in history. 
The temporary settlement of his vast estates caused almost a national 
commotion. In 132 1, the Mayor and Sheriff of London, are firmly 
enjoined that they take possession, without delay, of all his goods and 
chattels in the city of London and suburbs thereof. The Sheriff of 
Stafford is ordered for several reasons to take possession of the castles, 
manors, &c., in that county. The lands of Dynebegh, Bromfield, and 
Yale, and other neighbouring lands, with the castles, &c, were granted 
to Griffin ap Rees, and Giles de Beauchamp. Oliver de Ingham had 
all the castles in Lancashire and the marshes of Wales. Simon de 
Driby had the castle of Pomfret; Thomas de Ughtred, that of 
Pykering. Robert de Leybum had the comitatus of Lancashire. The 
Sheriff of Lancashire had the castle of Cliderhoe; Ralph Basset of 
Drayton, was appointed seneschal of the castles of Tutebury, Donyngton, 
and Melburn ; and he and John de Somery were to take the castle of 
Kenilworth. Roger de Horsee had the castle of Dunstanburgh ; 
William de la Beche that of Sandale ; and Simon de Wodeham, the 
King's valet, that of Conyngesburgh. Richard de Musleye, parson of 
the church of Friston, was receiver of the issues of the castle and honor 
of Pontefreit, and of all the castles, &c., on this side of the river Ouse, 
except the castle of Skipton in Craven, which belonged to Roger de 
Clifford. Among the minor changes we find the King granting, in 1324, 
to John le Trumpour, the houses, lands, and tenements with their 
appurtenances, in the towns of Pomfret and Preston, which belonged to 
William le Tabarer. William was a man to whom Pomfret owes recog- 
nition. In 1334, he made a fine of 60/-, for founding anew a certain 
hospital in the town of Pomfret, for the habitation of a chaplain and 
certain poor men, and left lands and tenements to the same. Reviled 
and condemned before death, the dead Earl was revered as a saint, and 


this practice has steadily developed, if I may be permitted to say a word 
or two in an " aside." Whatever meanness, and treachery, and falsity a 
prominent man has been guilty of, no sooner does the breath leave his 
body than a good-tempered conspiracy arises to speak *' gently of the 
dead." His misdeeds are forgotten ; his good ones (if he had any) are 
stretched out, made much of, and glorified. And this may have been 
justified in the earl's case, although there have been some modern 
instances in which this sort of posthumous flattery was very much out of 

The earl, although his estates were confiscated to the Crown, was 
looked upon as a martyr, and canonised as a saint Even Edward, who 
had sent him to the block, was not without remorse, for, when 
entreated by his courtiers to spare the life of one of his menials who had 
done some wrong, he bitterly retorted, " A plague upon you, for cursed 
whisperers, malicious backbiters, wicked counsellors ! entreat you so for 
the life of a most notorious knave who would not speak one word for 
the life of my near kinsman, that most noble knight Earl Thomas ? " 
With the people he was a favourite in life; in death, they first 
spontaneously made him a saint Processions were made to his shrine ; 
prayers were put up for his aid. The reverence paid to his name, and 
the affection given to his memory were so great both in extent and 
degree, that the Archbishop of York was at length compelled to 
interdict f hem. The act of interdiction was a mean exercise of authority. 

But it was with the unfortunate King Richard that Pomfret Castle was 
most pitilessly associated. During his reign he dabbled in tyranny and 
injustice, apparently with as much glee as a child dabbles its chubby 
hands in water ; but tyranny and injustice often make a rod — 2l scourge 
— ^for those who indulge in such treacherous luxuries, as Richard found 
to his cost. Outwitted by Bolingbroke, and deprived of his crown, the 
deposed sovereign was kept in durance lest he should do some mischief. 
According to Harding's Chronicles, 

The King then sent King Richard to Leedis, 
There to be kept surely in previte. 
Fro' thens after to Pykering wente he needis, 
And to Knaresburgh, after he led was he, 
But to Pomfret last, where he did die. 

Though somewhat crude as poetry, these lines clearly indicate that after 
his imprisonment at Leeds (not the thriving manufacturing town in 
Yorkshire, but Leeds in Kent) Richard was eventually removed to 
Pomfret, and for ever bade adieu to his liberty. Of his misery much is 
said in a curious ballad, of which the following is an extract : — 

When Richard the Second in England was king. 

And reign'd with honour and state, 
Six uncles he had, his grandfather's sons, 

Eang Edward that ruled of late ; 
All councellors noble and sage. 
Yet would he not hear 
Their precepts dear, 
So wilful he was in this his young age. 


A sort of brave gallants he kept ia his court. 

That trained him to wanton delights, 
Which parasites pleased him better in mind, 

Than all his best nobles and knights ; 
Ambition and avarice grew 
So great in tliis land. 
That still from his hand 
A m^s of rich treasure his parasites drew. 

His peers and his barons dishonoured were, 

And upstarts thus mounted on high ; 
His commons sore taxed, his cities oppressed. 

Good subjects were nothing set by ; 
And what to his coffers did come, 
He wantonly spent 
To please with content 
His flattering upstarts, still sporting at home. 

When thus unto ruin this kingdom b^an 

To fall from the highest estate. 
The nobles of England their prince's amiss 

By Parliament soon did rebate ; 
And likewise those flatterers all. 
They banish'd the Court 
That made but a sport 
To see this so famous a kingdom to falL 

But after these gallants degraded were thus, 

King Richard himself was put down ; 
And BuUinbrook, Lancaster's noble-bom duke, 

By policy purchased his crown. 
Thus civil wars here begun. 

That could have no end, 
By foe nor by friend, 
Till seven kings* reigns, with their lives were outrun. 

But Richard, the breeder of all these same broils. 

In prison was wofully cast. 
Where long he complained in sorrowful sort. 

Of kingly authority past. 
No lords nor no subjects had he, 
No glory, no state. 
That early and late 
Upon him attending had wont for to be. 

His robes were converted to garments so old, 

That beggars them hardly would wear ; 
His diet no comfort at all to him brought, 

For he fed upon sorrow and care. 
And from prison to prison was sent. 
Each day and each night, 
To work him despite. 
That, wearied with sorrows, he still might lament. 

Poor King, thus abused, he was at the last 

To Pomfret in Yorkshire conveyed, 
And there in a dungeon full low in the ground, 

Unpitied, he nightly was laid. 

The ballad, in language which to say the least is rather topsy-turvy, 
continues by observing that no one for Richard* s misery grieved, and 
that the monarch who had usurped his throne, feeling restless and dis- 


quieted so long as the fallen monarch lived, took care he should be 
secretly murdered. History, however, differs as to the manner of his 
death. Polydore Vergil remarks " That his diet being served in, and 
set before him in the wonted princely manner, he was not suffered to 
taste or touch thereof, and so died of famine." It is stated, too, by Sir 
John Fortescue, that " Richard died a death never before that time 
known in England ;" and in Stowe's Annals appears the extraordinary 
assertion that he was '' fifteen dayes and nightes kepte in hunger, thyrste, 
and cold till he dyed." If he really did survive fifteen days under such 
torturing conditions, his constitution must have been a splendid one ; 
but, painful as it is to doubt the veracity of any historian, it is difficult 
to believe that an ordinary man — much less a monarch who had had 
every whim gratified — could struggle so long with the worst and most 
relentless of all enemies — famine ! Gray, the poet, nevertheless, was 
firmly impressed with the idea that he died of starvation, and he has given 
a vivid picture in verse of the hungering King : — 

Fill high the sparkling bowl, 

The rich repast prepare, 
Reft of a crown, he yet may share the feast ; 

Close by the regal chair 

Fell thirst and famine scowl, 
A baleful smile upon their baffled guest 

There is, however, another story of the King*s death- that he was 
actually murdered. On the day fixed for the grim deed, says one 
chronicler, Richard sat down to a dinner that surprised him — a 
sumptuous repast. His dessert, alas ! was a terrible one, for Sir Piers 
of Exton " entered the chamber well armed, with eight tall men likewise 
armed, every one of them carrying a bill in his hand. King Richard, 
perceiving this, put the table from him, and, stepping to the foremost 
man, wrung the bill out of his hands, and, so valiantly defended himself 
that he slew four of those who came to assail him. Sir Piers, being half 
dismayed, herewith leapt into the chair where King Richard was wont 
to sit, while the other persons fought with him and chased him about 
the chamber. And, in conclusion, as King Richard traversed his ground 
from one side of the chamber to another, and, coming by the chair where 
Sir Piers stood, he was felled with a stroke of a poll axe, which Sir Piers 
gave him upon the head, and therewith rid him out of life." 

It was at Pomfret, in 1460-61, just after the battle of Wakefield, 
that Queen Margaret sent several captive knights, **and most unwomanly 
in cold blood caused them to be beheaded ; " nor were these the only 
heads by many cut off within the Castle during the next few years, when 
malice and cruelty were rampant and the executioner had littie leisure. 
When the quieter times came in the reign of Henry VII., the military 
rigour of the castje does not seem to have been abated. In 1485, Sir 
John Everyngham is appointed to the office of Constable and porter of 
the Castle of Pountfreit, to hold for the term of his life with all fees, 
wages, &c., belonging thereto. At the same time Nicholas Leventhorpe 


is granted the office of receiver of the honours and lordships of Ponte- 
fract and Knaresborough, to hold them during the King's pleasure ; and 
he is also appointed keeper of the artillery within the Castle of Pontefract 
for the term of his life. We find from writs and grants " given at the 
Castle of Pountfret " that Henry VII. was stopping there in the months 
of June, July, and August, 1487. 

Nor was the Castle of Pomfret a quiet resort in the troublous reign 
of King Charles I. It was twice besieged, and no acts of gallantry and 
daring in modern times could exceed the valour displayed there 
during the civil war. Besiegers and besieged entered into a competition 
of temerity, and human life was held very cheap. In the second siege 
everybody seemed to grow almost ridiculously foolhardy. John Nelson, 
a tailor (who after this shall say that a tailor is only the ninth part of a 
man ?), '* being sent across the street for some ale in a flagon, was return- 
ing with it, and had got within the threshold of the door, when a cannon 
ball struck off his leg ; yet he did not fall, but hopped in wtth the ale!"^ 
And one of the enemy impudently smoking his pipe on Primrose 
Close, as if to tantalise the besieged, was punished for his audacity, 
being killed by a musket shot from the Castle. One of the garrison 
actually forfeited his life for fourpence — and did not get the money. 
In order to preserve the cattle the governor of the fortress gave fourpence 
to each man who brought a bundle of fodder into the Castle. A soldier, 
who evidently thought he had a charmed life, ventured six times into 
the meadows, and brought safely back six bundles of grass. Determined 
to gather still another bundle, he sallied forth again, when he " was shot 
by the enemy, and afterwards run through with a halberd." So fond 
of fighting were the occupants of the Castle, that they now and then had 
a combat among themselves, and at length it was found necessary to 
enact a stringent order, " That no gentleman, officer, or soldier fight 
any duel ; and whosoever is challenged to forbear to fight and make the 
governor acquainted with the same, resigning himself to him, or appeal- 
ing to the board for satisfaction, on pain of death." Is there any 
wonder, then, with such a martial spirit prevailing, that Pomfret— now 
so easy-going and restful that it is converting the environs of the Castle 
into a pleasure-ground — ^was the " last garrison in England that held out 
against the Parliament," and drove Cromwell, ironside and phlegmatic 
though he was, almost to his wits' end ? 

From the Yorkshire Weekly Post 


Your as she yields along, amongst the parks and groves. 
In Middleham's amorous eye, as wanderingly she roves. 

Although the size and extent of Middleham Castle are but 
moderate for the figure it has made in local story, and the rank and 
power of the succession of great barons who built, augmented, and have 
inhabited it, it is in itself a remarkable buildings and presents much of 
antiquarian interest. It is placed on the southern edge of the town of 
Middleham, and a little above it. Its immediate position presents no 
great natural advantages, but for the general defence of Wensley Dale it 
is not ill chosen, standing between the Yore and the Cover, about a 
mile and a half above the junction of the two streams. As already stated 
Middleham has during historic times been a strategic point in the 
occupation and defence of the district, it having been held in force very 
probably by the Celts, but certainly by their successors. After the 
Conquest, Middleham was a part of the broad territory, granted by the 
Conqueror to Alan Fergaunt, the founder of Richmond Castle and lord of 
that extensive manor, stepping thus into the seat of the English Earl 
Edwin, which he shifted from the adjacent Gilling. His younger son, 
Ribald, had Middleham for his especial heirship, by the gift of the second 
Alan, his brother. Ribald was followed by Ralph, his son, and he by 
Robert Fitz Ralph, or Ranulph, who married Helewisia, daughter of 
Ranulph de Glanville ; he is the reputed builder of the Keep in the 
2d and 3d Richard I., 1190-1. 

When the castellated structure, whose ruins are so full of interest to 
us, was first erected on these heights, apart from the ancient military 
station already described, history sufficently tells ; but what was the 
appearance of the manor in Edward the Confessor's day, when it 
belonged to the Danish chieftain Gilpatric, we know but little. The 
chieftain had then a dwelling in Middleham, easily capable of defence, 
as most likely also had his Anglian predecessor, who affixed to his 
station the ham of its name. This dwelling was in all likelihood on the 
site of the old earthworks, and, according to the notions of those days, 
a thoroughly fortified post. . It must have continued the seat of the 
garrison for more than a century after the Conquest, and have sheltered 
Ribald afler he had become lord of the estate. Ribald, " who was born 
in the parts beyond sea," turned away from the knightly career for his 
soul's sake, and died a monk within the walls of St. Mary's Abbey, York. 
By his wife Beatrice, he had a son, Ralph, sumamed Taylbois, that is the 
*' wood-chopper " which may perhaps be read as the scornful nickname of 
one who preferred to be a useful colonist and land-reclaimer, rather than a 
soldier. We are thankful for that nickname ; it is more illustrative of 
English history than a volume of monkish chronicles. Ralph Taylbois 
married Agatha, daughter of Robert Brus, of Skelton. Earl Stephen, uncle 
of this Ralph, confirmed to him the gift of Middleham by charter, and the 
delivery of a Danish hatchet— a most interesiling feature as indicating 


the double value of the weapon the wood-chopper was using so 
differently from the method of his Norse ancestors, which might also 
easily be the method of his Norse vassals. By his wife Agatha, Ralph 
had his son Robert, the Iprd of Middleham, to whom Conan, Earl of 
Richmond, gave the forest of Wensleydale with all common of pasture — 
so that there might be more wood-chopping for fruitful purposes. 
Robert married Helewisia, daughter and heiress of Ralph de Olanville, 
lord of Coverham, the distinguished Chief Justice. 

The erection of the stronger Norman citadel as a substitute for the 
ancient military-post, was clearly due to turbulence in the dale. The 
steps may yet be traced m the history of the paramount fortress at 
Richmond. The local troubles of the dalesmen found sympathy at Rich- 
mond, where some disturbance of the King's peace had evidently taken 
place. In 1201, Alan the son of Roald, rendered account of 300 marks 
and 3 palfreys, for that the King should return to him the custody of 
the Castle of Richmond, as he had the right of having and holding so 
long as he shall well and lawfully serve. In the same year, Roald, the 
son of Alan, rendered account of ^^32 los. for his relief of the land 
which he held of the King of the honour of Richmond. He paid into the 
Treasury ;;^ 1 6, and owed ;^ 1 6 los. He also rendered account of 13 
marks for fine of six and a half knight's fees, of the fee of the Countess 
of Britanny. He paid into the Treasury 6^ marks and owed the same 
amount. In 1202, the very time above referred to, and evidently a 
consequence of the common grievfeinoe, Galfrid de Welle was summoned 
to show by what advowson he held himself in the moiety of the church 
of Wandesley, the advowson of which Osbert Fitz Nigel, son of 
Alexander, said belonged to him. Galfrid alleged that he held himself 
in that moiety by the presentation of Gwiemar, son of Warin, and by 
the installation of Roger, formerly (i 154-91) Archbishop of York. 
There was some corruption about this matter, for in 1205, Hugh 
Malbisse gives a palfrey to overcome 1 2 jurors by 24, they having falsely 
sworn as he alleged in recognisance upon the moiety of the church of 
Wendesleia, upon which Osbert Fitz Nigel was arraigned- The court 
decided that Osbert may have his presentation to a moiety of the church 
of Wendesle, Hugh Malebisse being cast in damages {Add. Plac. 35, 52). 
It is very probable that the military works of the Castle received their 
first great development at this period, when it would seem that the 
dalesmen were in revolt, and perhaps abetted by their chieftains. It is 
certain that local government had then to be transferred to other hands. 
In 1204, the King granted to R., Earl of Chester, all the hereditaments 
of the honour of Richmond, or Kichmondshire, except certain knights' 
fees, one of which it may be was the fee of East Witton, granted to 
Robert de Tateshal. I'he Earl appears to have remained in command 
until 1 2 13, when the honour was given to Simon de Insula (Ca/. Rot, 
Pat 4). Knaresbororgh, it will be remembered, was developed at the 
same period. 

These dissensions are traced in other local matters. Helewisia, 
daughter and heiress of Radulph de Glanville, Lord of Coverham, with 


the assent of Waleran, her son and heir then living, founded the monas- 
tery of Praemonstratensian canons at Swaneby — ^an expiatory act 
possibly for the soul of her father, who died at the siege of Acre in 1190. 
Waleran, to whom Pope Alexander III. granted a bull as to the founder 
of Swaneby, died on the 9th March, 11 95. After the foundation of the 
Abbey of Coverham, his bones were transferred thither from Swaneby. 
Ralph, son of Robert, Txjrd of Middleham and brother of Waleran, 
having disputes with the Canons of Swaneby, " multis habitis alterca- 
tionibus inter ipsum et canonicos," removed the canons to Coverham, 
and bestowed upon them the church of Coverham and several other 
lands and tenements by fine in the court of King John. He died in 
1215, and was buried at Coverham. It is stated in the HarL M^,, 793, 
" To Robert, son of Ralph, and to his heirs, Conan Earl of Britanny, 
gave the forestry of Wensleydale, with the common of pasture. This 
Robert founded and built in his time the Castle of Middleham. He 
married Helewisia (Alice), daughter of Ralph de Glanville, Lord of 
Coverham, who bore azure semee of croslets d ttois croissez^ pearle. 
Ralph, son of Robert and Alice, being dead, there remained this Ralph, 
son of Robert, third brother and heir of the said Waleran, and Ralph in 
ward and custody of Hubert Walter, whom the said Hubert delivered 
to Theobald de Valoynes with his forests and all his lands, who being 
then Archdeacon of Salisbury was ordained to be sub-deacon, and by 
the Pope's dispensation recalled." Hubert Fitz Walter, clerk to 
Ranulph de Glanville was presented to the deanery of York by the 
King in 11 86. Richard created him Bishop of Salisbury in 11 89. He 
served in the crusade. 

In agreement with the above statements there appears to have been 
a series of breaks in the succession, perhaps owing to these minorities or 
to the disruptions of local affairs. It now, however, becomes certain 
that Middleham Castle was a finished fortress, and held by the usual 
train of feudal officers and garrison. On the 17th February, 12 16, when 
King John was stopping at Knaresborough, he orders the constable of 
Richmond that the Castle of Middleham shall be freed to the custody 
of Nicholas de Stapleton, and placed in him, the said Nicholas, as con- 
cerning his kinfolk — de gente «/«— according as it shall seem expedient. 
Therefore, he shall well hold for the benefit and honour, and do with 
that castle what the King commands him ; and the said Nicholas for 
Galfrid de Neville, the King's Chamberlain, and by letters patent. 
Galfrid, the Chamberlain, was a man possessing power over the fickle 
King> and we may attribute to his hold and influence* the connexion 
with the Fitz Ranulphs, which led to the marriage of Robert de Neville 
with Mary, the heiress, and the acquisition by them of the estates. 

The Castle, though it has been described " as an object, the noblest 
work of man in the county of Richmond," is not so grandly placed as 
that of Richmond, with its rugged masses rising proudly and sternly 
above the lovely valley at its feet. But Middleham, seated on its 
rocky crest, sweeps Wensleydale, and of old has been the visible beacon 


tov^er and rallying place of the dale. It commands a very wide stretch 
of country, including a splendid view across the Yore— a view which, 
beautiful though it be, commended itself less to the founder than the 
strategic importance of the site. The little town of Middleham is high, 
but the Castle is higher, as the head towering over the body which is 
secondary to it. Its grey ruins stand out picturesquely against the sky. 
According to our best knowledge, the town had there nestled for two 
centuries of the feudal grandeur of the castle before it spread beyond 
the influence of a village, and reached the importance of a town ; for it 
does not appear to have received any charter until 1390, when Ralph de 
Neville obtained a grant of a market and fair. 

In plan Middleham is rectangular, composed of a keep about 100 
ft. north and south by 80 ft. east and west, and to the base of its parapet 
about ss ft high, which is placed in the centre of an enceinte^ also rect- 
angular, 240 ft. north and south by 190 ft. east and west, so that the 
area of its only ward is but limited. The enceinte is a curtain wall, about 
30 ft high. At its north-west and south-east angles it has rectangular 
towers of slight external projection, which rise above the curtain. Its 
south-west angle is capped by a drum tower of three stages, and on the 
north face, but at its northeast angle is the gatehouse, rectangular, of 
slight projection, but four stages high, basement included. The east 
curtain has been destroyed. Upon the south and west curtains are 
many exterior projections, buttresses, and near the centre of each a 
rectangular tower. The domestic buildings were chiefly placed against 
the curtains on the north, west, and south sides, and thus the ward is 
reduced to a mere passage between these buildings and the keep. The 
gatehouse is about 25 ft. deep by 50 ft. broad. It has in its exterior 
front a central portal, round-headed, beneath a pointed arch of relief. 
This is flanked by buttresses, 2 ft. broad by i ft. deep, and the adjacent 
angles of the building are supported by similar buttresses, two being set 
on each. At the first story these pass into a single buttress, which caps 
the angle, — a pleasing arrangement, giving variety to the outline. The 
entrance vault, like the gateway, is round-headed, with ribs for doors ; it 
it has a single portcullis groove at its inner-end. It is all of one date, 
and in the Decorated style. This gatehouse, and the buildings of the 
ward generally, are Decorated, and require far more examination than 
the writer has been able to bestow upon them. The Keep is rein- 
forced at the four angles by broad, flat capping buttresses, of variable 
breadth and projection, and which, no doubt, rose above the battlement 
into rectangular turrets. The buttress on the north-east angle has a 
breadth of 26 ft. on the north with a projection of 7 ft., and to ihe east 
a breadth of 16 ft. with a projection of i ft. It contains the chamber 
communicating with the battlement of the outer gate of the barbican, 
and below is solid. The buttress on the north-west angle has to the 
north a breadth of 22 ft. with a projection of 3 ft., and to the west a 
breadth of 1 2 ft. and a depth of i ft. On the south-west angle the 
breadth of the west face is 14 ft., and of the south 1 1 ft., and the depth 


of each is i ft The south-east angle, as at Rochester, contains the stair- 
case. It has no projection on the east-face, being covered by the 
barbican. On the south, its breadth is 20 ft., its depth 6 ft. This alone 
preserves the remains of a turret above the battlements. Excepting the 
stair-turret, the angles of the keep seem solid below, though worked into 
chambers on the first floor. There are also projections on the west and 
south wall. That on the west has a depth of 12 ft., and a breadth of 
18 ft. The lower story is broken away ; it was hollow, and looks as 
though meant for a gigantic cesspit. The upper part hangs unsupported 
save by the cohesion of its cement, and greatly needs conservation. This 
turret is about 51 ft. from the north end, and 31 ft. from the south. The 
projection on the south wall is 12 ft. broad, and 8 ft. deep. It is placed 
24 ft. from the west, and 44 ft. from the east angle, coinciding with the 
partition-wall within. The turret is hollow, and forms a great shaft for 
garderobes in the upper stories. In its face, at the ground level, is a 
round-headed arch, of 3 ft opening, and 4 ft high, the outlet of the 
sewer, but above ground. These two turrets at present cease at the 
level of the parapet, but probably rose sufficiently above it to cover a 
garderobe. The keep has a plinth on the north, west, and south sides. 
The east face is covered by the barbican or tower of entrance, and which, 
as was not uncommon, contained the chapel. The walls are about 9 ft. 

The keep has a basement floor at the ground level, and a first or 
state floor, and on the east side an upper floor. The structure is built 
of coursed rubble, with ashlar quoins and dressings. As regards the age 
of the several parts of the Castle, the keep is plainly late Norman, and 
likely enough the work of Robert Fitz Ranulph, Lord of Middleham 
in 1190. To his immediate descendants are certainly due the earlier 
alterations, especially the chapel before the extinction of the family in 
1 25 1. The Decorated and later work is mostly of excellent ashlar. The 
keep is divided by a wall 9 ft. thick into two unequal parts, that to the east 
being 29 ft , and that to the west 24 ft broad, each being about 84 ft. 
long. A well stair 1 2 ft. in diameter, ascended in the south-east angle from 
the basement to the battlements, lighted by loops, and with doors to 
each floor. The east chamber, into which this stair opens by a large and 
apparently round-headed door, now broken, was vaulted in two lines, 
resting upon five cylindrical piers, about 3 ft. 6 in. each in diameter, 
and averaging 14 ft. from centre to centre. The vault seems to have 
been a barrel groined. At each end were two square-headed loops, 
high above the floor, with stepped recesses. The east wall contains only 
three square lockers, and the door of the staircase. Thej west or par- 
tition-wall is pierced by five openings, about 4 ft. broad, and round- 
headed, three to the north, and two to the south of the thick solid 
central part. Probably these were introduced to lighten the work, and 
all but one or two thinly walled up. One must have been a doorway, as 
from the eastern lay the only communication with the western chamber. 
The western chamber seems to have been spanned by a single vault, 


apparently slightly pointed and groined in six bays. In each end is a 
single square-headed loop. On the west side are seven loops, the central 
part being occupied by the unpierced rear wall of the turret already 

First floor, east side. This was evidently the hall. It is very lofty, 
and in its north end is a round-headed window of 2 ft. opening, and 7 
ft. high to the springing. In the south end are two similar windows, 
but about 14 ft long, and a curious water-drain between them and the 
door. This, the door from the stair, is plain round-headed, and 6 ft. 
opening. Close north of it is a similar door, of 7 ft. opening, quite plain, 
and without a portcullis. This is the main entrance, and opens from 
the barbican tower. Beyond this is a short window, and then three 
long ones, like those at the north end, so arranged as to open clear of 
the exterior barbican stair. The west wall has an opening at each ehd, 
the bulk of the wall being solid. The northern of the two openings was 
probably the great door of passage between the rooms ; the southern 
communicated with the garderobe in the south wall. In the north-east 
angle is a very curious mural chamber, 1 2 ft. east and west, by 9 ft. 
north and south, ^ vaulted in a single groined bay, round-headed, and 
springing from half-octagon brackets in the angles, each the cap of a 
detached shaft, now removed. In the north wall are two, and in the 
east one loop. A door into the south wall opens into the north end of 
the hall, and one in the east wall passes obliquely through the wall, and 
evidently led to the battlements of the outer gate of the barbican, over 
the foot of its staircase. This room is much broken, but its fittings are 
original, and late Norman. It may be referred to the period when the 
Earl of Chester was in command, during the troubles of John's reign. 
If the hall had a fireplace in masonry, it was in the west wall, at a part 
recently repaired. It is not clear how the hall was roofed ; possibly the 
original covering was a high-pitched roof, with the battlements above, 
but at present the side wsdls carry a table, with corbels of a plain billet 
moulding, on which an upper wall, about 12 ft. high, is advanced 6 in. 
In these walls are large window openings, with segmental arches, three 
on each side, which must have opened clear of the roof of the west 
chamber, and upon the battlements on the east side. In the south end, 
above the two narrow windows mentioned, is a third smaller one, as 
though to light a roof of high pitch. There are no corbels for principals, 
and no holes for main beams, but above the corbel table on each side is 
a range of holes, about 9 in. square, and as much apart, neatly stopped 
with ashlar, as though an original flat roof had been removed, and a 
roof of high pitch introduced. However this n-ay have been, the win- 
dows of the side walls are clearly additional, and belonged to a second 
floor. Altogether the history of this roof is very obscure, and demands 
a close local investigation. The upper door in the well stair is not at a 
level to suit a second floor, nor consistent with a high-pitched roof. 

First floor, west side. In the north end is a round-headed 
window, 2 ft. opening, by 7 ft. high, and a door into a now inaccessible 


mural chamber in the north-west angle. At the south end are two 
similar windows, and a door into a chamber in the south-west angle. 
In the east wall are the two broken doorways already mentioned, and 
the broken tunnels of two, if not of three, large fireplaces, the shafts of 
which, much broken, still rise clear to the roof. The fireplaces are 
gone, and the wall has been much patched recently to give it support. 
There are two rather curious lockers in this wall. In the west wall there 
seem to have been four round-headed windows of 2ft. opening, and 7ft. 
high, and near the middle is a door opening into the middle buttress 
tower, which contains two chambers of unequal size. These are not 
accessible, but one was probably a large garderobe, and the other may 
have been the way to a small drawbridge, opening from the keep upon a 
rectangular tower in the ward, not 12 ft. distant, so as to give direct pas- 
sage from the keep to the outer walls. In the keep wall, north of this 
tower, is a large segmental-arched window, evidently an insertion, 
probably the work of Richard III. In the north-west and south-west 
angles, as already mentioned, are mural chambers, not accessible. 
There do not appear to be any galleries in the wall This west chamber 
was probably divided by a brattice, and the north part used as a with- 
drawing-room from the hall. There does not appear to have been a 
second floor on this side. It is, however, curious that there should be 
no corbels, nor any of the usual indications of the principals of an 
ordinary open roof. In each side wall, high up, is a row of holes, about 
9 in. square and 18 in. from centre to centre, so that probably the roof 
was flat, or, at any rate, was composed of heavy rafters, without prin- 

The approach seems to have been, as at Rochester, Scarborough, 
and elsewhere, by a flight of stone steps built against the wall, com- 
mencing, in this case, about loft. from its northern end, and rising 
about 2oft. to a vestibule, upon which opened, right and left, the great 
door of the keep, and that of the chapel. The staircase was about 9ft. 
broad, and 45ft. or 50ft. long to the vestibule. It seems to have been 
protected by a side wall, reducing the actual stair-breadth to (say) 5ft. 
or 6ft., and to have been either vaulted or roofed with timber. Its 
lower gate must have opened beneath a small tower, the battlements 
of which were reached from the chamber in the north-east angle of the 
keep. About half-way up the staircase, past what, from the appearance 
of the wall, seems to have been a second gate, in the keep wall is a 
large cavity capable of holding comfortably twenty men, evidently as a 
guard in case the entrance should be forced. Higher up, where the 
staircase landed on the vestibule, there seems to have been a third door. 
The vestibule is part of the second floor of the usual rectangular 
barbican tower built against the keep, about 12ft. from the south end of 
the east face. This tower measures about 33ft. north and south, and 
about 48ft. east and west. It rose about two-thirds of the height of the 
keep, and is divided into a basement or sulM:rypt, an upper crypf, and a 
chapel and vestibule floor. The basement is at the ground level. Next 



the keep, or rather, next the solid mass of masonry which supports the 
stairs and vestibule, is the sub-crypt, 20ft. north and south, by 24ft. 
east and west. Beyond, that is, east of it, a passage runs right through 
the building, 5ft. broad, with a door at each end ; and beyond this are 
the ruins of a small chamber, which probably reached to the outer 
curtain wall. The passage gave a communication between the north 
and south parts of the ward, otherwise divided, on this side, by the 
barbican tower, and from this passage a door led into the sub-crypt 
This room was vaulted in two lines in eight bays, springing from a 
central line of three columns, now gone. The arch gables show that the 
vault was round-headed. In the south wall at the west end is a well- 
stair leading to the upper crypt, and the only way to it. The sub-crypt 
is lighted by two small round-headed Norman windows in each of the 
two open faces, one at each side of an exterior plain pilaster buttress, 
3ft. broad by 3ft. deep. > 

The first floor, or upper crypt, extended eastward over the passage 
the whole length of the barbican, and was 20ft. broad, and probably 40ft. 
long inside. This also was vaulted, but the vault spanned the whole 
breadth and formed two bays only. The ribs of the groining sprang from 
half-round mural pilasters. In the north wall, near the east end, is a 
fireplace. This floor had no communication with that above it. It was 
not uncommon for the basement of the barbican to be quite independent 
of the keep, and to be entered, as here, by an outer door of its own. 
The second floor of the barbican contained the chapel and the vestibule, 
this floor being on the level of the great entrance to the keep. Whether 
the vestibule was vaulted is uncertain; probably it was. It is about 20ft. 
north and south by 9ft. east and west, the entrance stair arriving at the 
north end, the keep door being on the west, and the chapel door on the 
east side. The chapel was loftier and vaulted in a lighter style than the 
crypts below. Its walls were 7ft. thick, and its area about 20ft. by 40ft. 
It was vaulted in two bays in a light style, probably Early English, and 
may be taken to mark the work executed during John*s reign, when the 
Wardenship of the castle was out of the hands of the family. The great 
door of the keep was plain Norman, but chamfered round the head and 
jambs. There are traces of caps, and probably there were two flanking 
shafts, but no mouldings or drip-stone. The walls of the barbican are, 
no doubt, mainly original, though the vaulting of the sub-crypt and 
crypt may have been renewed. The chapel probably replaces an earlier 

Middleham seems never to have had any works beyond the enceinte 
wall, save a slight ditch, of which traces remain on the south side only. 
On the east, a field road has superseded the ditch, as have some modern 
buildings on the west side. There is no present trace of either ditch or 
drawbridge on the north or town front. Not a little of the structural 
history of Middleham may be inferred from the history of the surround- 
ing fortresses. On the 8th July, 12 15, there is a patent concerning the 
non destruction of the Castle of Richmond ; but on the 3rd June, 12 16, 


we have another concerning the destruction of that castle if it cannot be 
held against the King's enemies (Cal. Rot, Pat,^ 7). The period of 
unsettled rule has extended a score years beyond this. In 1232, the 
Duke of Britanny and Earl of Richmond is granted the Castle of 
Bowes and a safe conduct ; and Hubert de Burg, Earl of Kent, the 
Castle of Horneby, with a pardon of flight and outlawry promulgated 
against him ; and a safe-conduct as a former enemy of the King. In 
1242 there is another patent for Margaret, Countess of Kent, of the 
Castle of Horneby. The honour of Richmond passed into the hands of 
Peter of Savoy, who, in 1246, obtained the forest of Wensledale, which 
lately belonged to Ranulf, son of Robert, as of Peter's honour of Rich- 
mond. Robert de Neville first appears upon the scene in 1255, when 
he has leave to hunt in the County of York. In 1260, he is appointed 
Justiciar of the forests beyond Trent. In 1262, he was appointed to 
high military command as the '* King's Captain " in the county of York 
and the other counties beyond Trent. In 1275, he held the Castle 
of Bamb.urg for the King, and in 1276 was appointed to that of 

No doubt the exterior ward is built on the side of a Norman 
enceinte^ and some of the original work may remain ; but this part of the 
fortress was completely recast by the Neviles, who married the Fitz- 
Ranulph heiress, and, no doubt, either by Robert, called the Peacock of 
the North, who had Middleham, &c., from his grandmother, and who 
died before 5 Ed. II., 1331, or by Ralph, Lord Nevile of Raby, his 
brother and successor, who died 41 Ed. III., 1367. It is a curious and 
probably unique fact that at Middleham there are the ruins of two 
separate and distinct castles, the ancient building standing within the 
later one, and not annexed to it. Of the later residence of Richard, 
Duke of York (Rich. III.) the traces are the large window opening on 
the west face of the keep, and perhaps the upper story on the east side 
of the same building, and certain details added to the ward. 

Ranulph Fitz-Robert was the founder of Coverham Abbey, " Near 
his manor-house of Middleham," and was there buried in 125 1 (31 Hen. 
III.), leaving Ralph Fitz-Ranulph, his son, who appears to have been 
Lord of Middleham Manor in 1264, when a summons was sent to 
Eustace de Baillol, Stephen de Neville, Peter de Brus, Robert de Neville, 
John de Baillol, Gilbert Haunsard, Ralph Fitz Ranulph, Adam de 
Ges'em, Robert de Stuteville, and other barons of the north, to repair to 
the King, having been drawn for the liberation of Prince Edward; and 
on account of their not having answered the summons, a safe-conduct 
was granted to them {CaL Rot, Pat,^ 37). There is an inquisition for 
the partition of his lands (55 Hen. III.), the year of his death. He left 
three daughters co-heirs, of whom, Mary, the eldest, married Robert de 
Nevile, and had Middleham. Ralph died (55 Hen. III.) 1271. It 
appears, by an inquisition under the name of Peter of Savoy, that 
Middleham was a fee owing suit of court to the honour of Richmond. 
18 Ed. I., Mary de Nevile is styled Domina de Middleham, and 13 Ed. 

244 0^^ YORKSHIRE. 

II. she had the manor. She lived till 14 Ed. II. (1320), having held 
Middleham for life. Their son was Ralph Nevile, who died 5 Ed. III. 
(1331), and who appears in an inquisition (i Ed. III.) as holding 
Middleham Manor and Castle. His son, Robert Nevile, the Peacock 
of the North, had from his grandmother the castle and manor 
of Middleham. He died without issue, before his father, leaving Ralph, 
his brother and heir, who died 41 Ed. III. This Ralph, Lord Nevile 
of Raby, took a very active part in all the public transactions of his time, 
both in war and peace. He died seized of the castle and manor 
of Middleham, and was the first layman buried in the Cathedral of 

The next lord was John, his son, also a great soldier and diploma- 
tist. He died 12 Rich. II., 1388, leaving Ralph, his son and heir, who 
added to the wealth and power of the family, and also held the castle, 
manor, and lordship of Middleham at his death in 4 Hen. VI., 1425. 
John, son of Ralph, died before his father, 1423, who was succeeded by 
his grandson, Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland, who died 2 Rich. III. 
Middleham, however, had passed to Richard Nevile, Earl of Salisbury, 
son of Earl Ralph, who died 4 Hen. VI., by his second wife, a daughter 
of John of Gaunt. The Earl of Salisbury, by an inquisition of 12 Rich. 
II., had then Middleham. This is the earl who, in 37 Hen. VI,, 
marched with 4,000 men from Middleham into Lancashire on his way 
to London, to obtain redress from the King and Queen for injuries done 
to his son. On this earl's forfeiture, before 38 Hen. VI., his Lancastrian 
kinsman. Sir John Nevile, was made constable of Middleham Castle, 
then in the Crown. Sir John fell at Towton, i Ed. IV., and his son 
Ralph became Earl of Westmoreland. But Middleham remained in the 
Crown. At Middleham, then in charge of Neviie, Archbishop of York, 
Edward IV. was confined by Richard, Earl of Warwick, the prelate's 
brother. Edward escaped when hunting in the park. After Barnet the 
castle was granted to Richard, Duke of Gloucester, to the exclusion of 
the male heirs of the Marquis of Montagu, Warwick's brother. Richard 
was much here ; he raised the rectory to a deanery, with a view to the 
foundation of a college ; and here his son Edward, Prince of Wales, was 
born. After Richard's death, Middleham fell to the Crown, and was 
leased to various persons. Finally it was sold to Mr. Wood, of Littleton, 
ancestor of the late owner, General Wood. Recently the keep was 
partially cleared of rubbish, and some of the most dangerous portions 
have been underpinned ; but a little more assistance of the same 
character is much needed, to save some of the most prominent features 
of the ruin from destruction.* 

The first deed of violence which history records as having happened 
within the frowning walls of old Middleham Castle, was the murder of 

* I owe this very excellent description of the structure of Middleham Castle to 
Mr. G. T, Clarke, F.S. A.; it is taken from the columns of the Builder^ to which that 
gentleman contributed it in 1874. 


its lord by his wife, Mary, co-heiress of the Fitz-Ranulphs. Ralph 
Fitz-Ranulph at the time of his death, in 1269 70, had three daughters: 
Mary, married to Robert Neville lord of Raby; Joan, married to 
Robert de Tateshale of Westwytton ;* and Anastasia, so called after 
her mother, a daughter of William Lord Percy, then within age and a 
King's ward. Anastasia, the mother, having declared on oath that she 
would not re-marry without the King's license, an extent of the lands 
was declared, and she had assigned to her in dower the lands of 
Thoraldby, Middleham, and Welle. The estates were divided. 
Middleham went to Mary and Welle to Joan ; they obtained possession 
on the 27th June, 1270. At the time of their father's death both the 
daughters and their husbands were youthful. Robert Neville paid into 
the Queen's garderobe ;£is 6s. 3d. for his relief in 1254. Anastasia, the 
youngest of the daughters, died without issue before 1272, and her share 
of the lands was afterwards equally divided between her sisters. Mary, wife 
of Robert de Neville, had borne him several children. Suspecting her 
husband of licentious familiarity with a lady in Craven, she caused him 
to be mutilated — genitalia pracidi fecerunt — so desperately that be died. 
It has, however, been said that the murder was committed by the husband 
of the lady with whom Neville had intrigued This is alleged to have 
been done in 1270. Robert de Neville was buried in Co verham Abbey. 
The widow was in possession of the Castle in 1280, in which year, 
as Mary of Middleham*— apparently scornful of the name of the 
betrayer — she is summoned to show by what warrant she had free warren 
in her manor of Middleham and free chase in Coverdale ; and in answer 
the fiery dame tells the Judges at York that she had those things as the 
heiress of Ralph Fitz-Ranulph. Her rule was one of power and rigour ; 
she was queen of the dale, and she made both her vassals and her 
neighbours know it. There is a list of the knight's fees of her seigniory 
of Middleham and Crakehall in the HarL MS^^ 3674. The great 
abilities of the Scropes, sub-tenants of the Fitz-Ranulfs, would scarcely 
have gained them their power and prominence had it not been for the 
stronger and wealthier hands of the lords of the fee, and especially of 
the imperious dame to whom the Nevilles also owe their power. If it 
was from her bosom that the great King-maker sprang, it was as cer- 
tainly from her munificence that the Chief Justice of the King's Bench 
obtained a start in life, by which he eventually established the line of 
Le Scrope of Masham. Their obligation to her is given in 

The charter of Mary de Neville, lady of Middleham, of homage and service for 

land in Coverham, &c. 
To all that shall see or hear this indented writing, Mary de Neville, lady of 

Middleham, greeting. Know ye that we have remitted, and altogether from 

* In 1243 there is a partition of the hereditaments of the Earl of Arundel among 
his co-heirs, viz., Robert de Tateshull, son of Robert de Tateshull, the eldest of the 
heirs of the Earl ; John, son of John son of Alan, the second heir ; Roger de Sumery, 
who married Nichola, sister and one of the heirs of the Earl, and Roger de Suthand*, 
who married the second sister and fourth heir. CVz/. Rot Pat 20. 


US and our heirs for ever quit-claimed to Geoffrey le Scrope, his heirs, &c., the 
homage and all other services and customs due to us of lands and tenements, 
with their appurtenances, which the same Geoffrey holds of us in demesne 
or in service in the towns or territories of Coverham, Caldebeigh, Akelthorpe, 
and Jamewick, so that neither we, nor any in our name, can for ever hence- 
forth exact, challenge, and have of the aforesaid Geoffrey, &c., homage, 
scutage, wardfhip, marriage, relief, fines, suit of county or any other services, 
customs, or burdens, by reason of the aforesaid tenements, saving only unto 
us and our heirs the fealty of the said Geoffrey and his heirs, and the rent of 
one barbed arrow to us and to our heirs, paid yearly on the birthday of the 
lord for ever, to be exacted of the said Geoffrey and his heirs by reason of 
the tenements aforesaid. In witness, &c., Sir Ranulf de Neville, Kt, 1312. 

Her hardness of heart towards the man who had wronged her was long 
before it softened into forgiveness.* She died in her widowhood, 14th 
£dw. II., 1320, and was buried in Coverham Abbey. She left Middleham 
to her grandson, Robert Neville, ** the Peacock of the North." The 
matter of free warren was not definitely settled until the year 1334, when 
Ralph de Neville obtained the King's leave to enclose and impark his 
woods of Sheriff- Hutton and Middleham, and also of making there a 
a deer leap for the game. It would, therefore, be at this time that the 
noble parks, afterwards to be mentioned, were first sundered from the 
original forest, and the precincts of the castle, first probably cleared by 
order of Ralph Taylebois the " wood chopper," were enclosed from the 
thickets beyond them. 

From this time the Nevilles grew in wealth and influence. Ralph 
Neville, hero of the battle of Neville's Cross fought in 1346, was a 
younger brother of the then lord of Middleham, while John, Lord 
Neville, who died in 1388, was one of the greatest warriors of his time. 
He was succeeded by Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland — " my 
cousin Westmoreland," who was promoted Earl of Richmond and 
Marshal of England. He figures prominently in Shakespeare's Henry IV, 
It was he who obtained the charter for the town, and built the second 
castle, the ruins of which surround what remains of the eyrie of the Fitz 
Ranulphs. It was probably the hereditary feud between the Nevilles 

* Her fomidation of the chantry is alluded to in the following : — Robert de 
Neville, rector of the church of Aykesgarth, greeting. We have inspected the 
letters of Edward King of England, of John de Britannia Earl of Richmond, and of 
the noble lady, Mary de Neville, lady of Middleham. The charter between the lady 
Mary on the one part, and the Abbot and Convent of Coverham on the other, 
witneFseth that the said lady Mary, for the health of her soul and of that of Robert de 
Neville, sometime her husband, hath given to the Abbot and Convent and to the 
church of Coverham, 50 acres, &c., in Great Crakehall, and that the said lady Mary 
hath given to the said Abbot and Convent all that messuage which Geofifrey de 
Church and Maud the laundress held in Thoraldby, with the service, and all the 
meadow in circuit of the great chapel situate in the town of Thoraldby, and pasture 
for four cows in the common of pasture of the same town, and twenty waggons of 
turves to be had every year in the turbary of the same'tovm, to have and to hold, &c. 
Witnesses, Sir Henry de Percy, Kt., &c. Robert de Neville, parson of Aykesgarth, 
hath granted that the said chantries maybe made and celebrated in the great chapel of 
Thoraldby, within his parish of Aykesgarth, by the said secular chaplains, according 
to the will of the said lady Mary. Dated 7th Edv/. II., 1313-4. HarL MS, 

MlDt>L£:HAM CASTLfi. 247 

and the Scropes, which prompted " my cousin Westmoreland " to plot 
the betrayal, in 1405, of Archbishop Scrope and his prominent supporters. 
The Archbishop and his friends had petitioned for the reformation of 
abuses, and had raised troops to enforce their demands. The insur- 
gents took the field, but without any concert. They were led by the 
Archbishop, who published a manifesto at York, Henry Percy Earl of 
Northumberland, Thomas Mowbray Earl Marshal, Thomas Lord 
Bardolf, and many others. The first to appear in arms were Sir John 
Falconberg, and three other knights in Cleveland. Ralph Neville, from 
Middleham, and Prince John of Lancaster, immediately dispersed their 
bands ; but when the Archbishop erected his standard at York, such 
multitudes crowded to it, that on the 9th May he found himself at the 
head of an army of 15,000 men encamped on Shipton Moor. They 
fixed on the doors of the churches in York and other places, a defiance 
of'the King, charging him with perjury, usurpation, murder, extortion, 
and the like. After the defeat of Falconberg's force, Westmoreland 
marched against them and came up with them in the forest of Galtres, 
on the 29th May. 

By subtle duplicity Westmoreland obtained a conference of the 
leaders of the rebellion, and having created hesitation in the insurgent 
ranks, eventually induced the leaders to order the dismissal of their 
troops. Having thus dispersed their military power, the Earl arrested 
the Archbishop, the Earl Marshal, and the other leaders who had come 
to the conference. King Henry had already arrived at Pontefract, and 
there, where the cruel fate of Richard II. was still the common talk, and 
a theme so suggestive of the King's unrelenting disposition, the 
insurgent leaders were brought before him. He ordered them to follow 
him to Bishopthorpe, the palace of the primate. There he commanded 
the Chief Justice Gascoigne to pronounce on them sentence of death ; 
but that upright and inflexible judge refused, declaring that he had no 
jurisdiction over either archbishop or earl, who must be tried by their 
peers. Sir William Fulthorpe was appointed on the spot Chief Justice 
of the King's Bench for the occasion. This pliant tool called them at 
once before him, and without any form of law, indictment, trial, or jury, 
on the 8th June, condemned them to be beheaded as traitors. The 
sentence was instantly carried into execution, with many circumstances 
of wanton and unworthy cruelty. At Durham he commanded the Lord 
Hastings, Lord Falconbridge, Sir John Coleville of the dale, and Sir 
John Griffith, to be beheaded for their share in the insurrection. 

There was a bittersupplement to this act of Westmoreland's treachery. 
The old Earl of Northumberland and Lord Bardolf, having vainly 
wandered from kingdom to kingdom, and hopelessly waited for any 
decisive support from Owen Glendower, their last patron, they deter- 
mined to make one more descent on England. The last hope of 
Northumberland was placed on his own people, and the co-operation of 
the exiled nobles and knights in Scotland. A correspondence was 
opened with Sir Thomas Rokeby, Sheriff of Yorkshire, who is said to 


have lured them on to make their defeat certain. They advanced from 

Scotland into Northumberland, surprised several castles, and raised the 

Percy tenantry who were attached to the old chief. Hence they marched 

on into Yorkshire, and, having reached Knarcsborough, were joined by 

Sir Nicholas Tempest. They crossed the Wharfe at Wetherby. Sir 

Thomas Rokeby, who appears to have hitherto allowed them uninterrupted 

progress, now followed them closely ,and brought them to action on Bram- 

ham Moor, and near Haselwood, 19 Feb., 1408. Northumberland was 

killed in the batde, and I^rd Bardolf taken prisoner, but so grievously 

wounded that he died in a few days. The bodies of the Earl and of 

Lord Bardolf were cut into quarters, which were sent to London and 

other towns, where they were exposed. Henry, on hearing the news, 

came to Pomfret, 8 April, where he continued fcr a month busily 

employed in punishing and fining the prisoners, and in collecting the 

money for which they compounded their delinquency. The supremacy 

of the Nevilles was now complete ; the meaning of it may be gathered 

from the following recommendation made by Parliament in 1454 : — 

** Considered the bloode, vertue, and cunnying that Maister George 

Neville, soon to th'£arle of Salesbury Chancellor of England is of, that 

he shold be recommised to the Holy Fadre for to be promoted to the 

next bishopriche that shall voide within this reaume." His flight to the 

archiepiscopal throne was rapid, almost restless. He was consecrated 

Archbishop of York in 1464. 

It was during the Wars of the Roses that Richard Neville — Warwick, 

** the King-Maker " — became possessed of Middleham. When the Duke 

of York found himself deprived of power in 1456, and left the Court, it 

was with the two Richard Nevilles, father and son. Earls of Salisbury 

and Warwick, that he retired to Middleham, where they held their 

plottings. When the queen learnt of this she sought to ensnare her 

most formidable enemies, and ordered them to attend a council at 

Coventry. These noblemen, apprehending no danger, set out on their 

journey with a moderate retinue. As they approached Coventry they 

were warned by the message of a secret friend at Court, who charged 

them to fly for their lives. They at once fled different ways with the 

greatest precipitation. The Duke of York took shelter in his Castle of 

Wigmore ; Salisbury returned to Middleham, while his son Warwick fled 

to his command at Calais. They were saved from immediate danger, 

but they were not reclaimed from conspiracy. Drayton tells us — 

And towards the Duke he speedy journey takes, 
Who then at Middleham made his next abode, 
Which Salisbury his habitation makes 

Whereas their time together they bestowed ; 
Whose courages the Earl of Warwick wakes 
When he to them his sudden danger showed. 
With a pale visage, and doth there disclose 
The brands set on him both in wounds and blows. 

With this direction Salisbury is sent 

Warwick to Calais, with such haste he may 
By his much speed a mischief to prevent 

Fearing the time might else be given away. 


The Duke of York by general consent 
At Middleham Castle they allot to stay, 

To raise a second power, if need should be, 
To re-enforce them or to set them free. 

It was at Middleham that Salisbury was plotting in 1459, after the battle 
of Bloreheath, while Warwick was in command at Calais, but equally a 

During the changes of these times Warwick frequently stayed at 
Middleham, surrounded by the pomp and circumstance which his 
lordly soul beloved. His manner of life here has been finely described 
by Lord Lytton in " The Last of the Barons." In that book, glowing 
with the rude splendour of feudalism, may be read how Warwick con- 
ducted to Middleham his father-in-law, Edward IV., who subsequently 
escaped therefrom. The king was as much a prisoner as a guest ; his 
heart may well have sometimes misgi\ en him within those gloomy walls. 

As a specimen of high-handed authority, deliberately pressed upon 
an opponent, and entirely opposed to conciliation, 1 may quote the 
experience of Sir John Neville, Kt., who in 1460 petitioned the queen 
for livery of his wife's lands. This petition " showeth unto your most 
noble grace John Nevyll, Kt., and Isabell his wyf, daghter and heire to 
Edmund Yngaldesthorp, Knyght, that late discesid, the which Edmund 
held time of his deth, of you in chief divers maners, landes, and tene- 
ments." John was described as of Myddelham ; he had had to find 
bond for ;^ 1,000 for this livery, although his wife was then above 14 
years, the legal age, and yet, notwithstanding that the bond was found, 
" the said John and Isabell no spede ne day could gitte ne hafe '* for 
the consideration of their grievance. Among the bondsmen we find 
Thomas Bekwyth de Clynte, armiger, Gerard Salvan, late of North- 
alverton, and Robert Babthorp, of Babthorp. The whole story may be 
read in the Hot. FarL, v., p. 387. 

There was a lively gathering at Middleham in May 1464, when the 
Duke of Somerset, endeavouring to raise a rebellion, '* gadred a grete 
peple of the northe contre. And Sere Jhon Nevelle, that tyme beynge 
Erie of Northumberlande, with 10,000 men come uppon them, and 
then the comoners fleede that were with them, and then the forsaide 
lordes were takene and afterwards behedede.'' These were the affairs 
which happened at Hedgley Moor and at Hexham. '" The Kyng lay in 
the Palois of York on the 27th May, the day of Holy Trinity, and kept 
his astate solemply ; and did there create he Sir Jhon Neville, Lord 
Mountage, Erie of Northumberland. And then my lorde of Warrwike 
toke upon hym the jorney, by the Kyng's commandment and authoritie, 
to resiste the Rebellion of the Northe, accompanyed with hym my sayde 
lorde of Northumberlond his brother. The 23 day of Juyne my saide 
lorde of Warrewike, with the puissaunce, came before the Castelle of 
Alwike, and at it delivered by appointment ; and also the Castell of 
Dunstanbourghe, where that my said lord kept the feast of Saint John 
Baptist. My saide lorde of Warrewike, and his broder Erie of North- 
umberland, the 25th day of Juyn, leyede siege unto the Castelle of Bam- 


burghe, there within being Sir Rauf Gray, with suche power as attended 
for to keepe the said Castelle agen the power of the Kinges and my said 
Lord." Bamburgh was carried by assault, " mawgrey Sir Rauf Grey 
and tooke hym, and brought hym to the Kynge to Doncastre. and there 
he was executed." Those who also suffered were — 15 May, decapitated 
at Exham, the Duke of Somerset, Edmund Fitz Hugh, Kt., Bradshaw, 
Walter Hunt, Blac Jakis; — 27th May, decapitated at Newcastle, Lord 
Hungerford, Lord Roos, Sir Thomas Fynderum, Edward de la Mare, 
Nicholas Massam ; — i8th May, at Middleham, were decapitated Sir Philip 
Wentworth, William Penyngton, Warde of Topcliffe, Oliver Wentworth, 
William Spilar, Thomas Hunt " le foteman of King Henry." At York 
there were beheaded, 25 May, Sir Thomas Husye, Thomas Goree, 
Robert Merfyan, John Butler, Roger Walter janitor of King Henry, 
Thomas Fenwyke, Robert Cokfeld, William Bryte, William Dawson, 
John Chapman ; and on the 27th John Elderbeck, Richard Cawerum, 
John Roselle, and Robert Conqueror. This fiasco brought King 
Edward to Middleham ; he stopped there for a week pr so, from the 14th 
June 1464 ; he was at York on the 23rd, and at Pontefract on the 9th 


It was at this period that Warwick's grandeur was more than 
princely. No less than 30,000 people are said to have lived daily at his 
board, at his different manors and castles. Stowe tells that ** when he 
came to London he held such an house that six oxen were eaten at a 
breakfast, and every tavern was full of his meat ; for who, that had any 
acquaintance in that house he should have as much sodden and rost as 
he might carry upon a long dagejer.*' It was but a short time before the 
rupture between the King and the most puissant Earl, who thereupon 
retired to his Castle of Middleham, which henceforth became the scene 
of intrigue and seat of ambition. At length came the fatal day of 
Barnet, Easter Sunday, 147 1, the Lancastrian complement of the miser- 
able Palm Sunday at Towton in 1461. The power of the barons was 
broken for ever. Their great leader lay dead upon the field. Upon the 
death of Warwick, M iddleham Castle fell to his daughter Annie, widow 
of Edward Prince of Wales, stabbed "on the field of Tewkesbury" by 
that heroic monster, Richard IIL She was therefore daughter-in-law to 
Henry VI., who was barbarously done to death by the order, if not by the 
hand, of the same relentless villain, who, by the irony of fatev was destined 
to become her second husband. Among the first patents of nth Edw. 
IV., 147 1, we find that the King granted to Richard, Duke of Glouces- 
ter, in special tail, viz., to his heirs male, the castles and manors of 
Middleham and Shyrefhoton in com. Ebor, the castle and domain of 
Penreth in Cumberland, and all the other manors and hereditaments 
which were specially entailed on Richard Neville, late Earl of Warwick, 
or upon any of his ancestors {CaL Rot Pat^ 316). 

Annie Neville's denunciation of Richard as the murderer of her 
husband and her father-in-law, is one of the most burning and scathing 
passages even in Shakespeare, "Thou dreadful monster of hell" — 


"diffused infection of a man" — ^are among the mildest epithets she 
applies to Crookback. Richard, after his wife had succeeded to Middle- 
ham, made it one of his favourite abodes, and there was born in 1473 
his only son, who, always sickly and delicate, died in one of the round 
towers in 1484. Shakespeare was no doubt thinking of the fate of 
this hapless child, who had been dead little more than a century, when 
he wrote Richard III., and put into the mouth of Annie Neville the 
tej:rible curse upon the offspring of him who was to be her second 
husband : — 

If ever he have child, abortive be it, 
Prodigious and untimely brought to light, 
Whose ugly and unnatural aspect 
May fright the hopeful mother at the view : 
And that be heir to his unhappiness ! 

It has been in the period between the erection of the second edifice 
and the days of the King-maker, that the Woodland surroundings of the 
castle were altered from their openness of the early days into the 
enclosures of the parks which became known to us before the end of 
the fifteenth century. The princely grandeur which flourished under 
the rule of the King-maker, was not long sustained. The dalesmen appear 
to have enjoyed some pomp and dignity whilst their fortress was the 
home of the King. On the 15th February, 1484, the King grants to 
James Metcalfe, Esq., the King's sergeant, for great pains, charges, and 
expenses^ not only in this kingdom and Scotland, but also, especially 
lately, about the acceptation of the crown and royal dignity of this king- 
dom, the office of master forester, or of master of the game, of the King's 
forests of Wynsladale, Bedale, and Bishopsdale, and the office of 
Keeper of the King's park of Woodhall in the County of York, and an 
annuity of ;^io, with the same office for life. But this period of regal 
sunshine was as short Hved as its author. The accession of Henry VII. 
was the demolition of the feudal magnificence of Middleham, the date of 
its decay as a palace and of its abandonment as a garrisoned fortress. 
On the 24th September, 1485, a grant for life is made to Robert, Lord 
Fitz Hugh, of the offices of steward of the franchises, constable of the 
Castle, and bailiff of the liberty of Richmond ; of steward of the lord- 
ship and constable of the Castle of Middleham ; of master forester of 
the parks, forests, and chases thereunto belonging ; of steward and con- 
stable of the castle and lordship of Barnard Castle, and of master 
forester of the parks, forests, and chases thereunto belonging. This was 
the first step in the reversal of the old order of things ; its import allowed 
of no misapprehension. 

On the 4th February, i486, there was a grant in survivorship to 
John Conyers, ** Knight for the King's body,'* and William Conyers, 
his kinsman and heir, in consideration of good and faithful services to 
the King, of the offices of bailiff of the franchise and liberty of Richmond, 
of steward, constable,and master of the forest of the same, together with 
the offices of constable of the castle of Middleham, with wages and fees 


of 200 marks a year out of the issues of the lordships of Scalepark, 
Raunde, Swaledale, Bowes, Arkylgarth, Thornton, and Erie Orchard. 
There has been a general appropriation of offices this year. The 
arrangements shew that for the first time the old feudal household was 
dispersed. Robert Carre, squire for the Kmg's body, is granted during 
pleasure the office of constable and porter of the castle, with the keeping 
of the park there, called Sonnescogh, "wherein our saide castell 
standith," with wages, fees, &c., out of the lordship of Middleham. 
Henry, Lord Clifford, is granted, also during pleasure, the offices of 
chief steward of the lordship of Middleham, of bailiff of the franchise of 
Richmond, and master of the royal game within the lordship. He 
is also granted an annuity of loo marks out of the issues of the 

Richard Conyers obtains a grant of an annuity of j£S, out of the 
issues of a messuage with a mill thereto annexed situate near the Castle 
of Middleham, which messuage Alice,late Countess of Salisbury ,purchased 
from Thomas Ulsage, and which is for certain reasons in the hands of the 
Crown. Henry Pudsey has a grant for life, " in consideration of the 
good and true service whiche oure trusty and well-beloved squire hathe 
done unto us," of the office of keeper of the park called Cottescough, 
within the lordship of Middleham. Henry Marton has a grant for life of 
the office of keeper of the park of Wanneles — Leland calls it Gaunlesse 
— ^with wajies and fees out of the issues of the lordship of Middleham. 
Thomas Makworth, one of the grooms of the King's chamber, has 
a grant for Jife, in consideration of true and faithful service, of the office 
of keeper of the park called the West Park of Middleham ; he was 
afterwards appointed bailiff of the town. Thomas Bourton, " yeoman of 
the stole unto our derrest wif the Quene," has a grant of the office of 
keeper of the park called Woodall, with wages out of the issues of the 
lordship ; and James Carre is made keeper of the park of Capilbank. 
Thomas Lynom is granted the offices of surveyor and receiver of the 
lordship with wages ; and Thomas Metcalfe has a similar grant of the 
office of surveyor of the Castle, and lordship, and of all manors and lord- 
ships within the liberties of Richmond, taking out of the issues thereof 
lo marks sterling per ann., for executing the same office. 

James Metcalfe, Esq., was similarly granted the office of master 
forester, or master of the game, within the forests of Wenslawdale, 
Radale, and Bishopdale, and of the office of keeper or parker of the 
park of Woodhall, in the forest of Wenslawdale, with;^io a year out of the 
issues of Middleham. as master forester, and 2d. a day as parker. A 
few months before this Thomas had been rather presuming upon the 
dignity of his office, fgr the King has to grant a pardon " to Thomas 
Metcalf, of Nappey, Esq.," touching all offences against the statutes 
forbidding badges, liveries of cloths and caps, and retinues, and a further 
pardon of suit of the King's peace touching all offences ; the like pardon 
having also to be extended to Mites Metcalf, of York. Thomas had 
also been in greater trouble, for in 1488 a general pardon had to be 
extended to him. 


In I^ambert Simners rebellion Middleham and its men took part. 
Pardon is extended to Thomas Otter of Middleham ; and Sir William 
Tyler, Kt., John Clerk, and Thomas Lynom receive the King's 
command to offer a pardon to the other V^orkshire rebels, especially 
those within the domains of Middleham and Richmond. This seems 
to have been one of the last efforts of the ancient life which with its close 
associations and clanship seem to be entirely breaking up. The 
appointment of stipendary officials is still continued. In 1487, 
Christopher Lightfote is granted for life, and in consideration of good 
service, the oflSce of bailiff of the lordship of Crakehall, with the keeper- 
ship of the woods of the lordship of Middleham, and to have the 
ancient and customary wages and emoluments. 

On the 26th Dec, 1487, there is a grant in reward of good service 
to Thomas Wortley, one of the Klnights of the King's body, of the 
offices of constable and porter of the Castle of Middleham, with custody 
of the park of S'wynneskewe, and of the garden there ; also of the offices 
of keeper of the wardrobe of the said Castle, and keeper of the waters 
called Somerwater there; the grant being made at the Castle of 
Pountfret. On the 24th Jan., 1487-8, Richard Cholmeley was appointed 
receiver general of the castles and manors of Shirefhoton, Middleham, 
and Richmond, Bernard, Cotynghara, Sandall, Hatfeld, Conesburgh, 
Wakefield, and all the lands belonging to Richard, late Duke of York, of 
all the manors of Raskall, Sutton, Eivyngton, Essyngwold, and Huby^ 
and to the office of camerarius of Berwick upon Tweed. Out of the 
rents he collected he had to pay ;^i833 6s. 8d., in equal portions at 
Michaelmas and Easter for the charges of the garrison of Berwick. 

In 1489, an annuity of 5 marks is granted during pleasure to Brian 
^Metcalf, in reward for his labour in collecting the King's rents and farms 
in the lordship of Middleham, and especially in the dales of v\ insla and 
Bisshoppdale. On the 26th Oct., 1534, John Thoroughgood, officer of 
the King's buttery, was appointed bow-bearer of Askylgarth-dale, under- 
steward of Middleham and Richmond, and one of the foresters of 
Coverdale, with 40/- a year as bow-bearer, 66/8 as under-steward, and 
30/4 as forester — on surrender by Nicholas Horneclife, of patent i8th 
Jan., 15 13, granting the same office to him and William Towers, now 
deceased. On the loth March, 1535, Ralph Bulmer has a lease of the 
farm called Slyghthouse, in the vill of Bowes, in the lordship of 
Middleham, parcel of the lands assigned for the pay of the garrison of 
Berwick, with reservations, at 66/8 a year and 2/- of increase, payable to 
the collector of Bowes. These alienations cannot have much reduced 
the principal emoluments, for in the reign of Que^n Mary, the steward- 
ship was sufficiently lucrative to tempt the foremost aristocracy of the 
neighbourhood to obtain it. In 1557, William Lord Dacre* writes to 
the Queen, that he had heard of the death of Lord Conyers, and solicits 
the office of steward of Richmondshire and Middleham. 

The magisterial duties of the castle officers — the constable 
especially — had not however entirely ceased in the changes of the times. 


A very curious circumstance is reported from Jervaulx on the 12th July, 
1535. Sir Francis Bigod writes to Cromwell that he was at Jervaulx 
Abbey, on Sunday nth, with Master Thomas Gerrarde, B.D., who 
preached there the true word of God before the Abbot and his brethren. 
While he was declaring the authority of every bishop and priest to remit 
sin, Dan George Laysinbye, one of the monks, interrupted him, and said 
the Bishop of Rome had the authority over all other bishops. He 
called the monk before him, and in the presence of the abbot and all 
the audience asked the cause of his foolishness. His answer was 
heretical and highly traitorous. Sir Francis caused the constable of 
Mydlem Castle to take him into custody till the King's pleasure be 
known. The Abbot and his brethren behaved like honest nien. By 
the Abbot's advice articles were exhibited to the monks, and they all 
made answer like true subjects. For this interruption and for main- 
taining that the Pope was the head of the church, the monk was 
denounced, the denunciation being signed by Adam, Abbot of Jervaux, 
Sir Francis Bigod, Thomas Fulthorpe, Edward Forest, Thomas Garrard, 
and by the monk himself, George Lasynby. 

A week's confinement in the dungeons of Middleham had but little 
effect on the spirit of the enthusiastic monk. Sir Francis, who was then 
making Middleham his head-quarters, again reports that he examined 
the monk, " who, I assure you, handled himself in defending yonder 
same idol and blood supper of Rome so boldly and stiffly as I never in 
all my days saw the like." But learning he has none. He would blind 
simple folks, and establish his treason with revelations, as he calls 
them. Sir Francis encloses one of the visions written with the monk's 
own hand, which, as an exceeding curiosity, I print — 

Dan George Laysyngby, monk of Jorovaxe, Ivhyng'in is bedde shleppyng, thouht 
that it was in the ch3rrche, and he thouht women lyke Egygepetces appered to hym, 
among wbome one greater than the eoder, the whych appered with one of hyr papkes 
rede, and the vyssage of houre Lady apoun hyr breste ; the which vyssage comforted 
hym myche, the whych he toke for Sanct Anne, for a grett ymmayge of Sanct Anne 
doht stande in the chovd there as he sayde masse, and as he thouht they inquiride for 
th* Abbot The whych wyssyoun a good fader of relygion sayde it was a tolcyng that 
puere Jesus dyde vysted is servauntes. 

A sorry commentary indeed on the state of religion, as well as the 
learning of the monks ! *' He told me divers other " of his visions, 
continues Sir Francis, writing from Mydlam, "and especially one of Our 
Lady of the Mountegrace, how he was there in her chapel, and she 
appearing unto him said, ' George ! George ! be of good cheer, for I 
may yet not spare thee 1' with such other madness." He also said he 
was sure the Spirit of God was with him, and was glad to die in so good 
a quarrel as the defence of the church, '* of which the Pope, saith he, is 
only the head of God's law." I write to you that some of the Mownte 
were of his council, and so he has confessed ; but the Prior prayeth me 
not to vex any of his brethren, as he had sent you his mind both about 
himself and them. I see from the Prior that most of his brethren are 
traitors. He also said that a gentleman of Northumberland, named 


Heron, was lately at the Mownte, and desired license of the Prior to 
convey two of the monks who are traitors into Scotland. We are not 
told what was the fate of this hapless enthusiast, but we learn a little 
more ot the yet steadfast Romanism of the county, when Sir Francis 
requests Cromwell to send him word of the King, as he has given lease 
to the Earl of Northumberland to keep with him daily two of the 
obstinate friars. *' There lieth a great matter in knowledge of that, as I 
shall tell your mastership at my coming." 

Middleham remained in possession of the Crown from the time of 
Henry VII. to that of Charles I., who sold the manor, although 
apparently not the castle to the citizens of London. In the interval 
between these two events, we have Leland's description, which comes 
upon us with a freshness entirely destructive of the three centuries 
separating his days from ours. He says, '' Middleham upon Ure river, 
ripa citerioriy is a market tounne, and is kept on Tursday. The toune 
itself is smaule, and hath but one paroche chirche. It hath bene, as sum 
wene a collegiate church. ^ The parson is yet caullid the Dean of Middle- 
ham. The toun is set on a hille side. The greate hil above hit, more 
than a mile of, is called Penhil and is counted the highest hille of Rich- 
mondshire. Middleham castel joynith harde to the toun side, and is 
the fairest castel of Richmondshire, next Bolton, and the castel hath a 
parke by hit caullid Soneskue, and another caullid West Park, and the 
third caullid Gaunelesse, half a mile of. West Parke and Gaunless be 
wel woddid. There is, at the east side of Middleham^ a little hospital 
with a chapel of Jesus. Wensela is a litel poore market /Vi ripa superiori 
Ufu It standith not far from the West Parke ende of Middleham. The 
houses of these two tounnes be partly slated and partly thakkid." 

In the days of the Stuarts we notice the decline of the castles as a 
home of feudal grandeur. The personnel of its dignity remained, but it 
was not exalted by the spirit thereof. The two great castles of the vale 
were left in the hands of superior menials. On the i8th Oct. 1604, a 
grant was made to Richard Besson of the office of forester of Kettlewell 
and other places, Alreper of the Carr in Busshopdale, parker of Wood- 
all park, bow-bearer of Arkilgarth-dale and Wensladale, in the lordship 
of Middleham. King Jamie was squeezing the lordship by a scheme 
" for increasing the King's revenues by composition with the tenants of 
Richmond and Middleham." His operations brought about dissat- 
isfaction, tor in 161 1 the tenants of those manors refuse to pay Sir 
Thomas Metcalfe the composition ordered. In March 1616 there is a 
grant to Richard Hutton of the clerkship of the manor, courts, and lord- 
ship of Middleham and Richmond, and on the 4th April the grant is 
made for life. On the 24th June 1625, there is a second grant to 
Emanuel Lord Scrope of the offices of bailiff, master-forester, and 
steward of the liberty of Richmond, and of Constable of the Castles of 
Richmond and Middleham, with the annual fee of ;^5o 6s. 4d. during 
pleasure. Scrope died in 1630, on the 14th July of which year the 
grant was made to Thomas Viscount Wentworth, of the office of bailiff 


of Richmond, with the chief forestership of the forests and keepership 
of the Castles of Richmond and Middleham, and the annual fee of 
j£s^ 6s. 46., the same being void by the decease of Emanuel, Earl of 
Sunderland. This was very near the end of the feudal regime ; in a few 
years the civil wars were to occur, and with their termination came the 
end of the old stronghold. In 1646 the castle was dismantled by order 
of the Parliamentary Committee which sat at York. Cromwell, how- 
ever, found it necessary to re-establish the castle as a stronghold. In 
1653 there is an allowance to Edward Viscount Loftus, of Ely, for his 
disbursements in fortifying the castle and his entertainment. In May 
1655, there is a statement made by Lilburne that on intelligence that 
the late rebels intended to possess Middleham Castle, he appointed 
Capt. Thos. Foster to raise 30 men to secure it, and *• prevent insur- 
rections which were in every part, by the plotters against the present 
Government.*' This he did accordingly, about the loth month of that 
year, and kept his men there and some prisoners of war, but had had no 
pay or allowances, which are therefore sought for the past and provision 
for the future. It is recommended that Major Smithson, who lives near, 
may muster and pay them. They were paid up to January 1656, to the 
amount of ;^36i, including fire and candles for the guards. A few years 
later than this, Drunken Barnaby, who after his fashion has a pleasant 
word to say for the town, also leads us to believe that the destruction 
was not absolute. He says — 

Veni Middlam, ubi arcem Thence to Middlam, when I viewed, 

Vidi, et bibentes sparsim Th* Castle which so stately shewed; 

Bonos socios, quibus junxi Down the stairs, 'tis truth I tell ye, 

£t liquorem libere sumpsi To a knot of brave boys fell I ; 

iEneis licet tincti nasis All red no8£8, no dye deeper, 

Fuimus custodes pacis. Yet not one but a peace keeper. 

Zeeds. W. Wheater. 


The following schedule of property belonging to the Commandery 
of Knights Hospitallers at Newland was found in the Bodleian Library, 
by Mr. John Hanson of Raistrick. The period it represents is the 
latter half of the fifteenth century, and it is especially interesting by 
reason of the fulness of its details. 

Bailiwick of Batley. — Parcels of the possessions of the Commandery of 
Newland, belonging to the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in England. 

s. d. 
Batley. The heirs of Sir William Mirfield, Kt., hold there a messuage 

and certain lands now in the occupation of Richard 

Gierke. Rent per ann o 12 

James Wilbore holds there a tenement. Rent per ann. ... 012 

Henry Wilbore holds there a cottage. Rent per ann. ... o 6 

John Croft holds there a messuage and 3 acres of land, lately 

occupied by William Scott. Rent per ann. o 12 



Batley Robert Clarke holds there a messuage and certain lands, lately 

(Con.) in the tenure of Richard Draxe. Rent per ann. 04 

The heirs of Elizabeth Hawkesworth hold a tenement and 
certain lands there, in the occupation of John Hall. Rent 

pvi null* ••• ••• ••« •«• ••• ••• ••• O A 

William Chadwicke holds there a messuage and certain lands, 

Rent per ann* ... ... ... ... ... ... o 4 

John Dighton holds there a parcel of Emroyde. Rent per ann. o 2 

John Armitage holds there another parcel of Emroya, in the 

occupation of Richd. Smithson. Kent per ann. o 3 

Robert Clayton holds there another part of Emroyd. Rent 

per ann* ... ... ... ... ... ... ..» o 3 

Robert Coventree holds there a messuage and certain lands, 

lately in the occupation of John Dighton. Rent per ann. o 4 
Churwell. John Bumell holds there a messuage, with a croft and an acre 

of land by copy of the court. Rent per ann. ... . 012 

MiRFiELD. Robert Foumess holds there an acre of land at Northopp, 

near the road to the north in Mirfield ad votem Domini. 
Rent per ann. ... ... ... ... ... ... o 3 

William Walker holds there a messuage, with a croft contain- 
ing 3} acres and half the land formerly of Richard 
Tomson, Rent per ann o 16 

John Taylor holds in Westerton a messuage and a close called 

Pettyroyd. Rent per ann ...08 

WoODKIRKE. John Sedgefeild holds there one messuage and certain lands, 

lately in the occupation of Robert Wsdker. Rent per ann. o 16 

Lawrence Nailer holds there a messuage, with a oroft lately 

in the occupation of Thomas Pearson. Rent per ann. ... o 2 
Ardislawe. Thomas Gaigrave holds there a tenement and a close lyin? 

near Ashwell-roode and Palirood and *'Comon Oxpte, 
the former rent being 3s. per ann. The present rent ... 2 o 

John Cunstable holds there a tenement, lately in the occupa- 
tion of John Taylor and now of Richard NowelL Rent 
per ann* ••• ... ... .i. ... . ... oiz 

Tyngelawe. Ralph Beiston holds there a tenement. Rent per ann. ... o 12 

Liversedge The Prioress of Kirklees holds there a messuage and 4 acres of 

Great. land which Thomas Wilkinson occupies. Rent per ann.... o 12 

The same Prioress holds there a third part of a messuage and 

one Croft. Rent per ann ..04 

Sir Robert Neville, Kt, holds there one essart of land called 

Martinrood,containing6acres by estimation. Rent perann. o 12 

The wife of Ralph Stansfield for Hartishead HalL Former 

rent i6d. Present rent per ann o 14 

William Fearnley holds there 4 acres of land. Rent per ann. o 7 

Alice Lyversedge, cousin, {consangineai) and heir of John Liver- 
sedge, holds there a tenement and a bovate of land. Rent 

L/wA SilXU* ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •■^^^^ 

The same Alice holds there the half of a messuage, half an 

acre of land, the former rent being 4d. per ann., but now o 2 

and for a *' certain obit *' 6 8 

Liversedge John Brooke holds in Little Liversedge a tenement and i bovate 

Little. of land. Rent perann o 18 

John Wacker holds there one tenement and certain land under 
the seal of St. John. Former rent per ann. I2d. Present 
A cm ... .f, ... ... ... .. ... ». • u w 

The same owes a certain obit after the death of whom '*liberet" 

as fully appears in his own Indenture 3 4 


s. d. 

GOMERSALE. Barnard Tylle holds a messuage with a croft and 4 acres of land 

with a croft. Rent per ann. o 7 

John Gomersall holds theie a messuage with a croft and 2 
bovates of land, which John, son of Peter de Gomersale, 
formerly held. Rent per ann. ... 021 

The same John holds there a messuage with a croft near the 

messuage of Robert Wheatley. Rent per ann o 3 

The same John holds there a garden called Morsley-yeare. 

Rent per ann. ... ... ... ... ... ... o 3 

The same John holds there a tenement called Avrsonhand, in 
the tenancy of his brother, William Gomersale. Rent per 

•••1I*» ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ■•• ••• ••• ^^ JL ^ 

NORTHOWRAM. Henry Balle holds in Northowram a messuage with certain 

land there, with cottage lately in the occupation of John 
Balle. Rent per ann. ... ... ... ... ... o 6 

And for a certain ooit post decessum cujus liberet Hsere ... 3 8 
Richard Saltonstale holds there a tenement with appuitenances 

lately in the tenancy of Gilbert Saltonstale. Rent per ann. o 2 
Robert Northend holds there a messuage and 16 acres of land 

by copy of court. Rent per ann. ... 3 6 

The same John holds there the manor of GoUeye in soccage. 

Rent per ann. ... ... ... ... ... I 6 

Ekkerslby Thomas Savile holds a hall called Ekkersley Hall, latdy 

Hall. acquired of Thomas Ekkersley "tibe." Rent per ann. .. o 6 

Heckmondwike. Frank Peel. 



B^O greater blunder is to be found among the mass of errors 
which make up accepted English history previous to the 
fifteenth century, than the statement that the English cloth 
trade owes its existence to the introduction of Flemings by 
King Edivard III. The trade existed and flourished in the 
Anglo-Saxon days, when it had a European reputation. In the 
days of King Alfred Enghshmen in general were the most 
sumptuously dressed of men. Their textile system was intro- 
duced into France, especially at Brie, in Champagne, where 
their method and teaching were thankfully received. The Anglo-Saxon 
maidens of the very highest rank spun their own gowns, and in the 
combination of their natural and vestural beauty they were then as now 
the goddesses of the earth. Their labours were maintained without 
interruption to the days of our great-grandmothers. The GentUman's 
Magazine of 1790 notices the marriage of a lady of Wrelton in a gown 
of her own spinning. The French chronicler, William of Poictou, a 
contemporary of the Conqueror, tells us that the Anglo-Saxon ladies 
were so famous for their skill in needlework and embroidery in gold that 
their inimitable productions were called Anglicum Opus, as a generic 
name of the highest class of work. The same writer also records that 
the English clothmakers very much excelled in their several arts and 

In Yorkshire and the Norse districts generally Ragnar Lothbrog — 
Ragnar of the shaggy breeks, Villoia femoralia, as Saxo interprets— 
and his Vikings daring the period of their scramble for rule had a dreadful 
effect upon the textile as upon all other industries. Yet even during 
their industrial blight the art was kept alive by the old wandering monk- 
craftsman, known in the Saxon monasteries as a Salavagus, There can 


be no doubt whatever that the "hermits" whom Abbot Alexander found 
at the nook in Headingley, to be called Kirkstall after he had tricked 
and ousted them, were 6a/avagt\ whose presence and craftsmanship are 
not dim in illustration of the trade of mediseval Leeds. His name had 
been softened to Salavage in the thirteenth century, by which time his 
reputation had descended to that of a cadger, and his former existence 
is to-day certified by our name of Savage. The evil effects of the Norse- 
men upon industrial skill the Conqueror himself was the first to rectify. 
Of the troops who had come over with him on his errand of conquest, 
none were more loyal or more hardy than the Flemings. Most skilful 
as craftsmen, and most trustworthy as soldiers, the Conqueror saw that 
they were the material to graft upon this turbulent stock, whom they 
were the most likely to reclaim in arts, and not the least likely to repress 
in arms. 

Their early presence in Yorkshire is well attested. The notorious 
Drogo de Bruere settled them in Holderness, and Hull eventually be- 
came a great port. More than individuals of them obtained land in the 
great Laci fee, which stretched from Pomfret to Blackburn, in Lancashire. 
Reyner, the Fleming, founded Kirklees Nunnery. The family of 
Fleming of Rydal attests their presence in Cumberland. Gilbert de 
Gant fixed their name in the Viking district of North Lincolnshire, 
where he established the blood of Baldwin, Earl of Flanders; as 
Walter de Gant, another kinsman, did in Swaledale and thereabouts, 
where the great Cistercian monasteries were so soon to raise their lofty 
crests. Elsewhere we have mention of the men of Ypres and Louvaine ; 
and when, some half century after the Conquest, other untamed and 
desolated lands within reach of the Norman sceptre had to be reduced 
to law and order, our chronicler, Roger de Houeden, informs us of 
another very remarkable fact. He says, "In the year iiii, Henry, 
King of the English, removed the people of Flanders, who inhabited 
Northumbria, with all their chattels, into Wales, and gave them orders 
to colonise the district which bears the name of Ros." As his father 
had done with their fathers, he used these stubborn craftsmen alike for 
the purposes of war and industry. The excellent effects of his astute 
policy became visible before the close of the century. Giraldus 
Cambrensis, in his itinerary of Wales, observes that " the inhabitants of 
the district of Ross, in Pembrokeshire, who derived their origin from 
Flanders, were much addicted to and greatly excelled in the woollen 
manufactory." John Brompton, a Northumbrian chronicler, Abbot of 
Jervaux, tells us that besides the great number of Flemings who came 
over in the army of the Conqueror, there were several considerable 
immigrations of them into England at future times, especially in the 
reigns of Henry I. and Stephen. 

The internal troubles of the kingdom during the close of the 
Norman dynasty do not seem to have generally affected the progress of 
the textile art to a material extent. For the improvement of their craft 
the weavers in all the great towns of England had certainly then begun 


to form themselves into guilds or corporations, and had various privileges 
bestowed upon them by royal charter, for which they had paid fines 
into the Exchequer. The weavers of Oxford, for instance, paid a mark 
of gold for their fine in 1139. Those of London paid ;^i6 for theirs in 
1 1 50. Those of Lincoln paid two "chaceures" or hunting dogs for 
theirs in 1146. I lack the precise evidence that the York guild was then 
established as firmly as any of these ; but there is proof that in the 
reign of Richard, half a century later, the guild then existed, and was 
second only to that of London. A little later, in 1201, the weavers 
{Telarit) of York rendered account to the Treasury of ;£" 10 for their 
guild; those of London ;£i2; of Nottingham and Huntingdon 40s.; 
of Oxford £6 and one mark of gold ; and among the trade transactions 
of that year we find that one Yorkshire clothier, Simon the Dyer, 
rendered account to the Treasury of iocs, for selling wine against the 
assize. Possibly the good town of Leeds had an especial interest in 
this reprobate, for at the very time we find Simon the Dyer a witness to 
one of the Kirkstall charters, and as such he would necessarily be a man 
of some standing, which the payment of a fine of loos. would certainly 
require. It is highly probable, if not absolutely certain, that woollen 
yarn, and even cloth, were exported from England in large quantities at 
this very time. It is not insignificant that in 1 234, the King had to grant a 
patent of protection for the merchants of Brabant and Lorraine, which 
was frequently repeated. The woollen manufactures had long previously 
become the subject of legislation. 

In 1 197, a law was made for regulating the fabrication and sale of 
cloth, it being then enacted — " That all woollen cloths shall everywhere 
be made of the same breadth, namely, two ells within the lists, and of 
the same goodness in the middle as at the sides. The ell shall be the 
same over all the kingdom, and shall be made of iron. No merchant 
in any part of the kingdom shall stretch before his shop or booth a red 
or black cloth or any other thing by which the sight of buyers is fre- 
quently deceived in the choice of good cloth. No cloth of any other 
colour than black shall be sold in any part of the kingdom, except in 
cities and capital burghs ; and in all cities and burghs four or six men, 
according to the size of the place, shall be appointed to enforce the 
observation of these regulations by seizing the persons and goods of all 
who transgress them.*' This remarkable law demonstrates that the manu- 
facture of broad cloth had then arrived at such a considerable maturity 
as to arrest national attention and to require legal protection. King 
John taxed foreign merchants rather severely. In 1204, he ordered 
that Flemish and all other foreign merchants, then trading in the 
kingdom, should give him one-fifteenth part of their merchandise. The 
terms of the protective law imply great dishonesty in the trade. Our 
neighbours were found broadcast among the offenders. Their example 
spread over the whole country. In the reign of Edward L, the jurors 
appointed to inquire into trade abuses say that Richard the Dyer, of 
Schipton ; William the Croper, of the same place ; Hutting, of Schipton ; 


and Adam, son of Thomas de Alton, in the usual fashion make cloth 
not of the right breadth. In the Ainsty, also, the assize of russet and 
dyed cloth is not according to the King's assize of two ells within the 
lists. It will hardly be within our belief that the English merchants 
were models of simple honesty ; but it must be said to their credit that 
their foreign associates had a corrupting influence upon them. In 1 269, 
the merchants of J'lorence gave to the King a fine of ;^iooo for using 
false weights. In 1270, the Flemings obtained permission to 
introduce woollen cloth into the kingdom, perhaps as a punishment of 
native iniquity, for in the same year there had to be an enquiry as to 
cloths not being made according to the old assize. In the North 
Riding especially there was wide-spread cheating, and most persistent 
evasion of the law against exporting wools. The jurors say that Robert 
de Irenpurs (name generic and significant), of Alverton ; William, his 
brother ; Alan Pichard, Galfrid de Alverton, merchant ; Robert de 
Hou, in Stokesley ; Bernard de Swayneby, in Ripon ; William Redhead, 
Walter de Routhecleve, Richard Scot, Henry Munkeman, William 
Scibeller, and Walter Bubber, make and buy cloths, which at first have 
not the due measurement. They put them on a tenter, and make them 
longer and broader. 

The cloth making at this period even was not wholly domestic. 
There is sufficient proof that English traders were already cautiously 
finding markets beyond the sea. We have an excellent example in 
John's reign. In 1204, John de Beverley (Belvac') gave the King 
20 marks for leave to take his ship of London whither he wished with 
the following chattels, viz., loi bacons, 28 little pigs, i tun of honey, 
I last allec', i tun casseporc', 8 lasts of hides, 22 sacks of wool, and 4 
pieces of escarlet and 10 pieces Estanford (? Stamford-cloth). The 
indication of the kinds of the textile fabrics is very interesting. We 
have an excellent glimpse of its local aspect in an edict of Walter de 
Grey, Archbishop of York. In 1228, he gave a charter of privileges to 
his tenants of Sherburn, in which we find the following clause : — " And 
we do not wish that any one of our burgesses in our burgh of Sireburn 
shall have an oven, dye-pan, or fulling stocks, upon our forfeiture by 
these customs. Whoever shall use our dye-pan may, in whatever week 
he pleases, have a cart-load of dead wood from our wood at Sireburn." 
As a concession this seems to point to economy of working, to the 
establishment of the equivalents of the modern dye-house, whose com- 
bination was likely to lessen waste, and so produce more by the same 
means than divided effort could hope for. We have an instance of an 
early *' strike" against the introduction of machinery. It occurs in 
1463. Every fuller, in his craft and occupation of fulling and raising 
cloth, shall " exercise and use tazels and no cardes in dessayvably 
hurting the said cloths " upon pain of yielding to the party hurt in that 
behalf double damages. The Justice, of the Peace and Mayors, &c., of 
cities and burghs to have power to determine complaints and impose 
punishments. And it is further ordained — " That for the great deceit 


done in working of woollen cloth fulled in mills called ^* gyg mylles and 
toune mylles, that all such milles be utterly left and not used, and 
that he that occupieth any such mille after the feast of St. John the 
Baptist forfeit for every of the said mille so occupied £40, the one-half 
to the King and the other half to him that will sue as by action of debt." 
This penalty, considering the rent and capabilities of such mills, must 
have been enormous. At the close of the seventeenth century Pitfall 
Mills, in Leeds, were occupied by William Rooke, an alderman and 
ex-Mayor of the town. They were at the foot of the bridge, possessed 
ample water-power, and we know that their rent was to him only j£^o 
per annum. 

The drain of money from England occasioned by the losses and 
expenses of the Crusades was the starting-point of the great exportation of 
wool, which had so vast and varied an influence upon England for the 
century succeeding the Holy Wars. But we cannot attribute the whole 
or even the greater part of this loss of trade either to the Crusades or to 
the destructive effects of the civil wars of the reign of Henry III. The 
ordinary law of political economy, the law of supply and demand, has 
had a greater influence in that direction than even the losses and 
disasters of war could counter-balance. In other words, the system of 
husbandry introduced by the Cistercian monks, and practised by them 
for some four score years before the close of the twelfth century, the end of 
the career of Coeur de Lion, had created a greater supply than any 
possible demand for mere domestic consumption could dispose of. The 
consolidated power of the followers of St. Bernard of Citeaux lay in the 
Viking districts between the Wash and the Tees ; and it is precisely in 
these districts that the great wool marts of the Plantagenet era were 
found. London, as the centre of power and the mart of the country, 
may perhaps boast of the earliest organisation of trade ; but York and 
Lincoln are undoubtedly the earliest emporiums of raw material. The 
wool and cloth trade of Boston especially was immense. A tax, levied 
in 1204, produced ;^78o from Boston and jC^s^ ^^o™ London, and 
this accurately measures the general prosperity of the places. In the 
midst of his protective measures, we find, however, that John relaxed in 
favour of the Knights Templars, for in 12 13 he granted them leave to 
sell their wool in countries beyond the sea. Henry III. was less 
exclusive, for in 1260, he granted that foreign merchants might deal 
freely at Lincoln. The cloth workers were the first to commence the 
organisation of labour : the Gt/da lellariorum being the oldest of the 
London companies. In 1308 there were "above 280 burrillers" 
in London alone. 

If, however, we have to look to London for an early illustration of 
the progress of the woollen manufacture, it is to the north that we must 
look for the combined production and consumption of the raw material. 
Hull, really founded by Edward I.^ and Ravenser, now lost and but a 
name in history, though then a very ancient and flourishing port, were 
the great depdts of the Yorkshire export trade. In 1302 the Eling 

264 OLt) YORttSHIRE. 

granted to Richard de Merewell for his good services, &c., the custody 
of the pessage of lead and the tronage of wool (both of which were 
dues for weighing those articles) in the town of Kingston-upon-Hull, 
which are worth j£6 per annum, to have with all their appurtenances as 
he shall well and faithfully bear himself in the same. In 1321 we find 
an unwonted feature in the home trade. Adam Huntman, citizen of 
London, took 13 " sarplares " of wool, worth j^i4o sterling, from England 
over to St. Omer — pro comodo inde ibidem faciendo — for the profit of 
making it there, which may be that he would find labour cheaper^ as so 
many of his successors have since done. In the same year Richard de 
la Pole and Robert de Burton were appointed to collect the doth tolls 
in the port of Kingston-upon-Hull. We have occasional peeps at the 
home manufactories. In 1323 the King granted to Nicholas le Lystere, 
of Ripon, his mills under the Castle of York, with the profits thereof, 
for a term of six years, and free entrance and exit as well by land as by 
water, at a rent of 40 marks, and the said Nicholas shall keep the mills 
in repair. In 1329 the Sheriff of York is ordered to repair the head of 
the King's Weir in the river Foss out of the issues of his bailiwick — 
a course which gives us a picture of the ancient state of affairs 

In 1324 the men of Scardeburgh petition the King to grant them a 
•* trone " for weighing wool. ** Much of the wool of the dales,*' say they, 
" and of the moor of Blackhowe now sent to Kingston-upon-Hull for 
exportation, could be weighed and transmitted by them at a great saving 
to the producer, and without damage to the King, if the trone were 
granted." In 1327 Adam de Semer and Henry de Rooston had granted 
to them the levying and collecting the toll of wool in the harbours of 
Scardeburgh and Whiteby. In 1330 the King granted to Adam de 
Coppendale and Hugh le Taverner the levying and collecting of the 
customs of wool, &c., in the ports of the towns ofKyngeston-upon-HuU 
and Ravenserode. In the next year he granted to Hugh de Taverner 
and Henry de Burton the same things in the same places. In 1335 
John de Billingham and John de Nessebit had the collection of the cus- 
tom of wools in the port of Hertilpole. All this, of course, is evidence 
of the long previously settled condition of the trade. Towards the end 
of the thirteenth century there was a company of English merchants in 
existence called the brotherhood of St. Thomas k Becket. The design 
of the company was to rival the foreigners, Jews, and the Hanse mer- 
chants of the Steel-yard, in the exportation of woollen cloth. The 
truth therefore seems to be that during the wars of the reign of Edward 
I., and the calamities of that of Edward II., the English cloth trade had 
become so distracted by the reckless exportation of wool and the 
demoralising operations of the merchant strangers that reorganisation 
was absolutely necessary; and beyond all that, the introduction of 
Flemish workmen in and about the year 1344 was really a mere counter- 
poise against the trades unions of Flnnders, much more than a necessity 


of technical development in England. Edward's course appears to have 
been the result of the old story — 

In matters of commerce the fault of the Dutch 
Was in giving too little and taking too much. 

The Dutch were then everywhere controlling these markets to the 
detriment of the English trade. In 1347 the Commons pray that the 
staple of wool, which is the ** Sovereigne Tresor " of the kingdom, held 
at Bruges, in Flanders, ought to be " franche et libre ;" that all manner 
of merchants should be able there to buy freely merchandise belonging 
to the said staples. The franchise then had been so controlled that men 
could not buy according to ancient usage except the men of Flanders 
and Brabant. I will quote a fact in the history of the trade which may 
be well generally as a lesson for the present day. In 1344 it was decreed 
^' that the ordinances made before this time upon the price of sorts of 
wool in every county be wholly annulled and defeated; and that every 
man, as well stranger as privy, from henceforth may buy wools accord- 
ing as they may agree with the seller, as they were wont to do before 
the said ordinances ; and that the sea be open to all manner of mer- 
chants to pass with their merchandise when it shall please them." Fair 
Trade was of no consideration then ; it was Free Trade that had to be 
again resorted to. 

It is astonishing how little development there has been in the class 
of materials produced by the trade. The fabrics we use to-day were 
mostly, if not entirely, in use among our ancestors more than six hundred 
years ago — Cog ware and Kendal cloth, frieze of Coventry, blankets and 
russets of Devon and Cornwall, into which the makers might put flocks ; 
but in all other parts of the country " all manner of corrupt stuff " was 
sternly prohibited. Our ancestors did not love flocks, although they 
were frequendy compelled to tolerate their use. Though in some dis- 
tricts it might be allowable to use them in the manufacture of inferior 
cloth, they must not anywhere be used for the stuffing of beds. A curious 
expression of repugnance to them comes up in 1494, when upholsterers 
were prohibited making *' beds of unlawful and false wares and mer- 
chandise, as in feather beds, bolsters, and pillows made of two manner 
of corrupt stufl", that is to say of scaled feathers and dry-pulled feathers 
together, and of flocks and feathers together, which is contagious for 
man's body to lie upon.*' Henceforth no person shall ofier for sale in 
fair any feather beds, bolsters, or pillows, *' except they be stuffed with 
one manner of stuff, as dry-pulled feathers, or clean down alone, and 
with no scaled feathers or other corrupt stuff." 

In kerseymeres we have one of the oldest designations in the trade, 
and one whose manufacture was widest spread. In the reign of King 
John, William de la Kersimere and Agatha his wife were living in 
Norfolk. In 1201, William de la Kersimere paid 5 marks for having a 
writ " de morte antecessoris " for a Knight's fee in Cumberland. In 
1 2 16, Eustace de la Kersimere is mentioned in Yorkshire as being sent 


by the King to the Bishop of Durham. In 1270, Thomas le Lynge- 
draper and Agnes his wife offer half a mark for a writ '* ad terminum ^ 
in Middlesex. In 127 1, Alan le Teynturer (PTenterer and not Dyer in 
this instance) and Matilda his wife, Hugh le Teynturer and Eda his 
wife, and Nicholas the son of Tiffanie, give half a mark for a writ " ad 
terminum " in co. York. In the same year. Richer le Tundur (Dyer) 
and Avelina his wife offer half a mark in Norfolk. Jordan de Chaluner 
and Alice his wife gave half a mark for an assize *'de morte antecessoris" 
in Somersetshire ; John, son of Elgar le Teynturer, in Derby ; Robert 
de Bcrcher, in Somerset ; John, son of William Tinctor, of Richmond, 
Yorkshire ; Richard le Chaloner and Levyna his wife, in Middlesex ; 
and in 1272, we find mention of Henry le White (the Bleacher) and 
Margery his wife. In the reign of King John, Andrew Neulun, of 
London, offers " three cloaks of Flanders for wet weather " to have the 
King's petition to the Prior of Chicksand to hold the agreement made 
between them. In 1377, William Tunder, of York, gave the King 20s. 
for leave to grant a toft, with its appurtenances, in York, to a chaplain 
at the altar of the Blessed Mary in the church of St. George, in Fysher- 
gate. In the same year we have an exemplification of an Act of 
Parliament published concerning Cogwares and Kerseyes at the request 
of the community of Suffolk and Essex. 

It would be very interesting to know what were the fashionable 
colours in those days ; but certain knowledge of that subject may not 
now be within our reach. Scarlet, however, was one of them ; it was 
the favourite colour of the gallant and the gay, most worthy alike of the 
warrior and the Queen of Beauty. The taste for it was of very old 
standing. The " scarlet cloths of England " figure in the Chronicles of 
Orkney as early as the twelfth century, when a daring Orkney pirate made 
a successful *' scarlet cruise." Chaucer, too, and the oldest of the 
balladists, are very fond of "scarlet red." We read of that dainty dame 
the wife of Bathe — 

Of cloth -makyng sche hadde such an haunt, 
Sche passeth hem of Ypres and of Gaunt. 

And this being so, of her fashionable attire we find that 

Hire hosen were of fyn scarlett reed, 

Ful streyte y-teyed, and schoon ful moyste and newe, 

Bold was her face and fair and reed of hewe. 

Red, in its varied shades, was a very favourite colour of our ancestors. 
The deep red colour which the low Latin word blodius expresses was at 
every turn. A red-faced wench was often called a blouse^ and a high- 
coloured, sanguine complexion was frequently described as a Mousing 
colour. One of the coarser red dyes, a favourite with the peasantry, 
was stammel. 

After the Prince cjot to the keeper's lodge, 
And had been jocund in the house awhile. 
Tossing off ale and milk in country cans, 
Wnether it was the country's sweet content, 


Or else the bonuy damsel filled us drink, 
That seemed so stately in her stammel red. 
Or that a qualm did cross his stomach then, 
But straight he fell into his passions. 

Greefu^ 1594* 

Ben Jonson, in the same era, says thus — 

Reedhood the first that doth appear 
In stammel ; scarlet is too dear. 

Chaucer's Doctor of Physic was a swell : — 

In sanguine and in pers he clad was, ai 
Lyned with taffata and with sendal. 

King John wore a scarlet cloak, furred with sendal, and he occasionally 
made presents of such cloaks to the great men of his Court. The Frere 
was less conspicuous, but still pronounced : — 

He was not like a doysterer 
With a threadbare cape, or a pore -scoler. 
But he was like a maister or a Pope ; 
Of double worstede was his demy-cope. 

Serge was a very old wear, and a somewhat plebeian material. Chaucer 

acknowledges this in his description of — 

The citie large, 
Hangyng with cloth of gold, and not with sarge. 

Frieze had so greatly descended in the scale of respectability, that 
Oldham, speaking of the needy in London in 1680, says — 

* Low as their fortune is, yet they despise 

A man that walks the streets in homely frieze. 

Tammy, a cloth much made in the Leeds market a century ago, had an 
existence in the Tudor days, and may have been akin to the stammel 
already mentioned. Massinger says — 

Pity her ! Trample on her ! 
I took her up in an old tamin gown 
(Even starved for want of twopenny chops), to serve thee. 

According to the will of Thomas Gryscop, of York, chapman in 
1446, he had in his shop pieces of Braban cloth, Chaumpan cloth, three 
pieces of blewe bokasyn, and one of grene bokasyn, fustyan, terteryn, 
blak bokeram, quysshyn cloth, lewent and double lewent. In the in- 
ventory of Canon William Duffield, 1452, we find a banquer of cloth 
blodio sago (? blankets) antique lyned cum canvas, bed curtains of worsted, 
costers of blodio worsted ; red worsted is freely used for bed furniture ; 
white cloth and curtains of white terteryn, curtyns of serico purpill 
colour. Among the goods of Elizabeth Sewerby, 1468, we find two 
cloths " de rubio bukram, embroidered cum le flokkes, cum le reddiles." 
At this time we also find ancient dames leaving to younger females their 
finery — in one instance a gown of cremysyn penulatam cum martys, 
and in another a gown of scarlette syngle. Gryscop was a man in a 
large way of business, yet his stock and debts only amounted to 
jQiZ^ 6s. i^d., while he owed ;£'S6 los. 6d. 


The York wills of the fifteenth century disclose the fact that the 
domestic manufacture of cloth was everywhere prevalent, there being 
weavers and dyers met with all over the county. William Lister, of 
Halifax, draper, who died in 1471, had married his daughter Alice to 
one of the Saviles. It is alleged that the habit of singing during their 
labour, so prevalent among clothworkers, was introduced by the 
Protestants who came from Flanders ; but the statement may indeed be 
little more than a groundless assumption, for, as weaving was a female 
occupation, and singing is still one of the characteristics ofhappy maiden- 
hood, it is only too probable that the custom was as much English and 
of antiquity as Flemish and imported. Ben Jonson alludes to the cus- 
tom, making Cutbeard state *^ he has got this cold with sitting up late 
and singing catches with clothworkers." I do not know that we are to 
understand that sitting up late was also one of the imported customs. 

Leeds. W. Wheater. 

Mr. C. D. Hardcastle, referring to the subject, says: — 
I have been reminded of a conversation I had a few years ago 
with a prominent Leeds gentleman well acquainted with the various 
branches of the cloth trade. The topic was the difference between the 
cloth of forty years ago and that then in process of manufacture. It 
having been remarked that there was now so little substance in the cloth, 
and so little nap to raise and cut off, that teazles and shearing machines 
were scarcely required, the gentleman in question said, '* In finishing 
some kinds of cloth, instead of raising the nap, as was formerly, they 
make the cloth without nap, and put one on with glue or size." This 
was spoken of as a modern invention. I had an impression that it was 
not so very modern, or, if so, was a revival of an old custom ; and on 
arriving home referred to an early edition of Hugh Latimer's sermons, 
and in the third of " Seven Sermons preached by the Reverend Father, 
Master Hugh Latimer, before our late Soveregne Lord of famous mem- 
mory. King Edward the 6, within the preaching place, in the Palace at 
Westminster, 1549, on the 22 of March,'* I met with the following 
remarkable passage : — 

" I here say there is a certain cunning come up in the mixing of 
wares. How say you, were not a wonder to heare that clothmakers 
should become Poticaries, yea, and as I heare say, in such a place, 
whereas they have professed the Gospel and the Word of God most 
earnestly of a long time ? See how busy the devil is to slander the word 
of God. Thus the poor Gospel goeth to wracke. If his cloth be 17 
yeards long, he will set him on a racke and rack him till the sinnews 
shrink again, while they have brought him to 18 yeardes. When they 
have brought him to that perfection, they have a pretty feat to thich him 
agatne. He makes me a powder for it, and plaies the Poticary, they 
call it flock powder ; they do so incorporate it to the cloth, that it is 
wonderful to consider : truly a good invention. Oh that so goodly 


wittes should be so ill applyed, they may well deceive the people, but 
they cannot deceive God. They were wont to make beds of flockes, 
and it was a good bed too. Now they have turned flockes into powder, 
to play the false theeves with it. O wicked devil ; what can he not 
invent to blaspheme God*s word ? These mixtures come of covetous- 
ness. They are plaine theft. Wo worth, that these flockes should 
slander the word of God ] as he said to the Jewes, the wine is mingled 
with water, so might he have said to us of this land, thy cloth is mingled 
with flock-powder." 


The earliest allusions in original documents to coal mining in York- 
shire that I have met with occur in the Wakefield Court Rolls, where in 
1308 it is recorded that license was granted by the Lord of the Manor 
to Richard the Nailer to dig for coals in the greaveship of Hipperholme; 
and in 1335 Richard Gibson is entered on the same Rolls as paying a 
fine for having dug for coals in the same greaveship. In the Assize 
Rolls, 2 Richard II. (1378), I find that, '' Johannes Stra de Handes- 
worth Woodhous venit juxta unum colepitte et subito per infortunium 
cecidit in puteum unde submersus fuit;" which may be interpreted, 
" John Stra of Handesworth Woodhous approached nigh unto a * cole- 
pitte,' and suddenly by mischance fell into the pit and so was drowned." 
In the Wakefield Court Rolls, 1401. — Northowram. — Richardus Batte, 
const. & socii sui jur., presentant quod Ricus. de Mekesburgh aperuit 
solum domini in Shipden & adquisivit carbones marinos ibidem sine lie; 
which may be translated to this effect : — *' Richard Batte, constable, and 
his sworn fellow-officers, present that Richard of Mekesburgh has opened 
the soil of the Lord in Shipden and acquired sea coals there without 

In the same Court Rolls, under the year 1402, we find this entry : 
— ** Item xij. putei carbonum marinorum in Horbury lyghtes venduntur 
diversis tenentibus de Horbury hoc anno pro xxxjs. vjd." — /.^., "12 pits 
of sea coals in Horbury lyghtes are sold this year to divers tenants of 
Horbury for 31s. 6d." 

Jackson's " History of Bamsley" contains the following statements 
of early coal-mining in the neighbourhood thereof. Jackson first gives 
an extract from a Court Roll of a Court held at Darton, four miles from 
Barnsley, in the first year (141 3) of the reign ot Henry V. : — Item 
dicunt quod Johannes Dodeson (iijd.), Johannes Frith (iiijcL), Johannes 
Betram (iiijd.), Thomas (iiijd.) frater ejus, sine licencia domini, et Adam 
Lawton (iiijd.) perquisiverunt carbones infra vastum domini Ideo ipse 
in mia. From this it appears that John Dodeson, John Frith, John 
Betram, Thomas (his brother), and Adam Lawton sought for coals at 
Darton beneath the lord's waste without his (the lord's) consent, for 
which they were fined as in the sums set against their names. The 


jurors also found that William West sought for coals under the lord's 
waste. In another record of a Court held in the same place, a.d. 1624, 
they also present Michael Wentworth, Esq. (xxxixs. xid.), this being pro- 
bably the highest penalty that could be inflicted, because he did not fill 
up or cover the old coalpits by him dug on the commons of Darton town- 
ship, as he was enjoined by penalty at the last Court imposed on him, to 
the great danger of the passers by there. 

There appears to be no mention of coal having been got at Bamsley 
previous to the middle of the seventeenth century. This was, no doubt, 
attributable to the plentiful supply of wood with which the neighbour- 
hood formerly abounded. Not that the inhabitants were so long 
ignorant of this mineral, but wood being more easily procured, and our 
ancestors not having the advantages of the mechanical contrivances by 
which coal is now so readily won, we can at once excuse them from put- 
ting forth great efforts for its acquisition. Consequently, it was only 
obtained where it lay near the surface ; and when it became necessary, 
from the increase of the population, to burn coal, means were found to 
obtain it. In 1650 it appears to have been pretty generally used in 
Bamsley. A lease of coal under a close of land called Coal-pit Close, 
part of Keresforth Farm, was granted to Abram Rock for one year, at 
the rent of ^ 1 7 ; mines of coal under this land having been granted 
unto the lessors by William Beaumont, of Darton, yeoman, in 1675. By 
reason of the prevalence of gas in coal mines, explosions frequently 
occur, which are sometimes attended with great sacrifice of life. It 
appears our ancestors suffered from accidents of this nature ; for an 
explosion of fire-damp took place in a coal-pit at Bamsley on the nth 
of July, 1672, which resulted in the death of one James Townend. In 
17 16 the trustees of the Shaw lands leased the same to John Shippen 
for a period of four years, to sink a coal-pit, he paying annually the sum 
of ^25. There has been a great alteration in the price of coal. In 1745 
it realised is. per ton; in the year 1789, 2s. 6d. was paid for the same 
quantity; while at the present day (1858) the prices at the pit for house 
coal range from 6s. to 7s. per ton (and now, 1885, los. per ton). The 
bed from which these coals are taken is of a thickness of 9 feet and up- 
wards of minable coals, and a depth of 100 to 200 yards from the sur- 
face of the ground. The yield of the mines at Barnsley and neighbour- 
hood is immense, many thousand tons being daily taken therefrom ; the 
greater part of which is sent off by railway and boat. 

In an interesting lease of a small holding called " Dove House," 
now forming part of the Shibden Hall estate, dated 1483, the lessee is 
empowered during the term of his tenancy " pro carbonibus suis fodere, 
sed non alicui vendere — (to dig for his own coals, but not to sell them 
to any one)." These coals were, I presume, obtained from a thin seam 
of only about loin. in thickness, locally known as the " s6yd. Band 
Coal," from its occurring that number of yards above the ** Upper " or 
'* Hard Bed '* coal, and which has its outcrop in the land that was sub- 
ject to this old lease. This ** Band Coal " overlies a bed of excellent 


fireclay, which, at the present day, promises to surpass in value any of 
the Halifax beds of coal. In Cartwright's •* Chapters of the Hisiory of 
Yorkshire," we find an instance of an early mine. In a letter therein 
published, Sir Thomas Gargrave, Vice-President of the Council of the 
North, writing 6th January, 1569-70, from York, to Sir William Cecil, 
" humbly desires " him to help the bearer of the letter — Martin Birk- 
head, of Gray's Inn (a Wakefield man, afterwards appointed Her 
Majesty's attorney to the Council of the North) — to a " new lease '* of a 
coal mine lately sequestered on account of its former tenant being a 
'* Popish recusant." 

From the Public Record-office I have been enabled to gather 
additional and somewhat interesting information regarding coal mining 
in Yorkshire in the sixteenth century. Among the Duchy of Lancaster 
Pleadings is to be found a " Bill of Complaint," addressed by Henry 
Farrer, of the Ewode, Esq., to the Right Hon. Sir Thos. Heneage, the 
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. It is dated the 33rd year of 
Elizabeth, and by its recitals explains the manner in which the 
Farrers had become entitled to their mineral possessions in the town- 
ship of Northowram and elsewhere. This Henry Farrer, the plaintiff 
in the suit in the Duchy Court, in his bill of complaint recites that 
whereas Her Majesty (Queen Elizabeth) was lawfully seised in fee, in 
right of her Duchy of Lancaster, among other things, in " one myne of 
coales " within the graveship of Hipperholme, with all rights, Ac., and 
the several " colebeddes " to the same mine appertaining, lying, and 
being in a place called Godley Lane, in the township of Northowram, as 
parcel of her Manor of Wakefield, parcel of the annexed possessions of 
the said Duchy, on or about the 9th February, 24th of Her Majesty's 
reign (1582), the plaintiff, Henry Farrer, took of Her Majesty, in the 
Manor Court of Wakefield, by virtue of a writing, signed with the hand 
of William Tusser, Esq., Clerk of the Duchy Court, All the said mine 
of coals, with free liberty from time to time to make and dig the 
" soughes and newe pittes to every parcel and member of the same 
several coal beddes, for the wynding and geatinge of the same 
coales, and the same coales soe theare had and gotten to carry awaie, 
sell & converte to the proper use of your said orator, his heirs <fc 
assigns." Being so seised, Henry Farrer ** did to his greate costes and 
charges sincke, digge & make one pitt for the wynding and geating of 
coales, at a place called Stump Crosse, in the sayd place, called Godley 
Lane, parcell of the said wastes of the said towenshipp of Northowram 
and grafshipe of Hipperholme." 

But "John Drake, of Horley grene, Northowram, & one John 
Robucke, his servant, have most wrongfully entered & intruded into & 
upon the said coal mine, and into the said several beds of coals, &c., and by 
coler that the same code myne doth adjoyne and abutt upon one close 
of pasture ground " of the said John Drake, in Northowram, called the 
Flaskey, <fec., have digged, sunken, and made one greate and deepe pitt 
in that syde of the said close, which is next adjoining to the said coal 


mine to your orator so granted, and there have digged so far under the 
ground, that they have gotten and encroached above 400 yards of the 
said mine and beds of coal within the said waste of the township of 
Northowram, amounting to 2,000 horse loads of coals and above, and 
have very cunningly drawn up the same at the said pit by them so made 
in the side of the said close, immediately adjoining upon your orator's 
said mine, and have sold, carried away, and converted the coals drawn 
up to tlieir own use. And not herewith satisfied, the said John Drake, 
John Robucke, and others, have now, of late, at several times, in most 
forcible and violent manner, felled and cut down all the heads, pillars, 
and other works, being placed and made within the grounds of your 
orator's said mine^ at your orator's great charges, for bearing up of the 
ground there; and the same being by them so forcibly cut down, all the 
earth and ground thereof did, presently, thereupon, by the space of 40 
yards, sink and fall into the same soughs and pits so suddenly that the 
cutters of the same works hardly escaped away alive ; and by means 
thereof the said Drake and others have barred your said orator for 
getting of any coals there, and have defaced, cut down, utterly spoiled 
and destroyed the same and all other of your orator's works there made 
for getting and winning of coals, which stood your said orator in ^100, 
and by means whereof your said orator shall be less able, or not so 
able, to pay and answer the yearly rent to Her Majesty,'* &c. 

How the suit proceeded and ended we know not, for neither the 
defendant's answer nor the judgment of the Court is preserved ; but 
the case is a good example of coal-poaching in the Elizabethan 
days, and shows that that evil practice is by no means a thing of 

In the third year of Queen Elizabeth (1560-1), in the Court of the 
Duchy of Lancaster, a bill was filed by William Fornes, of Shelf, 
yeoman, who held a lease of that manor from the Queen, against Robert 
Sunderland and others, complaining that they had broken and dug 
the " orator's " ground in his manor of Shelf, and " there do make 
coUe pittes and get colles," refusing to pay any consideration for the 

From the " Index of Leases " of the Duchy of Lancaster it appears 
that the following leases of minerals were made by the Crown in the 
time of Queen Elizabeth : — 

The coal mines being on the waste called Lofthouse Moore aiid 
Roodesmoore to Jo. Mallett. 

The coal mines in Wakefield to Edward Carye at an annual rent of 
26s. 8d. for 21 years. In the i8th and 19th Elizabeth, 1575, license 
was granted to John Nutter to dig sea coals in a close called Ingclose in 
Roth well, at a rent of 3s. 4d. for 21 years. In the 22nd Elizabeth, a 
lease to Edward Carye, of the coal mines in Wakefield Park, of which 
he was keeper. In the 29th Eliz., Edward Carye took another lease of 
all the mines in Horbury at a rent of /^i 2s. In the 31st Eliz., Jo. 
Chappel took a lease of divers coal mines belonging to the Chantry of 


St. John in Barnsley for 21 years at a rent of los. In the 35 th and 
36th Eliz., the coal mines in a certain place in Pountefrett, commonly 
called the *' Parke Common," were let to Edward Talbott for 21 years 
at a rent of los. In the 28th Eliz., the coal mines within the waste of 
Ossett, parcel of Wakefield Manor, were let to John Wade and others 
for a term of 21 years at the annual rent of 3s. 4d. In the 39th and 
40th Eliz., another lease of the " seacoles " within the waste of the 
greaveship of Ossett was granted to Jo. Wade for 2 1 years at a rent of 
3s. 4d. In the 41st Eliz., the mines and pits of sea coals within the 
extra-manorial wood of Wakefield, in the greaveship of Stanley, were 
let to Ferdinand Lee for 21 years at an annual rent of 26s. 8d. Also 
in the same year was granted to Christopher Mather, junr., a license to dig 
coals in a common or waste ground in the Manor of Berwick called 
" Brownemoor," for a term of 2 1 years at a rent of 1 2s. In the 40th 
Eliz., Richard Blande, gentleman, took a license to search for coals 
within the Manor of Loftus, parcel of the Manor of Rothwell, for 21 
years at the rent of 6s. 8d. 

Mining operations had been carried on in this district for many 
years. In the Gaucher of Rievall, ** Adam, son of Peter, gave to the 
church of Rievall, all the mines of the territory of Shitlington and of the 
territory of Flockton, of his part, &c., and all the dead wood of the same 
towns ; witness Alexander, Abbot of Kirkstall (who died 1182). Thomas 
de Horbire grants and confirms to Rievall all gifts that Matthew, son 
of Saxus, gave by charter, scit^ 4 acres and a half of land, in a plain 
called Blaie ... for making their forges there, wherein they may make 
iron and utensils and other necessaries to the house of Rievall, and all 
the dead wood of any part of Flockton and of Sicklington, to the use of 
their forges, so that none have any forge in these places except the 
said monks — In the writings of Francis Wortley, Kt., of Newhall and 

In the 20th Eliz., there is a lease to Edward Brabbill, within the 
warren of Barnoldswick, at a rent of 16/8, for a term of 21 years. In 
the same year, a lease to Christopher Mather, of all those coal mines 
within the manor of Leeds,and the coal mines in Wynmore, at a rent 
of ;^3 13s. 4d. In the 28th Eliz., to Richard Sherborne, Kt, a lease 
was granted of mines of lead, coals, and slate-stones, within the forest 
of Bowland, for 21 years. In the 31st Eliz., Jo. Chappell took a lease 
of divers coal mines, in divers closes belonging to the chantry of St. 
John, in Barnsley, for 21 years, at a rent of 10/-. In the same year the 
" seacoles " within the waste of Brampton Byrelowe, within the baili- 
wick of Shafford, were let to Henry Browne, for 21 years, at a rent of 
20/-. In the 44th and 4Sth Eliz., certain pits and coal mines within 
the lordship of Kypax, were let to Thomas Blande, Esq., for 2 1 years, 
at a rent of 26/8. 

In the twenty-second year of her reign, the Queen also (inter alia) 
demised to Edward Cary, Esq., the '* mines of slate-stones within the 
wastes of Northowrani, and the mines of * sea cole ' upon the waste 


374 0^^ VoktcsHtRfi. 

within the manor of Bradford/* From Pleadings of the Duchy of 
Lancasier^ preserved in the Record Office, we learn that some time 
prior to 1591, Walter Cawverley (Calverley), John Hunter, and Thomas 
Hunter " had intruded into the said cole mynes upon the waste of 
Bradford, and the same have filled and stopped upp the earth," where- 
upon the Attorney-General, on the relation of Thomas Tonge, files a 
bill of complaint against them in the Duchy Court. 

Records preserved at Shibden Hall, now lying before me, show 
that from the time of Elizabeth, the coal under their estate has been 
continuously worked by the owners of Shibden Hall, or their lessees, 
down to the present hour. In the year 1608, when Sir Edward 
Waterhouse, Knt., and Samuel Armitage, citizen of London, sold the 
hall to John Harvie, of London, gent., exception was made in the deed 
*^ of one lease heretofore made by the said Samuell Armitage severally, 
or by him and the said Sir Edward jointly, to Caleb Waterhouse of a 
certain piece or parcell of ground, parcell of the premises, with liberty 
for opening the ground, and digging and takeing of coles there. 

The next references to coal mining that I meet with among the 
Shibden Hall papers are " Articles of ^reement made, &c., upon the 
Seaventhe day of August, in the ninth yeare of the reigne of our 
Sovereigne Lord Charles, &c., 1633, Betweene John ffarrer of the Ewe- 
wood, in the county of Yorke, Esq., of the one party, and Abraham 
Shaw, of the Scolecotebrow in Northeowram in the said county, yeoman, 
of the other party, &c." Some of the particulars given in these articles 
may perhaps be of interest, stripped of some of their legal verbosity. 
First. — ^Thc said A. Shaw, his heirs, &c., shall and lawfully may, peace- 
ably, at all times from henceforth, make sowes and pittes and dig myne 
and mynes for searching and getting coles, untill all the coles bee gotten, 
within any place or places in the wastes and commons of the several 
gravesbips of Hipperholme and Sowerby, in the county of Yorke, where 
the grant heretofore made from one Tusser* to Henry ffarrer, late of 
the Ewewood, Esq., his heirs, d^c, for ever (under whose estate the said 
John ffarer claymes) will permitt, under and upon such covenantes, &c., 
and in such manner as bee hereafter mentioned, viz. : — 

The said Abraham Shaw, his exors., ftc , shall begin his workes hereafter 
specified before the feast of Easter, next ensuing and bear all the charges in wymbles 
and workmen for searching and digging for cules untill hee find the same (if there bee 
any), and also all such further cost as shall be spent in sowing, or sinking, for the 
first pit to be made, and shall dry ve every sow which hee shall take in hand till the 
levell first begun withall shal bee spent, and till they come to take the last waterhead, 
&, after altayning the last waterhead, upon a true and just accompt to bee made & 

• In the Wakefield Court Rolls, there is a copy of Mr. Tusser's commission 
made by Queen Elizabeth, dated Westminster, 27th Feb., 22 Eliz., wherein (inter 
alia.) are these words, "And yielding and paying such yearly rents and fines as by 
you the said W. Tusser shall be assured, being not lesse than after the rates, 4d. for 
the yearly rent, and 10/- for the fine of every acre, and 17/- for the yearly rent, and 
2o/- for the fine of every such messuajg;e or building, 15/- for the yearly rent, and 40/- for 
the fine of every such mill or mine. ' 


given by the said Abraham Shaw to the said John ffarrer, shall take up, & have allow- 
ance of, the fourth part of the said charges, except of boring with wimble for searching, 
out of the half of the profit accrueing to the said John ffarrer forth of the premises, 
which one half of the profit is to be paid to the said John ffarrer by the said A. Shaw, 
so soon as there shal bee any sale or profit made of any coles there eyther in sowing, 
sinking, or dryveing the waterhead for coles aforesaid, att every monthend upon 
demaund of the said John ffarrer, dureing the continuance of the coles therein, and 
then the whole charges of sinking any more pittes, of opening any old pittes, within 
the compasse of that ground so sowed, or where there is need of sowing, and all the 
charges of tooles, ropes, and scoopes, dryveing of the waterhead, and other dead 
worke that may come by falling in of the earth, or wanting of vent, shal bee equally 
borne betwixt the said parties, and all the cleare profitt equally devided betweene 

Item. — That all banksmen for several! pittes shal be chosen by the consentes of 
both partyes. Item. — The said Abraham Shaw shall hyre all the workmen and pay 
them their godspennyes only of his proper costes, and looke to all the severall workes 
taken in hand, keepe them a foot contynually within a monthes space, or elles loose 
all his right of and unto all such mynes as shal bee so neglected (except want of sale 
minister some impediment). 

Item, — The said Abraham Shaw shall bear all charges of sinkeing, sowing, 
and dryving both heades and levell of all such pittes where no profitt shal bee made 
that will countervaile his charge, and also shall and will att all tymes after coles bee 
found till they bee gotten within so much of the said wastes of Hipperholme, as do 
reach from Sugdenhead in Northowrom to one yate called Stryndesyate, occupied 
with the landes in the tenure of Abraham Brig, surcease to get any coles within the 
groundes of the now inheritance of the said Abraham Shaw, or in any part of the 
Scolecote-row aforesaid (except one half yeare only for getting coles in his owne landes 
or the Scolecote-brow lying now common). 

Uem, — That said John ffarrer, his heirs, &c., shall yearly have to his and their 
owne use three hundred horse loades of coles paying for getting thereof, and also bee 
pitt free in any pittes now intended to bee meane between the said partyes. 

Item. — That if any person or persons shall att any tyme hereafter bee desirous to 
search for and get coles in any place, or places, within the said greaveships other then 
where the said A. Shaw shal bee then working, that then it shal bee lawful to and for 
the said John ffarrer to employ the sane persons in getting the same coles (if the said 
A. Shaw shall refuse or ne&^Iect to bore and sinke a pitt, and to do bis best endeavor 
to get coles in any such place upon a monthes notice to bee by him given to the said 
A. Shaw) an3^hing abovesaid notwithstanding. 

//^fv.— AH such composition as shal bee given by the said parties for the more 
convenient getting of the said coles in any the landes of any person, or persons, neare 
adjoining to the said wastes, shal be equally borne by the^ parties, the said A. Shaw 
bearing all the charges of sinkeing, sowring, and dr3rveinge the levell to the last 
waterhead, as is above specified, and in such sort, and upon such allowance (to wit 
the fourth part) for and upon the wastes or common of Hipperholme and Sowerby 
abovesaid. In witnes wherof, &c. 

These " Articles of Agreement " help to make us understand the 
difficulties which our forefathers had to contend with in their mining 
operations. The Halifax coal beds "crop out" on the hill-sides of 
the townships of Northowram and Southowram overlooking Halifax, but 
as the measures dip to the south-east, or, as natives express it, to the 
" ten o'clock sun," our early miners, having to work **to the dip," were 
constantly brought face to face with the water difficulty. Hence the 
importance of the " sow," alias '* sough," which was the drift or water 
mine driven into the hill-side to drain and bring the water from the 
"waterhead" off the working face of the coal. By driving these "sows'* 


or drifts at lower and lower levels in the hill-sides, proportionately larger 
areas of coal were " dried " (as it was called) and won. The **last 
waterhead " would sometimes, in all likelihood, be "attained," when, 
having reached the level of the Ovenden and Halifax brooks, for want 
of fall, no mbre "sows" could be driven. The day of pumps not 
having yet dawned, our ancestors were at this point obliged to abandon 
their works, and leave the reversion thereof to their posterity. 

The next document in my possession, regarding the working of the 
Halifax coal beds, is dated 20th March, 1633, and contains "Articles of 
Agreement, between John Booth, of Northowram, gent., and Abraham 
Shaw, of the same, yeoman," by which the former grants to the latter 
power to ** dig, myne, and get, make and sow pittes, mines and sowes 
for getting and obteyning of coles within any landes, tenements, &c., 
called Dirtcar, &c., in Northowram, now in the tenure of the said John 
Booth and George Booth his father, dureing so long time as coles may 
bee gotten within the said landes or common." The consideration for 
this grant, that A. Shaw should " deliver, or cause to be delivered, at the 
pithill gratis to the 3aid John Booth, his heirs, &c., two ordinary house- 
loades of coles weekly, from such tyme as any coles shalbee by the said 
A. Shaw, his exors., &c., gotten upon the said commons adjoyning to the 
said ^ound, cald (sic) Dirtcar-on-the-East, or within the said landes 
called Dirtcar, dureing such tyme as hee or they get coles there." The 
lessee was also to pay the yearly rent of ten pounds by four shillings 
every week, or by sixteen shillings at every month end — " a fortnightes 
space in the month of December, while there bee no coles usually got, 
yearly excepted." The rent was to be increased to five shillings a week 
if A. Shaw sank any pit or pits in the lands called Dirtcar. The lessee 
also covenants to rail off his pit roads three yards and a half broad, and 
that he will not at any time get coals or make any "sow" up to, or near, 
any other man's coals, to loose or enable them to get any coals through 
such pit or sow making or digging ; nor is he —and this seems a some- 
what hard condition — ** to take above twopence-halfpenny for an horse- 
load of coles." All pits, also, when discontinued, are to be filled up. 
The final *' Article " is, however, more favourable to the lessee, for "if 
the said Abraham Shaw, his exors., &c., do find so many inconveniences 
in drying the said coles or otherwise that they cannot work therein to 
any profitt, that then and from thenceforth these presents shalbee utterly 
void to all intents." 

Perhaps some of the readers of Old Yorkshire can explain the 
custom referred to in these articles, of not working for " a fortnightes 
space " in the month of December. Was it a ** Christmas vacation " ? 

We find that John Booth, gentleman, and Abraham Shaw, 
together with Abraham Sunderland, Esq., and Michael Bairstowe, some 
time prior to 1637, had assigned part of the above lease of mines to 
George Denton, of Halifax, yeoman, who in that year, in consideration 
of the sum of ;£20, granted to John Lister, of Overbrea, yeoman, " all 
and every such parte and partes of all and singular the Colemyne and 


Colemynes lying betwixt one bridge leading into Halifax on the south 
parte, and one place called the North Bank on the north parte, within 
the Towneshippe of Northowrome," which he had by grant from 
Abraham Sunderland, Esq., John Booth, gentleman, Abraham Shaw, 
and Michael Bairstowe. 

Next comes an Indenture, made 14th Feb;, 1651, "Betweene John 
Lister, of Overbrea, in the county of York, gent., and George Croyser, 
of Southowram, in the said county, clothier, of the one partye, and 
Thomas Lister, of Shibdenhall, within the Towneshipp of Southowram 
aforesaid, in the saide county, gent., of the other partye," whereby John 
Lister and George Croyser, in consideration of the sum of ;^33, grant to 
Thomas Lister all such parts of all and singular the coal mines **lyeinge 
and beinge betwixte one bridge leadinge into Hallifax on the south 
parte, and one place called the Pute-slacke on the north parte, within the 
Towneshipp of Northowrome," which they had by the grant of Abraham 
Sunderland, Esq. ; John Booth, gent. ; Michael Bairstowe ; Abraham 
^hawe; Joseph Lister, of Netherbrea ; and George Denton, of Hallifax. 
All the '*tooles, instrumentes, and implementes which they now use at 
the pittes in the Hallifax banke for gettinge of coales there " are assigned 
over, together with the mines. The yearly rent named as payable to the 
Lord of the Manor was five shillings. 

In 1659 the Southowram coal mines were of sufficient importance 
to become the matter of a suit in Chancery between Thomas Lister, of 
Shidben Hall, gent., and Toby Barraclough, gent. The question in dis- 
pute was the liability of the defendant, Toby Barraclough, to pay 52 s. 
yearly, and three horse-loads ofcoals weekly, to the complainant, Thomas 
Lister, in consideration of the latter's opening and cleansing a ** sow" 
or " water-course " in the parties' '* cole-mynes " at Blaithroyd, alias the 
Bank, Stonyroyd, and Place, in the township of Southowram, according 
to " Articles of Agreement " alleged to have been made in 1637. 

Reference has already been made to coal works at Dove House, 
near Shibden Hall, and in the year 1685 ** all that cole myne, now or 
late in the tenure of Samuel Hemingway," was settled by Samuel Cotes, 
gent., of Southowram, with that estate, on his wife, Ann Clarke. 

Returning to the mines immediately connected with Shibden Hall, 
of which I have already recorded a lease bearing date 1608, some 
Chancery proceedings of the time of Queen Anne give some curious 
details of the manner in which the coal was won at that time in these 
parts. The suit was between Richard Sterne, of Woodhouse, Skircoat, 
Esq., and James Lister, Shibden Hall, Gentleman. It must be premised 
that the complainant had married Dorothy, widow of Samuel Lister, 
late of Shibden Hall, and that the hall and grounds had been settled 
upon her as jointure by her deceased husband. Richard Sterne, in his 
bill of complaint, alleges that in a certain close near to the mansion 
house '* during the life of the said Samuel Lister and said Dorothy, his 


wife, there was and now is a great quantity of coals/' and that S. Lister 
in his lifetime had sunk several pits in the said close, and had raised 
thereout '' very great quantities of coals and disposed thereof from time 
to time to a very great profit and advantage." He also alleges that S. 
Lister died in 1702, and devised the fee simple of Shibden Hall to his 
cousin, James Lister, of Yewtrees, gent., subject to his widow's jointure; 
that he, the complainant, marrying the said widow, enjoyed all the pro- 
perty so settled on her for her jointure, together with the said coal pits, 
from which he made '' considerable profit and advantage to himself, to 
the amount of ;;^ioo per annum above all charges." It appears that an 
agreement was made after the death of Dorothy, whereby, in considera- 
tion of James Lister purchasing the household goods, furniture, and 
coal pit tools, &c., half the profits of one coal pit then on foot was to be 
secured to Richard Sterne, '* So long as coals could or might be gotten 
in the same to any profit and advantage, and no longer ; and that the 
Sough and Vent Pit and pits, then remaining open, should continue so 
during all such time as coals were gotten in the said pit, or to be cleansed 
and sowered if need be at the equal costs and charges " of both parties. 
It was further agreed that Mr. Sterne and Mr. Lister should '' each 
of them have all such coals gratis at the pit in the articles mentioned as 
they shall burn and expend in their respective dwelling-houses." Mr. 
Sterne, in his bill, complains that this agreement had been rendered 
void through Mr. Lister's action in sinking a new pit not far from the 
old one in the same close of land. 

Mr. Lister, in his answer, replies that the pit in question was sunk 
after the death of Samuel Lister, and that '' having been kept working 
for about the space of 1 1 years, the coals therein began to fail, and the 
coals that were there, by reason of the long working there, were at such 
great distance from the eye of the pit that they could not be wrought 
and hurried and won but by the double number of hurriers and a greater 
number of other workmen, and at greater wages than usual, so that there 
was very small expectation that the profit and advantage of the said 
coals would answer or countervail the charges and trouble of them, 
besides the inconveniency that the neighbouring country laid under by 
reason of the scarcity of them." The defendant goes on to state that 
William Woodhead (the "banksman" or "overseer"), having repre- 
sented to him the difficulties of working the coal at this pit, '^ desired 
him to let him a new coal pit that he might set on workmen to sink and 
work it, the old one, as he called it, being almost done. Mr. Lister 
himself, seeing that there was no chance of getting coals any longer to 
any or but very little profit, and " at the same time being solicited by 
many of his neighbours to sink a new pit for their convenience," deter- 
mined to sink a new pit on his own account in the same grounds, but 
at such a distance from the old pit that the same should be " no pre- 
judice or hindrance to the working of the said old pit," in case the com- 
plainant should think fit to continue to work it ; and " for that purpose, 
about the last day of March, a.d. 17 13," Mr. Lister "caused several 


experienced workmen to be sent down into the said old pit to take 
measure how far the same had been wrought, and make such other 
proper observations there to the intent that it might be known at what 
distance to sink a new pit, so that it should be no hindrance to the 
old one." 

The workmen, having made their ** observations," informed Mr. 
Lister that the '* said pit was wrought about nine score yards from the 
eye thereof, which is about six score yards more than is usual in the 
neighbouring collieries to work a pit without sinking a new one, in regard 
of the great expenses and charges that necessarily attend the bringing 
and hurrying of coals such an extraordinary and unusual length of way 
under ground." The new pit, Mr. Lister alleges, was sunk ** at least 
twelve score yards distant" from the old one, " which is by much a 
greater distance than coal-pits are usually sunk one from another in the 
neighbouring collieries." Wm. Woodhead, who has been mentioned as 
" banksman " or " overseer " before the sinking of the new pit, which we 
are told, Mr. Lister sunk on his own account, rented the old one at;^40 
per annum, and delivered their house-fire coals gratis to Messrs. Lister 
and Sterne. Woodhead was bound by his agreement to uphold " all 
ways to the pit," and pay " all charges except the land tax." Wood- 
head's father had been tenant before him, but had only employed, it 
appears, four '* getters, one old man which was called a half, and each a 
hurrier." The son added ** several getters and double the number of 
hurriers f but he appears to have acted in rather a high-handed manner 
towards his landlord, "not suffering" him to send a man down to 
measure the works. It also appears that '* he suffered the workmen, for 
the amendment of their wages and to keep them from leaving their work, 
to take, carry off, and sell considerable quantities of coals." The work- 
men are represented as anxious for a new pit, ** saying the old pit would 
ruin them alL" Several of the colliers, we are informed, would ** fre- 
quently get in the posts, and would not go into the far heads because of 
their great distance," and, notably, one of them, Henry Vicars by name, 
said that " he would be at some part of the charge of sinking a new pit 
out of his own pocket than hurry so far in the old pit." The men, we 
are further told, " were often forced to leave their work by reason of the 
damp." The cost of ** hollowing " from the old pit " to the new pit *' 
was 30s., and "several said it would never be done." 

The " marking out of a new pit- stead " seems to have been a some- 
what impressive ceremony in those days, and the colliers, on the 13th 
April, 1 7 13, when " the ground was broak up and cutt out for the new 
pit," which was to be the cause of so much litigation, received allowance, 
in the shape of a ** sodpot," to the amount of 2s. This pit appears, as 
was the ** old one " sunk by Madam Sterne, to have been situate in the 
" Hall Green," at no great distance from the dwelling-house. It was 
finished in October, and the following are the ** cole-pitt tooles which I 
bought and was at the charge of new " on the 6th of that month, 1713 : — 

Sinking Tools. — 5 wimbles of several lengths, 3 chisels, i head, i 
sinking pick, 2 boarded scoops, 2 tubs for drawing water. Tools for 


Working with. — 5 shovels, 5 malls, 5 iron wedges, 20 picks, 8 scoops, 
2 bank shovels. 

The reader will have noted the statements in the records I have 
quoted that "twelve score yards" was an unusually long distance for 
coal pits to be sunk one from another, and that "three score yards" was 
the ordinary limit to which the workings of a pit were extended "from 
the eye thereof." It would also appear from this and other contemporary 
records that the number of men " getting coal " in any given pit in this 
neighbourhood did not often exceed half a dozen, and a like number of 
boy " hurriers." What wages, it may be asked, did the men earn in 
those days, and what sort of profits did the masters reap ? From a 
financial statement for the year 17 14 that has been preserved, I am 
enabled to present the following particulars : — It appears, in the first 
place, that the output for the twelve months was [,i66 dozen horse loads 
of coals, which were sold for jCiys* The total expenditure for the 
same period amounting to £gg 8s., a profit of ;^75 12s. seems to have 
been made. Of the total expenditure ;^92 ss. 6d. is set down under the 
head of " Getting, winding, and picks sharpening," and ;£g 2s. gd, to 
" Other charges." Under the latter head I find were included, inter 
alia^ the following expenses : — " Thurles ;" " Head-settings ;" " Cord- 
ing f '* Oil," a very trifling item ; and " Monday pots." " Thurles " — 
"thirling," we are told in a document about the same period, **is 
cutting through the posts for new heads " — were paid for at the rate of 
2d. each ; "head-settings " at is. each, the heads being about two yards 
wide. " Monday pots *' — " Collier Monday " is a venerable feast —were 
allowances of 3d. a man. There were also extra allowances, under the 
name of" wake-pots," at the occurrence of the Halifax November Fair, 
and New Year's gifts of 6d. to men and 3d. to boys. Unfortunately, 
we are not able to determine exactly what the " getters ' " wages 
amounted to weekly, as they are lumped with those of the two (?) 
"winders " and the cost of sharpening the pick. When they worked by 
the day their wages seem to have been lod. and is. per diem, but in 
1749 a da/s wages for "winding" is only set down at 8d., and in 1723, 
when coals were selling at 3s. 6d. per doz., the "getters" and "winders** 
received only is. 8^. per doz. collectively. The "viewer" was paid is. 
for each weekly inspection. The wright charged in these days is. apiece 
for shoeing scoops — i,e,y " corves " or " tubs," in place of wheels pro- 
vided with iron (so-called) " shoes ;" and four picks made at Elland, 
weight 2iilb., cost ss. 4d. A pit rope, 59 yards long, weight 661b., was 
worth jQi 13s., and these were generally procured at Liverpool. 

The next pit on record was sunk in the year 1718, in the "Calf 
Croft." It was only 13 yards deep. The contractors, Messrs. Booth 
and Tidswell, completed it in 19 days, at 2s. per yard., for the sum of 
jQi 6s., with an allowance of 4s. for boring, hollowing, &c. In the 
following year, another was sunk in " Hall Croft " at 2s. 4d. per yard, 
20 yards deep. The " hollowing " to the same was at 4s. per yard. In 
the spring of 1722, a pit, the siidcing of which cost jQ^ i8s. 6d., was 


opened. It appears to have been situated at '* Bairstow." About this 
date we find that a coal pit chain weighing 4ilb. cost ;;^i 2S., and that 
pick shafts were worth 3d. a piece. In 1724, articles of agreement were 
drawn between James Lister, of Shibden Hall, gent., ot one part, 
and John Parieley, of Southowram, coal miner, and William Honley, of 
Halifax, coal miner, of the other part, by which the latter undertook to 
" sink down one coal pit near the top of Halifax Bank at 6s. per yard. 
The pit to be 2| yards and 2in. in length and i yard 2ft. in breadth, 
and is to be sunk to the depth of the coal bed called the Upper Bed." 
The contractors covenant " not to work and employ themselves at any 
other daily employment until the said coal pit be sunk." James Lister 
promises the sum of los. " over and above the price" bargained for, 
*^ and also to be at the charge of boring in the said coal pit when they 
are sinking the same, if it happen there shall be occasion." 

John Parieley and partner received their " sod-pot '* — 2s. 6d. — ^and 
began their operations in July ; and in August John Scott, the carpenter, 
receives 2s. for " framing the new pit." In January, 1726, for the first 
time, the " gin-horse " makes an appearance in the account-books. The 
following entries may perhaps be of interest : — 

£ s. d. 

Jan., 1725-6. — Pd. for Gin-horse, with charges — 18 o 

Pd. Samuel Hindle for making Ginn 2 17 6 

Pd. Thomas Little for Iron work for Ginn i 16 o 

Prior to this time all the coal raised at Shibden Hall seems to have 
been " picked" by *^ winders," who were paid, as has been already stated, 
8d. a day for the job. 

In 1727 Mr. James Lister began to sink a pit in "Trough of 
Bolland Wood," which I fancy was a failure owing to an excessive, for 
that day, quantity of water. It would seem that there was even at that 
time some sort of union among the masters of the neighbourhood, for, 
under date of 29th June, 1731, S. Lister "spent at Stump Cross, when 
we met to advance the coals, 8d." In this year the cost of making four 
yards of "Wimbles" at 8d. per joint, and 3d. per cwt, was /}i 5s. 3d. 
At the Christmas of the same year the colliers received i2lb. of beef at 
3jd. per lb. In 1736 another pit was sunk at the Bank Top (now Park) 
Farm, near Shibden Hall, for "drawing up of the coal mine called the 
Upper Bed." This was contracted for by David Backsendell and John 
Hargreaves, both of Northowram. The pit was to be three yards at the 
top of the shaft in length, and one and a half yards in breadth, and 
from the middle two yards by one and a half yards. The price for 
sinking to be paid by the Rev. John Lister was 8s. per yard, and 20s. 
for guttering and boring a side hole from the bottom of the rag to the 
bottom of the upper bed for taking away water. John Lister to find 
all tools, materials, and other necessary implements to be used in boring 
and sinking the shaft. 

By Articles of Agreement made in 1749, a pit was to be sunk to 
the Upper Bed in Hanging Hey, on the south side of Shibden Hall, 3J 


yards by i^ yards to the middle, and thence 2 yards by i^ yards to the 
bottom, at 8s. per yard, and 20s. to be paid for guttering and boring 
side holes from the bottom of the rag in order to keep the pit and tackle 
dry, and 20s. for extra boring, John Lister, the owner, to find all tools, 
materials, &c. (gunpowder and carpenters' tools excepted). It would 
appear from the total sum paid to the sinkers that this pit was about 70 
yards deep. Other pits previously in the Shibden Hall estate had not 
exceeded 50 yards. 

In the year 1749 another attempt had been made to sink a pit in 
*' Trough of BoUand Wood," which ** cost about twenty guineas, when 
the workmen could proceed no further, being; stopped by water." In 
1750 the number of men employed in the pits appears to have been 
only eleven and six boys. The following year the " Bottom Coal," />., 
lower or soft bed, was reached in the " Hanging Hey Pit," and the 
colliers accordingly had 7s. given them to honour the event withal. The 
year 1755 saw another pit completed in the ** Flat Field," on the top of 
the hill opposite Shibden Hall, of which, according to the articles of 
agreement, 59 yards had been already sunk and paid for. John John- 
son and William Booth, the contractors, were first to bore to the " Upper 
Bed," in order to carry off the water, and then to sink two yards in 
length and i J yards in breadth down to the " Upper Bed," or bottom of 
the pit. The price per yard was to be i8s. 6d. for boring and sinking, 
and 20s. extra for making the ** side hole" under the " rag.** The cost 
of making the gin for this pit was ;;^io los. In this year we first hear 
of a " pump for the coal pit," which cost the moderate sum of 8s. 6d. 
There is a plan — the earliest I possess — ^preserved of this pit, in which 
the " pump-work " is duly shown. 

In 1752 Mr. Samuel Lister, of Shibden Hall,agreed to let Benjamin 
Norminton, of Stump Cross, and Azer Taylor, of Fold, in Northowram, 
work the coal under his Shibden Mill Estate, at a royalty of 9d. for every 
" dozen or twelve-horse load of coals of the customary measure of this 
country," for the term of seven years. We are approaching the modern 
era when, about 1760, we find the then proprietor of the mines consider- 
ing the expediency of pumping by means of a " fire-engine,*' though 
coming to the conclusion that ^' no coal mine in this country will answer 
the charge of a fire-engine ; for a water-engine they may answer, as water 
will draw water." In 1775 ^^ ^^^ " Horrocks, the Lancashire work- 
man," engaged in putting up, at a cost of about ;^i,ooo, waterwheels at 
Mytholm to work the pumps required to keep the colliery established 
there by Mr. Jeremy Lister clear of water. 

It may not be out of place to mention, in conclusion, that the Rev. 
Titus Knight, founder of the Square Congregational Church at Halifax, 
and the Rev. Daniel Taylor, father of the ** General Baptists " in 
Halifax, were both, I believe, employed as colliers in the Shibden Hall 
Pits, the former being related to Joseph Knight, " viewer " in the time 
of the Rev. John Lister, M.A., who died m 1759. 

Shibden Hall^ Halifax, J. Lister, M.A. 



The introduction of Methodism into Bradford is not to be 
ascribed to Mr. Wesley, notwithstanding that he several times visited 
the town during the years of his itinerancy, but to that faithful disciple 
of his, John Nelson, the Birstall stonemason, of whom Southey said, 
'' that he had as high a spirit and as brave a heart as ever Englishman 
was blessed with." Nelson's bold advocacy of Wesley's religious views 
had been the means of bringing him into trouble. There were those 
among his enemies who were only too glad of a pretext for getting him 
out of the neighbourhood where he had been accustomed to preach. 
Soldiers were greatly needed at this time (1744), and all "able-bodied 
men," who led disorderly lives, or had no apparent means of earning 
their livelihood, were pressed into the service with very little scruple. 
Among those who shared this fate was John Nelson, an able-bodied man 
certainly, but one who neither led a disorderly life, nor was wanting 
in a real or an " apparent " means of earning his livelihood. He, how- 
ever, was apprehended while preaching in a house at Adwalton, and on 
the following day was brought before certain commissioners at Halifax, 
who, in spite of abundant evidence to his good character and 
respectability, condemned him to serve His Majesty as a common 

The Vicar of Birstall has been accredited with the bringing about 
of this unjust persecution of a good and harmless man, and that he did 
it as a means of getting John and his preaching removed out of the 
parish. Nelson was ordered to be taken to York. On his way 
thither he was lodged for a time in a dungeon at Bradford, a filthy 
hole, which he said " stunk worse than a hog-stye, by reason of the 
blood and filth which sink from the butchers who kill over it." At 
night several good folks came to the dungeon door, brought the 
prisoner candles, and put him meat and water in through the hole of the 
door. Filthy and comfortless as the place was, John said his soul was 
so filled with the love of God that it was a very paradise to him. "When 
I had eaten and drunk," he says, " I gave God thanks, and we (himself 
and the good people who had coi!he to sympathise with him) sang hymns 
almost all night, they without and I within." 

At five o'clock in the morning of next day, Nelson was removed 
from this disreputable place and taken on to Leeds. Afterwards, through 
the kind influence of the Countess of Huntingdon, he obtained his 

The Rev. W. W. Stamp, a Wesleyan minister stationed at Bradford 
in 1841, and who in i860 was elected President of the Conference, 
brought out a small work entitled " Wesleyan Methodism in Bradford 
and its Vicinity," in which, after speaking of John Nelson's harsh treat- 
ment in the Bradford dungeon, he goes on to tell of "providential blights" 
that afterwards befell those who had been the principal actors in bringing 
the same about The deputy constable who had seized Nelson at 


Adwalton, and had repeatedly declared that if his arm rotted from his 
shoulder he would himself "press" John Nelson, realized but too soon 
the consequences of his daring. '< Paralysis/' says Stamp, ''succeeded 
inflammation, and the use of his arm never returned ; whilst at this day, 
the house of the persecutor is written in the *dust." This reverend 
historian, who speaks so glibly of ''God's judgments," then goes on to 
deal with the Vicar of Birstall, "who, with such unrelenting bitterness, 
pursued and persecuted this worthy man (Nelson)." " It is a fact well 
known," he states, " that his (the Vicar*s) only child — the lust of the 
man — ^must have sought an asylum in the parish workhouse, but for the 
united contributions of some Church friends and Methodists." 

Very interesting are the circumstances under which Methodism was 
first introduced into Bradford. The first Methodist service was, as we 
have seen, a prayer meeting held at the door of a miserable dungeon, 
and the first place of worship the upper room of an old cock-pit ! Strange 
that the spot that was to witness the revival of religion in Bradford 
should have been noted as the favourite resort "of the most profligate 
characters then to be found," and that the place where Wesley, Whitefield, 
and Grimshaw were wont to address multitudes of anxious hearers, had 
but recently been the gathering-place of disreputable gamblers and 
black-legs, who revelled in such degrading sports as cock-fighting and 
bull-baiting. It would; perhaps, be difficult to find another spot that 
has been put to so many "base uses" as the old building known as the 
cock-pit. Besides the honour of being successively the first meeting 
room of the Baptist and Methodist bodies, it boasted the distinction of 
being also the gathering place of the followers of Baron Swedenborg and 
Joanna Southcot As to its secular uses, they are untold ; but it is quite 
certain that at different periods it served the purposes of a court-house, 
lock-up, barracks, vagrants' refuge, school-room, joiners' shop, and soap 
and oil warehouse ! 

The Methodists took possession of the large room in this building, 
as a place of worship, in the year 1756. Wesley, in a visit which he 
paid in the following year, thus refers to it: — "Thursday, May 12. The 
latter end of the week I spent in Bradford. Sunday, 15, at five, the 
house contained the congregations, but -at eight they covered the plain 
adjoining to it The sun was hot till the clouds interposed ; it was a 
solemn and comfortable season." The plain here alluded to was an open 
space between the old cock-pit and the beck, which then ran uncovered 
through the heart of the town. This open space was known as " the 
Turls Green," from which we now have "Tyrrel Street." Here assembled 
the crowds who came to hear Mr. Wesley preach from the top of the 
steps at the east end of the building. Bradford had not then more 
than five thousand inhabitants. The only building of any importance 
of which it could boast was its Parish Church, an imposing erection 
{temp, Henry VI.) standing on an eminence overlooking the town. The 
Vicar, in Wesley's time, the Rev. John Crosse, an Arminian in sentiment, 
and a good man to boot, held out the hand of fellowship to Wesley, and 


on more than one occasion allowed him to preach from his pulpit. There 
were then but one church and two dissenting chapels in Bradford, the 
latter being the Friends' meeting-house in Goodman's End, and the 
Presbyterian Chapel in Pond (now Chapel) Lane. 

John Wesley's first ^isit to Bradford was made in the summer of 
1744, on which occasion he preached at-Little Horton, tradition says at 
Horton Hall, the home of the famous Sharp family, where in former 
times good Oliver Heywood had often been a welcome guest. Wesley 
was in Bradford again during the following year, and also in the years 
1746 and 1747. To the latter year belongs the formation of the first 
Methodist Society in Bradford. One of the first members of this small 
organization was a Thomas Mitchell, who, after serving as a soldier, be- 
came one of the earliest Methodist preachers. Alluding to Mr. Wesley's 
visit in 1747, he says, "He (Mr. Wesley) joined several of us together 
in a class, which met about a mile from the town. But all of them fell 
back and left me alone; yet afterwards some of them returned." 

If we may take the ** home-spun " verses of William Damey as 
authentic evidence of the fact, it would seem that Methodism had not 
gained a very firm footing in Bradford up to the year 175 1. 

On Bradford likewise, look Thou down, 

Where Satan keeps his seat ; 
Come, by Thy power ; Lord ! him dethrone, 

For Thou art very great. 

But, bad as Bradford was in this respect, there were certain neighbouring 
townships which seem (from the poet's point of view) to have been 
much worse — Eccleshill in particular. 

In Eccleshill they're stiff and proud, 

And. few that dwell therein 
Do shew they've any fear of God, 

Or hatred unto sin. 

By the way, the Eccleshill Methodists caused Mr. Wesley much annoy- 
ance by the persistent manner in which they held out to have a trust 
deed of their own making, containing certain clauses which he could not 
tolerate. Many were his visits to this place in order to bring about a 
settlement of the matter. In May 1 788, he writes, " In the afternoon 
(May 2) I spent some hours with the Trustees of Eccleshill (preaching) 
house, but I might as well have talked to so many posts,^^ iviethodism 
did not afterwards thrive in this village it would seem, for, although the 
population had greatly increased, it was not till 1854 that the small old 
chapel of Wesley's time was superseded by a larger building. 

Matters prospered much better at Bradford. When it became 
evident that the room in the old cock-pit was no longer, safe for public 
worship, the floor having on one occasion given way whilst the congre- 
gation were met, the erection of a new chapel was at once contemplated, 
the land purchased, and the enterprise entered upon with the zeal and 
energy characteristic of the followers of Wesley. The site chosen for 
the new sanctuary was in Horton road, on the sunny side of the town, 


and with very pleasant surroundings. Truly the people ^* had a mind to 
work." Several of the members cheerfully assisted in digging the 
foundation, while two earnest and devoted " brothers " went forth to 
collect funds in the district^ and, though the first contribution they 
received did not exceed the modest sum of two^nce, they were by no 
means discouraged. The building involved an outlay of ;^997 8s. gd., a 
large sum in those days, when there were no wealthy religious patrons or 
bazaars to fall back upon for help as in these. 

The style in which the chapel was to be built was one to which Mr. 
Wesley was himself very partial, namely, the Octagon, which, while it 
possessed the advantage of seating a greater number of worshippers than 
other buildings, and its accoustic properties were superior, had never- 
theless the drawbacks of being less secure in point of safety, and was 
quite incapable of enlargement except by entire rebuilding. 

The new chapel was opened on Sunday, July 27, 1776. Mr. 
Wesley in his journal, says : — " There was so large a multitude, and the 
rain so damped my voice, that many in the skirts of the congregation 
could not hear distinctly. They have just built a preaching house on a 
square of 54 feet, the largest Octagon we have in England, and it is the 
first of the kind where the roof is built with common sense, rising only a 
third of its breadth, yet it is as firm as any in England." 

And yet, in spite of this eulogium in its favour, the Octagon chapel 
in Horton Road had to be abandoned in little more than forty years 
after its erection, the walls having so far given way as to render the 
place unsafe for public worship. 

Bradford was one of the spots that Wesley delighted to visit, and 
he did visit it often. He lived to see his cause here prosper and flourish 
beyond his greatest expectation. The cause has never ceased to prosper 
to the present time, and promises to do so unto the far remote future. 
Wesley paid his last visit to the town on the 2nd May 1788, having then 
nearly completed his eighty-flfth year. On the morning of Sunday, May 
4th, he preached in the Parish Church, which, though a large building, 
was so densely flUed that it was with extreme difficulty he was able to 
reach the pulpit. " It was, however," says he, " worth all the labour. 
I strongly applied those words in the epistle for the day — * The end of 
all things is at hand, be ye therefore sober and watch unto prayer.' It 
seemed as if the whole congregation was moved. I believe that hour 
will not soon be forgotten." 

Such was the last appearance in Bradford of this venerable and 
good man. A touching and impressive picture surely ! Wesley was 
then very near the end of his long and useful pilgrimage on earth, — full 
of years and well-earned honours. Still more impressive was this 
occasion rendered by the fact that the venerable and blind Vicar of 
Bradford, beloved of his people, took part in the service. 

Bradford. W. Scruton. 



HE first glimpse of Methley Hall, the Earl of Mexborough's 
seat in the village of Methley, is disappointing. It presents 
a bare and unpleasing modem front, which cannot be seen 
from any considerable distance. This new front was built 
by Carr, of York, a little more than a hundred years 
JO, in the time of the second earl. It was altered to its present 
^pearance fifty years ago by his son, the third earl. An old 
. [igraving of Methley Hall, dated 1788, which I have before me, 
shows Carr's front, then brand new. A large bay window flanks 
each side of the principal entrance. The entablature is of Georgian 
severity. One of the principal alterations, made about 1830, when the 
third earl succeeded to the title, was the carrying up of the bays to the 
top of the house. The appearance of the facade was thus greatly 
improved, but it was not possible then to reproduce the picturesque out- 
lines of the original front. 

If Methley Hail had never been altered, — if, that is to say, the 
destroying hand of the eighteenth century restorer had been stayed, — it 
would probably to-day be one of the most interesting Elizabethan houses 
in Yorkshire. But the spirit of architectural bathos in those days could 
not be induced to let things alone. Every man who had a house set 
about restoring it, and the older and more interesting it was the greater 
was the certainty of its being "restored." Lord Melbourne's famous 
question, " Can't you let it alone ?" was never asked in reference to 
those monomentai mistakes, for everybody was so much enamoured 
with the " vastly elegant " travesties of classical forms in fashion, that it 
was not deemed possible to say a word in favour of the more romantic 
types of architecture indigenous to this country. When everything has 
been said that can be said to prove there is no architecture worthy of 


the name save the purely classic, the fact remains — and that it is a fact 
there are a thousand examples to prove — that whenever a country makes 
extensive employment of a fashion of building utterly foreign to its 
habits and its instincts, that country is passing through a period of 
intellectual darkness. Classic architecture of any kind was unknown in 
England — ^the little of the Italian spirit which leavened the later 
Elizabethan period was s6 slight as to be hardly noticeable — until quite 
the end of the seventeenth century, and it was not until the eighteenth 
was getting into years that classicalism became rampant. I am obliged 
to use that offensive adjective. The adherents of the classic styles 
behaved like conquerors in an enemy's country. The tongue reviled 
and the pen scarified those grand examples of early native art which we 
now regard as one of our proudest legacies from the past. But, some 
fifty or sixty years ago, the turn of romanticism came in architecture as 
in poetry, in the drama, and, indeed, in all the liberal arts ; and the art 
education of the people is such now that it is in the highest degree un- 
likely that the bogey of classicalism will ever be seen again in this land. 

And now, having danced upon the prostrate foe, let me go on to 
say that Methley Hall is so pleasantly situated as to have deserved to 
make a better figure in the world. The park which surrounds it is 
really beautiful, and its charm is increased by the presence of a lake and 
a small herd of fallow deer. The house stands on the slope of a gentle 
hill, and, although it does not command any extensive prospects from 
the front, the views which those windows afford are pretty enough. 
The eye wanders from the charming gardens, across the well-wooded 
park, to the village of Methley, and, farther on, to Pontefract. Cedars 
are a speciality of Methley Park, many of them being old and very fine. 
All of the older of them have been planted by previous Saviles. A new 
generation is growing up which has been planted by the present Lord 
Mexborough, from cones he brought from Lebanon some fifty years ago. 
The views from the high land at the back of the house are much more 
extensive and varied. Thence the Grange and Elmley Moors can be 
distinctly seen, with the high lands of Pikelow and High Hoyland rising 
up beyond them. To the north lies Templenewsam and its girdle of 
embosoming woods. Methley is close to the junction of the Aire and 
the Calder, and, as we gaze from this point, Airedale lies to one side of 
us and Calderdale to the other. Thus, Lord Mexborough's domain 
possesses no inconsiderable share of natural attractions. Pretty itself, it 
commands the beautiful. At Club Cliff, whence we have been taking 
our imaginary view, there is a building called '* The Pinnacle," a brick 
tower, with an open platform at the top and a small room, something 
like an elevated summer arbour, in the middle. From the top can be 
seen not only the view I have described, but the spires, in addition, of 
Wakefield, Oulton, and Middleton. 

There is an abiding touch of the old English days everywhere fixed 
upon Methley — vulgarly still called Medlay — which is not so character- 
istic of all the adjoining parishes, in most of which abundant tokens of 

methley park and hall. 289 

the Ndrseman are to be found. In its place-name — be it Methley or 
Meadley — ^we have the Saxon compound indicating a metzdaw-field^ 
which refers to subdued nature and the residence of man. In the 
dedication of its church to the Saxon Oswald, who lived in the middle 
of the seventh century, and of whom a mutilated statue still remains 
over the south door, we have some further corroboration of the antiquity 
and perhaps also of the dignity of the settlement. As the home of the 
ancient family of Waterton, magnates of the Plantagenet and early 
Lancastrian days, we have additional evidence of the ancient prominence 
of th'e seat. As the neighbour of the regal castle at Rothwell, and the 
home ot right worshipful people, we can only conclude that the 
Plantagenet mansion was of befitting splendour.* 

The oldest portions of the present Methley Hall are nearly 300 
years old, for the house was originally built by Sir John Savile in 1593. 
The back of the hall and the southern wing are the principal remains of 
the original building, and hereabouts are the initials of the builder, 
and the date of the building — I. S., 1593. There still exist at Methley 
some of the fine old leaden spouts which our ancestors made so well. 
They also bear the initials of Sir John Savile. The older portions of the 
house are all lower than the new ones, and infinitely more picturesque. 
The re-fronting and carrying up of the bay windows are not the only 
alterations which have been made at Methley. The third earl erected 
the north wing some half a century ago, and in this way materially 
increased the accommodation of the house, which has never been very 
large, and must, previous to the building of this wing, have been incon- 
veniently small. The characteristics of the old buildings are entirely 
Elizabethan. There are the ample windows, the panelled chambers, 
the delicately moulded ceilings, the carved wooden fireplaces, which are 
distinctive of Elizabethan work. The house is built of stone from 
Oulton, hard by, and there are still left some of the effectively-massed 

•The great days of the House of Pomfret — the days of chivalry, of hawks and 
hounds, as Hungate at Methley still testifies — when Countess Alice de Laci, 
mother of the puissant Henry, Earl of Lincoln, lived at Rothwell, when the Edwards 
hunted in Rothwell Haigh, and the King of France, captured at Agincourt, was 
residing at MeAley — terminate with the Wars of the Roses, which was the birth-time 
of the family of Savile, or anciently and yet popularly Say vile. The architecture of 
Methley Church speaks to the era when the old buildings wore out ; it is corroborated 
by the following : — Henry VII. To our trusty and well-beloved the Steward of our 
honnour of Pountfret, and in his absence to his deputie there, and to either of theym, 
gretyng. Wher as the mannour place of our lordship of Rothwell, called the Maner 
Garthes, is in ruyne and decaie, and the remaine that stondeth is like to fall doone, 
and of which as now we have litil perfit or noon, and forsomuch as our trusty and 
well-beloved squier Roger Hopton, gentleman-usher of the chamber, hath promysed 
and graunted to edifie and bilde certyn convenient howsyng of lime bildyng and an in 
for our pleasure and his ease, within the said garthes, and desirith us that he may have 
the same to hym and his assygnes by copy of our court ther ; wherfore we wol and 
charge you that unto our seid servaunt ye do make a graunt in our court ther by 
copy of the said garthes, to have to hym and his assies after the custume of our 
manour ther, yeld3mg unto us yerely for the same five shOynges, the certeyntie of the 
bildyng between you to be granted and in the same copy to be repressed. 



and cunningly-twisted chimneys built of Bramley Fall stone. The 
present outward appearance of the house, as I have hinted, is distress- 
ingly Georgian. The cornice is pierced with balustrades — a hateful 
device which was very popular in the south of England, but, happily, 
did not much prevail in the more remote northern shires, which, at any 
rate until the introduction of the railways, preserved their own distinctive 
types of house-building better than did the southern counties. Within a 
few hours of the writing of these lines the St. fameis Gazette has said, in 
a few words, exactly that which I have been endeavouring to prove in 
these articles. " There is little doubt about it," says the St. Janies^s^ 
" that the old country houses of Yorkshire are among the most interest- 
ing of those which time, fire, and the pick-axe have left to us. There is 
a greater variety in their architecture, and a more intimate connection 
with history than is the case with the generality of the old family seats in 
the south of England. ** 

The pediment of the principal front — Carr's front — ^bears the 
quartered arms, the crest and supporters, of the ancient house of Savile, 
which has been of importance in Yorkshire for close upon six hundred 
years. Unfortunately it is not alone the exterior of Methley Hall 
which has suffered by the hand of the restorer. When the house was 
first built it contained, as all country houses of any pretension contained 
at that time, a long gallery, panelled, and floored with a simple but 
effective parquetry, and a gracefully moulded ceiling. These ceilings 
were originally merely whitewashed ; in many houses they still remain 
so, and very effective they are. In modern days it has become the 
fashion to paint and gild them, which has always a gaudy and sometimes 
even a bizarre effect. 

From the Yorkshire Weekly Post. 


Carr — old form Carre, in composition frequently car^ as in Car- 
croft, Sheepscar, EUercar. 

This word is derived from the Old Norse, kjarr — copse, ling, 
brushwood, &c., and then applied to the place where underwood grew ; 
afterwards to a swamp or marsh with or without the underwood ; and 
eventually to any relatively flat, low-lying land, wet and boggy, subject 
to floods, and containing permanent pools with sedge and rushes. 
Leland (i6th century) says of the Isle of Axholme, Lincolnshire, " The 
soil by the water be fenny, morische and ful of carres.'* Since his time 
the carrs have been drained, and the district rendered rich and fertile. 
A positive application of the word in the fulness of its original sense 
is obtained in a charter of land granted by Hillary Trussebut to the 
Templars at Ribstan circa 1250 — "namely of all the wood which is 
called Kerhaghe." In the Scotter — Lincolnshire — Court Roll, 1556, 
" Yt ys ordered euery inhabytant of Scotter shall put ther. geyse in 


the Carre, or else clyppe ther wynges, or pul theym, upon payne of eu'ye 
flocke iiis. iiiid." 

The word assumes various forms in the different dialects. Old 
Norse, kjarr and ker ; Icelandic, kiarr \ Norse, kjerr ; Danish, k<zr ; 
Suo. Gothic, kaerr \ Early English, ker. The Scotch word Carse^ as in 
the " Carse of Cowrie," " Carse of Stirling,'* " Carse of Falkirk," &c., 
its equivalent in North Britain, is supposed to be derived from the same 
source ; as also the Irish word Currah : corrah and curt each being old 
Celtic terms for a marsh or morass. It is said there are 30 Irish Town- 
lands named Curragh-more, the great currah, or great morass ; and more 
than 30 places in Munster termed Curraheen, the little marsh. In 
England the name is confined almost exclusively to the Danelagh, or to 
places where the Northmen obtained a settlement in marshy or fenny 
districts. Almost all the Yorkshire carrs have by this time been 
cultivated and made productive, but the names remain in hundreds of 
instances, either as the nam'es of hamlets, residences, fields, valleys, or 
districts generally. 

Many of the names are characteristic of the nature of the district 
at the time the name was given, as Dirt-Carr, Miry-Carr, Foul-Carr, 
Deep-Carr, Causeway-Carr, /.^., the Carr with a raised road across it, 
Starr-Carr, /.^., the Carr where strong coarse grass and rushes grow ; 
from Old Norse ^orr^ bent, sedge, reeds, coarse grass, &c. By the 15 
and 16 Geo. II., c. 33, "plucking up and carrying away starr or bent, 
or having it in possession, within five miles of the sandhills, was punish- 
able by fine, imprisonment, and whipping." There is a Starr-Carr near 
Seamer, another in the Isle of Axholme, Star-beck near Harrogate, several 
Storrs in the West-Riding, and Starring and Star-garden in Lancashire. 
Turf-Carr, Bawtry, a Carr where turf is cut : Cow-Carr, Ox-Carr, &c. 
The majority of the Carrs, however, receive their names from the houses, 
hamlets, or villages, erected in the neighbourhood, as Woodhouse-Carr, 
Batley-Carr, Hunslet-Carr, and Harlow-Carr. Of Hunslet Carr, 
Thoresby says, *' What is now called Hunslet-Carr — and strictly answers 
Mr. Ray's description, * a hollow place where water stands ' — was pro- 
bably in former ages a mere spreading fen or marsh." The same may 
be said of Woodhouse-Carr. There is sufficient evidence that the 
valley between the Woodhouse and Potternewton Ridges was formerly a 
lake. During the excavation for the Meanwood drainage several trunks 
of large trees were met with which had evidently been washed down the 
valley, and sunk in the lake. The natural drainage of the Carrs was 
effected by becks, sykes, and dykes, many of which still exist, as Car- 
beck, Car-syke, and Car-dyke. 

Miller — History and Antiquities of Doncaster^ 1804 — says, "Potteric- 
Car is situated about half a mile southwards of Doncaster ; some part of 
it is called Doncaster-Car, other parts, Balby, Loversal, Wadworth, High- 
Ellers, or Besicar-Car ; but the original denomination of the whole cir- 
cumference was and is now called Potteric-Car ', southwards it extends 
in length about four miles from Doncaster to Rossington, westward 

292 OLt) VokKSHIR^. 

about the same distance in breadth from High Ellers beyond Wad- 
worth. It contains 4000 acres of land. Potteric-Car was entirely a 
morass or bog till the year 1766, when an Act of Parliament was 
obtained for enclosing it." 

The Carrs have, in many instances when consolidated, been 
utilised and used as racecourses, as, for instance, Potteric-Car, 
Doncaister ; Altcar, Liverpool ; Carholme, Lincoln ; Pontefract and 
Stockton-Carrs ; and the Currah of KLildare. Some few names ending in 
Car, as Golcar, Rough-Carr, are supposed to be derived from the Anglo- 
Saxon Car — a rock, a contraction probably of the Norse word scar. 

The prefix Car in such words as Carlisle, Carnarvon, 6^c., is also 
an entirely different word from the subject of our note. Cair or Caer^ 
the old British word for a place encircled by a fence, or wall, was applied 
to any fortified town or city. In modern Welsh Cae is the name for a 
necklace, because it encircles and encloses the neck, a fence or hedge 
that surrounds a field, a wall that surrounds and protects a town or 
city ; and Caer the town or city so protected. Carlisle is Caer-leul^ the 
fortified town on a lake. Cardiff was formerly Caer-taff^ the fortified 
town on the river Taff; and York, the Eboracum of the Romans, was 
called by the Romanised Britons Caer-Ebranc. 

FiTTS, FiTTiES. On the banks of the Wharfe, near Harewood Castle, 
are certain fields called "The Fitts," and lower down the river are 
'* Keswick Fitts." They are level lands containing rich loamy soil. 
Seven hundred years ago William Trussebut gave land " on the west 
part of the way which leads from Cralvett towards Werreby." In Lincoln- 
shire such lands are called ** Fitties,'* the word being applied to flat strips 
of land bordering the sea, estuary, or lake. In Old Norse /?/, plural 
fitjar^ is the name for meadow land, on or near the banks of a frith 
or lake ; the modem Danish term is^^as in Osterfed. 

Flass, Flash. — A sheet of shallow water. About a mile to the 
south of Castleford is Carr-Flass. At Upper Wike is a place called 
Flash-Pond. There is a village called Flash in Derbyshire, and in 
Lincolnshire are Ferry-flash and Flashmire. The Rev. G. Streatfield, 
** Lincolnshire and the Danes," says, " The first syllable of this name 
(Flashmire) looks very much like the Danish^ai/^^, which, when used in 
a local sense, sometimes means a small creek surrounded by meadows." 

LuM, LuMB. — This name, with or v;ithout the b, — which is a 
modern addition, — is applied to a number of places, especially in the 
elevated districts of the West Riding of Yorkshire, where a brook or 
streamlet runs through a wooded gorge, and forms in its course pools of 
water more or less deep. Canon Hulbert, "Annals of the Parish 
Church of Aldmondbury," quotes the Rent Roll of 1492 as follows: — 
" John Parkin holds four acres in the Lum and one acre at Benolmey, 
and pays in Mich, term 9^d." The family of Parkin still hold possessions 
and reside in the Lum, now spelled Lumb. Near Drighlington are 
Lumb-bottom, Lumb-wood, and Lumb-Hall. Between the Keighley 
moors and Sutton is Lumb-clough ; and near Haworth, Lum-beck and 


Lumb-foot. Between Shelf and Hipperholme, Lum-brook. At Slack, 
Lumb-bank ; and, 200 feet below hills on either side, Lumbottom Mill. 
In Erringden, near Cragg-brook and Marshaw-bridge, are Lumb Stone, 
Upper Lumb and Lower Lumb, and near Hebden Bridge, Lumb- 
valley. Between Sowerby and Ripponden are Lumb, and Lumb-fall in 
Lumb-clough, 200 feet below Lumb-hill and Lumb-clough. 

In the township of Langfield, little more than a mile to the south- 
west of Todmorden, is a small village called Lumbutts, about the origin 
of the name of which a question was asked in the Leeds Mercury Supple- 
ment^ in July, 1885. One correspondent replied : " Lumbutts is a com- 
bination of the surname Lumb and the place-name * Butts.' * Butts,' 
we are told, is an old English word — a mark for archers. No doubt at 
some period in the history of this place there will have been erected 
butts for the bowmen's practice ; and at some subsequent time to that 
when the bowmen met to try their skill, some person of the name of 
Lumb owned, rented, or became connected with the place \ hence the 
name Lumbutts." Another correspondent writes : " I rather think it 
simply means the end of a hill. Lum in the Scottish dialect means a 
chimney. To loom is to appear elevated, so does a hill side, so also 
does a weaver's hand loom ; the noun butt means end^ Itmii^ bounds 
whilst the ' butt end ' is the thicker end of a thing. The hill on the 
south side of the Bilberry Reservoir near Holmfirth is called Lumbank. 
On the south side of the Castle hill at Almondbury is a place called 

The writer of the present notes said : — " I have not been able to 
ascertain the locality or position of Lumbutts, but I suspect it is near a 
once — if not now — ^wooded gorge, through which some beck or brooklet 
runs. There are several places in Yorkshire and Lancashire named Lum 
or Lumb, all answering to this description, and supposed to derive their 
names from the Old English Lum, and primarily from the Old Norse 
LuMa^2i deep pool, generally overshadowed with trees, dr'c." A 
correspondent signing " Stoodley Pike," wrote : — " Lumbutts is now a 
little village in the township of Langfield, situate near to and now of 
considerably more importance than the old town of Mankinholes ; and 
those who know the place will agree with me that Mr. Hardcastle could 
not have given a better description of the surroundings had he known it 
intimately. A natural waterfall in any of the streams of this district is, 
by the older inhabitants, called a * lumb,' doubtless from the luma, 
deep pool, at the foot of it." This correspondent then enumerated 
several lumbs in the neighbourhood similarly situated, and quoted Dr. 
March, ** East Lancashire Nomenclature," as to the meaning of the word 
Butt. "A. S. butariy without, the converse of binnan, within. The ' but 
and ben ' are the outer and inner rooms of a dwelling.* Butt also means 

* We may refer the Bean Ing in Leeds to the same source, and not to the . Latin 
for prayer. The Bean Ing has been the inner ing, because nearer the town, an outer 
one lying westward to the North Hall woods of old. The word " Buttons *' which has 
grown corrupt as the meaning was lost, is a not uncommon field name at the present 


an outhouse, and sometimes a field or yard adjoining a house, and 
instances the following place-names : — Bambutts, Winterbutlee, Midge 
hall Butt, Rumbuts (PLumbatts), Farbuts, Middle Butts, Goosebutts, 
and Shearbutts." The statement that Butt means an outhouse and 
sometimes a field adjoining a house is questionable. The fields are the 
Butts, and they may or may not contain an outhouse. Barnbuts are 
fields with a barn. Goosebuts, fields where geese feed. The older 
Dictionaries, and modern Glossaries and Dictionaries of Archaic words, 
give among other definitions, " Butts —a bank, a boundary, a limit, the 
short ridges or headlands of a field, the corners of a field, a small piece 
of ground, a strip of uneven waste land." The Rev. J. C. Atkinson, in 
''Additions to a Glossary of the Cleveland Dialect, says : — "Butts, a piece 
of land usually small and of irregular shape. This word is of frequent 
occurrence in local names, the names of fields, and repeatedly in 
mediaeval writings, in the same application, ^.^., Thomcross Butts in the 
Whitby Chartulary, Cherry butts in Bingley. (Mon. Ebor.) There is 
an excellent instance of the use of the word in a charter of Walter, son 
of Walter son of Henry de Cathall, to the Templars of Ribstan. It 
conveys four acres of arable land in Cattal, of which a butt lies at 
Mickelpit, another butt at Twastremes, a selion in Mickeldanlcroft, 
and another selion at Littelstandandstan, a selion at Mickeldiklandes, 
and a selion at Litteldiklandes, another selion upon Whaitebuttes, and 
another selion upon Helerun ; another selion upon Vuerwiytfur, another 
at Buretrestub, another at Middelsmayornes, and one upon Kirkebram, 
' another at Westkerpot, and another at Aldbotstrigel. It is to be 
observed that there is a sharp distinction between a butt and 
a selion, which was an open ridge of land. In Liverton, 
according to a map or plan of the parish of about 1730 now before me, 
one small enclosure is called ' Butts ' and the adjoining ' I^onglands 
Butts,' which latter is separated from the field called * Longlands ' by a 
road. This severance of a short end, by whatever means, leads I think 
to the use or application of the word as in the term * butt-end.' '* The 
term * butts ' is frequently applied in the West Riding to small fields at 
the extremities of large enclosures or estates. Dr. March derives the 
word Lumb from the A S. /am-^ loam, because "at Red Lumb is to be 
found a red sort of clay." From what we know of the Lancashire Lumbs 
they are in similar positions to the Yorkshire ones enumerated above ; 
and a wooded watery clough, with or without a more or less 
expanded sheet or pool of water, if the soil around be red, may well be 
called a Red Lumb. There is little doubt that Lum-butts means the 
fields by the Lum. So also it is said does Lumley in Durham ; as 
Burslem in Staffordshire means the town (Burg) at the lem or lum. 

The archery " Butts " of our ancestors still linger in a few place- 
names to remind us of their skill as marksmen ; as in '* Brentford Butts," 
" Newington Butts," " Butt's-Court," Leeds, Butts Hill and Butts Lane 
having been superseded during the present century by Guildford Street 
and Basinghall Street. 

Leeds, C. D. Hardcastle. 


Abbe]i lands, Disposal of, E5. 

Abunescuil, 126. 

Ackwortb, 188, 193. 

Adalis, a leader at Brunanbui^h, 74. 

Adam, Abbot of Melsa, 13a. 

Addinghara, a clan-stalion, 57. 

Addlebnrgh, British encampment at, 

Adelchureh, 45,47,48; Omamemsof, 

SS. ii8- 
Adwalton, 2S4. 
Agfttha Taylbois, 235, 136. 
Agbri^e, iSS. 
Agincourt, 192, 289. 
Agnes, wife of Eustace Fiu-John, 130. 
Agricola, 42. 
Ailric, 26, 76. 
Akelthnrpe, 246. 
Alan of Richmond, Z35 ; sun of Roald, 

336; Earl of Biilanny, 153. 
Albemarle, Earl of, 213, 214, 218, 
Albemarle, Wm. Legros, Earl of, 121 ; 

Countess of, ZI9. 
Aldbiugh, 42, 215, 220; burnt by the 

Danes, 72 ; assumed site of Brunan- 

burgh, 71, 72 ; Arms of, 99. 
Aldbureh, Sir Wm., 156. 
Aldefield, 200. 
Aldrid, Ralph son of, 200. 
Aldwoodley, 47. 1S7_. 
Ale, Nelson shot while fetching, 234, 
Alenctun, Kichard de, 105. 
Alexander HI., Pope, 134, 237. 
Alexander, Abbot of Kirkstall, 260. 
Alfgeirr, 73. 

Alianora, the Queen, 218. 
Alice, Countess, 17, iS. 
Allen, Mr. J. R., on Ilkley Crosses, 

53.6 ; on Ilktey Tablet, 66. 
Allerton, 188. 

Almaigne, Richard of, 179. 

Almonbury, 188,292. 

Alnwick Castle. 246. 

Alric's grave. 76. 

Alsalin, Gode&id, Lord of Dcighton, 92. 

Alt! Ripa GodefriU de, 212. 

Altofls, 188. 

Alverton GalfrJd, a cheating cloth- 
maker, 262. 

Anacaster, Church of, 130. 

Anaslasia Fltz-Ralph, 24$. 

Anchon, 125. 

Ancient cloth trade. The, 259-68. 

Andrew,St . , Church of, at Kildwick, 1 1 2. 

Anglicum O pus, Clothmakingcalled,259. 

Anlaff, 68, 69, 72, 73, 74. 

Anlaby, Family of, 122. 

Anne, Sir William de, holds Tickhill 
Castle, 18. 

Antoninus Pius, 36. 

Apostles the, Emblems of, on ancient 

crosses, 55. 
Appleby, 95- 
Applet re wick, 219. 
Archbishops of Vork, 82 ; BiogrAphical 

notices of, 86-91. 
Arches, Ivetla de. 130. 
Arden, Hugh, 96, 
Arden, John, 224, 
Arden, Thomas, 97, 207. 
Ardsley, East, 194, 195, 196, 257. 
Aikendale, 48. 

Arkil, a Danish chieftain, 4S. 
Arkylgaith, 252, 253, 255. 
Armitage family, loS. 
Armitage, Samuel, mines coal at 3hib- 

Armthorpe Grai^e, Unlawful arrest at. 



A.rmyn, 57. 

AmcIifTe, 37. 

Arthington Church, typical, 117. 

Arthington Family,i53,i55,i56,i58,i6a 

Arthington, Gratuity to nuns of, 186. 

Arthington, Prioiy of, 148-161 ; a clan- 
station, 47, 48, 57. 

Arundel, Earl of, 245; Nicola, his 
•ister, 245. 

Aschenald, Richard, 26. 

Asheton, Arms of, 99. 

Aske, Lady Margaret, 104. 

Aslaby family, 121. 

Assize of cloths, 262. 

Athelstan, 68, 69, 71, 73 ; prayer for 
the victory of firunanburgh, 72 ; 
his ^at distinction, 74. 

Attingwicke, Vicar of, slain, 191. 

Attewyk, 183. 

Aton, Gilbert de, 129, 130, 134. 

Aton, Giles, 130. 

Aubigny, Nigel de, 118. 

Augustme, St., 53. 

Axholme, 290, 291. 

Aysgarth Moor, 42. 

Babthorpe, of Babthorpe, Robt., 249. 

Badersby, Joan, 128. 

Baggcthwaite, 125. 126. 

Baghill, 188. 

Bainbridge, a Roman station, 42. 

Bairstowe, Michael, leases coal in 

Halifax, 274. 
Baker, Robert, hanged, 191. 
Balderstone, Simon de, 177. 
Ballad on the death of Richard II. , 231. 
Balladama, Robt., 224. 
Balliol, Bernard, 202 ; Eustace, 243. 
Balliol, Hugh de, 215 ; John, 243. 
Balliol, Robt. de, 207. 
Bamburgh, 103, 213, 243, 249, 250. 
Bannockbum, 114. 
Barde, Wm., 105. 
Bardulf, Hugh, 19, 20, 22, 23, 119, 125, 

126, 127, 205, 226. 
Bardulf, Ix)rd, rebels, 247, 248. 
Bardulf, Matilda, 211. 
Bardulf, Ralph, 126, 226. 
Bardulf, Robert, 211. 
Bamaby,Drunken, visits Middleham, 256. 
Barnbutts, a field name, 294. 
Bamebi, 26, 

Bamet, Battle of, 244, 250. 
Bamoldswick, Coal mining in, 273. 
Bamsley, Chantrjr of St. John, 273. 
Barnsley, Coal mining in, 270. 
Bamsley, Jackson's h^tory of, 269. 
Bamsley Stocks, 197 ; Chops, 226. 

Barons' war, Forces raised for, 180. 
Barraclough, Toby, gent. , leases coal in 
Southowram, 277. 

Barrows, i, 2. 

Bartune, 200 

Barwick-in-£lmete, Coal mining on 
Brownemoor, 273. 

Barwick-in-£lmece, Earthworks at, 7, 
9, 10, 12, 13, 16. 

Basset, Philip, 215 ; Ralph, 23a 

Batley, 256, 257 ; Property in, belong- 
ing to the Hospitallers, 256. 

Battie, Richard, 269. 

Batty, Mr. J., on Old Parish life, 194-8. 

Bautre, 179. 

Beaghall, 45, 47, 57. # 

Bean Ing, 293. 

Beatrice, wife of Richard, 235. 

Bebbanburh, 73. 

Beauchamp, Giles de, 230. 

Beauchamp^ Roger de, 201; Hillary,20i. 

Beaumont, of Mirfield, 107, 109. 

Beaumont, Wm., of Darton, 270. 

Beche, William de la, 230. 

Bechill, Prebend of, 216. 

Becket, his murderers, 203. 

Beckwith, of Clint, Thos., 249. 

Beer, Women not to pay toll for selling, 

Beighton, Earthworks at, 8. 

Belay, 219. 

Bclesure, Robert de, 17, 19 

Bellomonte. Henry de, 127. 

Bell Pits, 5. 

Belmond, Field of, 222. 

Benedict, the Jew of Oxford, 105. 

Benediflat, in Habbeton, 119. 

Benefeld, Emald de, 119. 

Bentelowe, Henry, 103. 

Bephast, Dame Joan, 108. 

Berg, Bernard de, 119. 

Bergeby, Turstan de, 117. 

Beringberg, Thos. de, 80. 

Berkhampstead, 14. 

Berliston, Walter de, hanged, 191. 

Berwick, Town of, 94, 250. 

Beryngton, Simon, 227. 

Beskewood, 182. 

Besson, Richard, 255. 

Beverley, 67, 66, 70. 

Beverley, Convent of FriarSj Preachers 

in» 79- 
Beverley, 24, Fine by the men of, 209. 

Beverley, John de, a merchant 

adventurer, 262. 
Bickerton, 95, 96, 98. 
Bigot, Hugh, 1 19. 1 25, 127 ; Joan,his wife, 

119, 127; Dame Constance, 134. 



Bigot, Roger, 22 ; Sir Francis, 254. 

Billingham, John, 264. . 

Bilton, 97, 223, 225. 

Bingley, a clan-station, 48 ; — 194. 

Bingley Family, 157, 159, 160. 

Bird, John, flogged at the cart tail, 196. 

Birkhouse, Martin, leases coal, 271. 

Birkin, John, 229. 

Birstake, 210,223. 

Birstall, 45. 

Birstall, Vicar of, persecutes John 

Nelson, 283. 
Bishopric of York founded, 77. 
Bishops' Nationality changed by the 

Conquest, 78. 
Bishopsdale, 251, 252, 253. 
Bite, 2. 

Blackery, at Brough, 68. 
Blaithroyde, in Southowram, Mines at, 

Blanche, wife of John of Gaunt, 187. 
Bland e, Richard, works coal in Loftus, 

Blyth, 7, 16 ; Priory of, 16, 19. 

Boar Hole in Heywra Park, 210. 

Blodius, low-latin, red; a favourite 

colour, 266. 
Bloreheath, Battle of, 249. 
Bodlum, 119, 120. 
Bolebec, R^ph, 126. 
Bolebec, Roesiade, 126. 
Bolebec, Roger de, 126. 
Bolebec, W^ter, 207. 
Bolebec, Wm. de, 126. 
Bolingbroke, 231 ; Adam de, 80. 
Bolsover Castle, 17. 
Bolteby, Jordan de, 119; Sibyl, his 

wife, 119. 
Bolton, 213. 
Bolton, Canons of, pay for killing 

wolves, 210. 
Bolton, Compotus of, 1 1 1 ; — Castle, 255. 
Bonville, Richard de, 206. 
Booth, John, of Northowram, leases 

coal, 276, 277. 
Booth, Wm., Abp., 96. 
Boroughbridge, 26, 27, 71, 124, 202, 

205, 200, 213, 233, 229. 
Borrowdale, 441. 
Bortin, 3. 

Bosco, Roger de, 208. 
Boston, an early wool and cloth mart, 

Boteler, Roger, 96. 
Bowes, 243, 252, 253. 
Bowland Forest, Coal-mining in, 273. 
Bowling, a clan-station, 47. 
Boynton, 39. 

Brabant, Cloth trade of, 261. 

Brabant petitions against protected 

trade, 265. 
Brabbill, Edward, mines coal in 

Barnoldswick, 273. 
Bracchium, a Roman station, 42. 
Bracelets, Saxon, found at Cottingham, 

Brachinley, 185. 
Brademare, 179. 
Bradford, 3. 
Bradford, 188. 

Bradford, Coal-mining in, 273. 
Bradford in the time of John Wesley, 

Bradford, Gaol of, a disgusting dun- 
geon, 283. 
Braham, Barker of, 216. 
Bramham Moor, Battle of, 248. 
Bramley, 185. 
Bramley, Joan, 128. 
Bram, Matthew de, 215. 
Brampton By relowe, Coal-n liningin, 2 73. 
Brampton, Richard, 188. 
Brand, the Priest, 38. 
Brandisal, 119, 120. 
Braffords House, 69. 
Breaute, Falkes de, 214. 
Bretton Priory, 27. 
Brian, Albert, 130. 
Bridlington, 39, 132: — Priory, 105. 
Brie in Champagne, Cloth making in- 
troduced at, 259. 
Brigg, Mr. John, Kildwick Hall, 113, 

Britanny, Countess of, 236. 
Britanny, Duke of, 243. 
Brito, Wm., 117. 
Briwere, Wm., 203, 215. 
Broase, Wm., Lord of Brecknock, 95. 
Broken Bridge, 27. 
Bromborough, assumed site of Brunan- 

burgh, 71. 
Bromeridge, assumed site of Brunan- 

burgh, 74. 
Bromfield, 230. 
Brompton, John, speaks of the 

Flemings of the Conquest, 260. 
Brotton, Matilda, 127 ; William, 127. 
Brough, 67, 68. 

Bruce, Dr. , author of* 'Roman Wall,"66. 
Bruce, Robt. , 222, 235. 
Bruce, Agatha, his daughter, married 

Tayebois, 235. 
Bruere Drogo introduces Flemings into 

Holdemess, 260. 
Bruges, Market of, should be free to all 

traders, 265. 



Bramby, assumed site of Brunanbyi^h, 

70, 71. 
Brumpton, in Pykcring-lyth, Church 

of, 131. 
Brun, River, 75. 
Brunanburgh, &ttle of, 66'y6. 
Brunanburgh, identification of site, 70, 


Brunesburg, assumed site of Brunan- 
burgh, 71. 

Brunley, ancient name of Burnley, 75. 

Brunnum, 127. 

Brus, Avelina, 127. 

Brus, Fee of, 217 ; — Arms of, 135. 

Brus, Peter de, 125, 126, 207, 243. 

Brwynen, Celtic, a path, 67. 

Bryte, Wm., executed, 25a 

Bubwith Bridge at Pomfret, 27. 

Bubwith, Rol^rt, priest, 96. 

Buckele, David, a thief, 224. 

Buckland, Dr., 39. 

Bugethorpe, Nicholas de, 80. 

Buisli, Roger de, 7, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19. 

Buisli, Kmald, 17. 

Buisli, Muriel, 16, 19. 

Buleford, John de, 119. 

Bulli, De, 103. 

Bulmer, Bertram de, 206. 

Bulmer, Ralph, 253. 

Burg, 72, 200, 203. 

Burg, Hubert, 243. 

Burga de Stuteville, 129. 

Burga de Vesci, 130. 

Burgate, Robert de, 208. 

Burgh, Serlo de, 129. 

Burgh, John del, 94, 95, 96, 106. 

Burgh, Roger, 96, 97 ; Isabel, 96. 

Burgh, De, 94, 98, 106. 

Burgh, Richard, 94, 96. 

Burgh, Thomas del, 94, 96. 

Burgh, Margaret, 94, 96. 

Burgh, Thomas de, 94. 

Burgh, Serlo, 199. 

Burgh, Anne of, 98, 99. 

Burillers, 263. 

Burnbem, 200. 

Bume, 207. 

Burnley, assumed site of Bnmanburgh, 

Bumsall, 45. 

Burton, 208. 

Burton, Henry de, 212, 215. 

Burton, Robert, 264. 

Burton, Thomas, Keeper of Woodall 

Park, 252. 

Burtondale, 127. 

Buslis, The family of, 19. . 

Buslis, Beatrice, 17. 

Buslis, Robert, 17. 

Butler, John, executed, 250. 

Cade, Wigan, son of, 200. 

Calais, Warwick in command of, 248. 

Caldebergh, 246. 

Calverley, Walter, mines coal in Brad- 
ford, 274. 

Calverton gate, 182. 

Cambrensis, Giraldus, allusions to the 
trade skill of Flemings, 260. 

Camera, Norman de, 206. 

Campsall, 45, 48, 57, 188. 

Camville, Gerard, 22, 23. 

Oaneford, 211. 

Canterbury, Abp. of, in possession of 
Knaresburgh, 206, 208. 

Canterbury, Gervaise of, 125. 

Cantilupe, Fulk de, 206. 

Cantilupe, Nicholas de, 95. 

Cantilupe, Sir William, 95, 126, 215 ; 
Eva, his wife, 95. 

Capel, Alan, son of, 180. 

Cardiff, Earthworks at, 13. 

Cardinals, Romish, beneficed, 82. 

Carleton, 212. 

Carlinghow, a clan-station, 47. 

Carlisle, Bishopric of, 102. 

Carlswark, Earthworks at, 8. 

Carmel, Mount, 103. 

Carpenter, Alan the, 92, 94. 

Carr, a place-name, 290. 

Carr, James, Keeper of the Park of 
Capilbank, 252. 

Carr, of^York, alters Methley Hall, 287. 

Carr, Robert, Constable of Middleham, 

Carwindelawe, Robt. de, 127. 

Carye, Edward, has the mines of Wake- 
field, 272 ; and Northowram, 273. 

Gastelay, 219. 

Castercliffe, 75. 

Castleford, 27, 47, 57. 

Castle Hall, Mirfield, 106. 

Castle Hill and entrenchment at Laugh- 
ton, 6. 

Castle Hill and entrenchment at Mex- 
borough, II. 

Castle Hill, Scarbro', description of, 10 1. 

Castles of the Earl of Lancaster 
alienated, 230. 

Caterich, 71, 72, 191. 

Catherine, Mount St., Abbey of, 17, 19. 

Catter, 45, 48. 

Catterbeck, 116. 

Caudebec, Alexander de, 200, 201, 203; 
illustrates the charge of patronymic, 



Cave, Alexander, 130. 

Caves of Yorkshire, 35. 

Cawerum, Richard, executed, 250 

Cawood Castle, Gateway of, 82. 

Cawthome, 125, 127. 

Cecil, Sir Wm., 271, 

Cedars brought from Lebanon to 
Methley, 288. 

Celtic Cross, Ornamentation of, 54. 

Celtic Race not extirpated at the Con- 
quest, 201. 

Celtic Sheep-scoring Numerals, 44. 

Celts found at Keldholme, 123. 

Celts in Upper Wharfedale, 56. 

Celts occupied Knaresborough, 199. 

Celts occupied Middleham, 235. 

Chacumb, Wm. de, 178. 

Chaloner, Richard le, 266. 

Chamberlain, Margaret, 128. 

Chantrell, W., Architect, took away 
Leeds Cross, 65. 

Chantries in Guisborough. 

Chantries in Malton. 

Chantries in Scarbro', 104. 

Chapel Fields in Cowthorpe, 95. 

Chapel Wells, Mirfield, 106. 

Chapel-en-le Frith, Springs at, 39. 

Chappell, John, leases coal in Bamsley, 

Chapman, John, executed, 250. 

Chamell of Malton, 134. 

Chat, John le, 186. 

Ghat wait, 116. 

Chaumpan cloth, 267. 

Chest, old carved oak, 100. 

Chester, constable oi, 127, 226. 

Chester, Earl of, 17, 20, 22, 178, 214. 

Chester, R., Earl of. Warden of 
Middleham, 236) 240. 

Cheu, Thos. de, 117. 

Chidsell, 47. 

Chittenham, Walter, 128. 

Cholmeley, Sir Richd., Receiver of 
Middleham, 253. 

ChurwelL 257. 

Cicoingay, Inghram, 214. 

Cistercian monks great wool dealers, 

Citaux, Abbey of, 102. 

Claridge, Wm., of Kildwick and Fam- 
hm, 111-115. 

Clarke, Mr. G., F.S.A., on Earth- 
works of the English period, 5-12 ; 
on Tickhill, 13-18; on Pomfret, 
25-33 ; on Middleham, 244. 

Clarke, Richard, 256. 

Classic Architecture, The introduction 
of, 288. 

Clement, St., Chapel of, 28-30. 

Clerk, John, 253. 

Clifford, Henry, Lord, 252. 

Clifford, John, Lord, 49. 

Clifford, Richard de, 182. 

Clifford, Robert de, 180. 

Clifford, Isabel, his mother, 180. 

Clifford, Roger de, 180, 23a 

Clifford, Sir Ingram, 98 ; Epitaph, 98. 

Clifton, 223. 

Clint, 213. 

Clipstone, 21, 23. 

Clitheroe, 10, 230. 

Cliviger, Geoige, 75. 

Cloth-trade, Ancient, Tricks and 
fallacies of. 

Cloth-trade, important in Anglo-Saxon 
times, 259. 

Cloth-trade, Regulated by enactment, 

Clotheram, John, 225. 

Cnorresburg, 201. 

Coal-mining in Halifax, 269, 282. 

Coal-poaching, 269, 270. 

Coals, 2id. for a horse-load, 276. 

Cockerham, 214. 

Cock-pit at Bradford used as a Methodist 
Chapel, 285. 

Cocky, the Jew, 105. 

Coffins, &c., found at Keldholm, 123. 

Co£ware, a species of cloth, 265, 266. 

Cokfield, Robert, executed, 250. 

Colet, Dean, 84. 

Colethorpe, Adam de, 96. 

Colethorpe, Geoffrey, and Alice, his 
wife, 92. 

Coleville, Robt. de, 214. 

Coleville, Sir John, beheaded at Dur- 
ham, 247. 

Coley manor, 258. 

Colingham, a clan-station, 47, 57. 

Colingham, Margaret de, 191. 

Colman, Abbot, 54. 

Oolne, 75. 

Columba de Engleby, 119. 

Common Prayer, Book of, forbidden, 85. 

Conan, Earl of Britanny, 237. 

Coneshal, William, 180. 

Gonisburgh, 1 1, 32, 179, 180, 181, 230, 

Conqueror, Robert, executed, 250. 

Constable, Marmaduke, 128. 

Constable, Robert, 128. 

Constables of Knaresburgh, 200, 203, 

204, 213, 219, 220, 225. 

Constantine, King of Alban, 73. 

Conyers, Richard, 251. 

Conyers, Sir John, 251, 253. 



Conyers, William, 251. 

Cooper, X, on Hemsley stocks, 198. 

Coppendale, Adam, 264. 

Corbelt, Peter de, 211. 

Combure, Wm. de, 21a 

Comhill, Wm. de, 209. 

Cornwall, Earl of, 219, 224. 

Cornwall, Edmund Crouchback,Earl of, 

217, 218. 
Cornwall, Russet cloths of, 265. 
Cornwall, Richard, Earl of, 217. 
Costa, Water of, 126. 
Cotes, SamL, of Southowram, 277. 
Cotherstone, 19a 
Cottescough park, 252. 
Cottingham, 67, 69, 253. 
Cottingley, a clan-station, 48. 
Cotum, 127. 
Conrci, Robert, 191. 
Courteney, Robt. de, 200. 
Courteney, Alice de, 200. 
Coupland, 201. 
Coventry, 248. 
Coventry, Frieze of, 265. 
Coverdale, 5, 42, 235, 245. 253. 
Coverham Abbey founded, 237 — ^243. 

245, 246. 
Coverham, Ralph, Lord of, 236. 
Cowthorpe Church and village, 91-101. 
Cowthorpe Oak, loa 
Craddoc, Wm., 201. 
Crake Hall, 48, 245, 253. 
Craven, 114. 

Cremation in pre-historic times, 3. 
Crendon, or Grendon, 121. 
Crepping, Robert de, 124, 207. 
Cretton, Walter de, priest, 96. 
Crimple, river, 91. 
Croft, John, 256. 
Crofton, 120. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 234. 
Croper, William the, of Skipton, 261. 
Cropton, 120, 125, 126. 
Crosse, Rev. John, vicar of Bradford, 2S4. 
Crosses, Ilkley, 53-61 ; Crowle, 56 ; 

Croswett, in Ribestein, 212. 
Croual, Joan, 127. 
Crowlecross, 56 ; place-name, 58. 
Crown the. Earl of Lancaster's estates 

confiscated to, 231. 
Croxton, Jon of, 122, 128. 
Croysir, 6eo. , of Southowram, clothier, 

mines coal, 277. 
Cnich, Aldusa de, hanged, 191. 
Crusades, their effect on the woollen 

trade, 263. 
Cuerdale, Coins found in, 75* 

Cullingworth, a dan-station, 48. 

Cumberland, 203. 

Cundal, 48. 

Cunester, Roger, son of William, 13a 

Currer family, 112, 113. 

Currer, Henry, barrister, 113, 114. 

Currer, Dorothy, his daughter, 113. 

Curthore, Robert, 28, 118. 

Cussyng, William, 177. 

Cuthbert, St, 54. 

Cutun, 216. 

Cymberworth, 179. 

Dacre, Wm., Lord, 253. 

Dadsley, 16. 

Dal ton, bell-founder, 100. 

Damon, Roger, 222. 

Danish Hatchet, service by delivery of, 

Danes' Dyke, Entrenchments, 41. 

Dapifer, John the, 130. 

Darel, Marmaduke, 218. 

Damal, 48. 

Damey, William, an early Bradford 

Methodist, 285. 
Darrel, Family of, 122. 
Darrington, a dan-station, 48. 
Darton, 229, 269. 
David, Earl, brother of the King of 

Scots, 20, 22. 
Dawson, Wm. , executed, 250. 
Dayrell, Ralph, 121. 
Dayrell, Sybill, 121. 
Dayvill, Elena, 127. 
Deighton, North, 96. 
Denbigh, 23a 
Denton, 206. 
Denton, George, of Halifax, yeoman, 

leases coal, 276. 
Depeden, Sir John, 122. 
Derby, 206, 209. 
Dertford, 218. 
Devon, Earl of, 214. 
Devon, Russet cloths of, 265. 
Devonshire, Duke of, 49, 51. 
Dewsbury, 35, 47. 

Dha Howel,slainatBrananburgh,69,72. 
Dighton, John, 107. 
Dinner on Lord Rockingham coming of 

age, 134. 
Diocesan History of York, 77. 
Dirtcarr in Northowram, Mining at, 276. 
Dispensator, Galfrid, 212. 
Dispensor, Hugh, 222. 
Diva, Leodgarius de, 213. 
Dodson, John, 269. 
Dodsworth's Notes, 97, 99. 
Don, River, a line of defence* 8, 11. 



Doncaster, 250. 

Doncaster on the line of British de- 
fences, 12, 48 ; fortified by King 
John, 19. 

Doneford, Henry, 80. 

Donington, 229, 230. 

Dorset, Alex, de, 207, 212, 216. 

Dove House, Shibden, coal mines at, 

Pover, 216. 

Dove, river, 115, 116, 119; sinks at 
Yawdwath, 122. 

Dowkerbottom Cave, 35 ; place*name. 

Drake, John, of Northowram, a coal 
poacher, 271. 

Drake, Thos., of Kildw^ck, 112. 

Drenges, native tenants tin capite, 202. 

Driby, Simon, Warden of Fomfret, 

Driffield, 30, 40, 74. 

Drighlington, a clan-station, 47. 

Dringehuses, 201. 

Drury, Nigel, 181. 

Dublin, Danes of, at Brunanburgh, 71. 

Duffield, Canon Wm., his goods, 267. 

Dugdale, 125. 

Duil Cross, 72. 

Dummyngdyke in York, 80. 

Duneford, 201. 

Dunpain, John de, 191. 

Dunstanburgh, 249, 330. 

Durand, 119. 

Durham, 125, 210, 225, 247. 

Durham, Hugh, Bishop of, 21, 22, 23. 

Durham, Symeon of, 66, 

Durham, Wolsey, Bishoi> of, 84. 

Duxburry, Nell, in the pillory, 195. 

Dyer, Richard the, of Skipton, 261. 

Dyer, Simeon the, 261. 

Eadred, King, at Tanshelf, 26 ; lost 

Bebbanburh, 73. 
Earthworks of the English period, 5- 

18 ; at Brough, 68 ; the sites of 

later Castles, 4, 200, 204. 
Easingwold, 253. 
Eastmead, Mr., History of Kirby 

MoorsidCi 122. 
Eaton, Thos., may impark at Gilling, 

Eboracum, dwelling-place of the Roman 

Caesars, 77. 
Eccleshill, 285. 
Ede, of Abbeton, 119. 
Edeston, 38, 116, 117, 118, 120, 196. 
Edlington, a clan-station, 48. 
Edmund, brother of Athelstan, 74. 
Edward, Confessor, Arms of, 99, 235. 

£dward,Prince,in possession of Skipton, 

Edward, Prince of Wales, bom at 

Middleham, 244. 
Edward, I., 82 ; a game preserver, 164. 
Edward II. at Knaresborough, 223. 
Edward II. impoverishes the wool and 

cloth trades, 264. 
Edward II. 's remorse at Lancaster's 

execution, 231. 
Edward III. at Knaresborough, 225. 
Edward IV. confined at Middleham, 244. 
Edwin, Earl, his Aula^ 7, 8, 16 ; King 

of Northumbria, 10, 235. 
Egglisfield, Agnes, 194. 
Egils' Saga on Brunanburgh, 67, 70, 

73» 74. 
Egremunt, Wm. de, 151, 201. 

Egton, 119, 125. 

Ekkersley Hall, 258. 

Elderbeck, John, executed, 250. 

Eleanor, Queen, founded the Chapel of 
St. Nicholas, Tickhill, 17, 20. 

Elias, Wm. , and Alan, sons of, 203. 

Ellacombe, Rev. H. T., on Campan- 
ology, 162. 

Ellis, mt, A. S. , on the battle of Bru- 
nanburgh, 71. 

Elsi, 16. 

Elslake in Craven, 222. 

Elvyngton, 253. 

Embsay, Canons of, ill, 151. 

Emroyd in Batley, 257. 

Emsall, 45, 48, 188. 

Engleby, Columba de, 119 ;Wm. de, 

English continued their power after the 
Conquest, 20a 

Emeburga, 115. 

Especer, John le, 80. 

Essex, Roger de, 214. 

Estover in Cowthorpe, 94. 

Ethan werke, site of Brunanburgh, 66. 

Ethelfleda, daughter of King Alfred) 71 • 

Eure, Henry, 133. 

Evers, Sir Wm. , 105. 

Evenwit, 116, 119, 120. 

Everingham, Sir John, 192 ; Constable 
of Pomfret, 233. 

Exton, Sir Pier, 233. 

Fadmore, 119, 120. 
Fairfax, Thomas j 172. 
Fairfex, William, of York, 80. 
Falconbei^, Isabella, 128. 
Falconberg, Lord, beheaded at Durham, 

Falconberg, Sir John, 247. 



Falconberg, Walter, 157. 

Farmaneby, 126, 127. 

Famel, Adam de, 114. 

Famel, Wm. de, 114. 

Farndale, 119, 168, 22a 

Famham, 200, 211, 215. 

Farnhill, 111-115, 214. 

FamhiU Hall, 1 14. 

Famley, 166. 

Farrer, Henry, of Ewood, 271. 

Fairer, Wm., of Ingleborough, 36. 

Fasing, Roger and Ralph, hanged, 191. 

Fawkes, Guy, ringer at Cowthorpe, 100. 

Faxflet, 222. 

Fedmore, Nicholas de, 112. 

Fedringale, Roger, 154. 

Felliscliffe, 210, 166, 214, 223. 

Felton, Matilda, 128. 

Fen wick, 'I'homas, executed, 250. 

Fergaunt, Alan, 235. 

Ferling, the hunter, 210. 

Ferrars, Earl of, 20, 22, 129 ; Agnes, 
his daughter, 129. 

Ferrars, Wm. de, 115. 

Ferrybridge, 187. 

Feudal stronghold and its victims, 

Field-names of Rosedale, 128. 

Fines, an easy mode of raising money, 

Firbeck, 7. 

Firedamp, early explosion of, 270. 

Fishlake, place-name, 46, 176. 

Fitz-Alan, Brian, 190. 

Fitz-Alan, Constance, 216. 

Fitz-Gerald, Warin, 154, 206. 

Fitz-Henry, Hugh, 190, 215. 

Fitz- Henry, Ralph, 211. 

Fitz-Herbert, Matthew, 126. 

Fitz-Hugh, Robert Lord, steward of 
Middleham, 251. 

Fitz-Hugh, Sir Edmund, 250. 

Fitz-Jolm, Agnes, 130. 

Fitz-John, Eustace, 129, 130, 202. 

Fitz-Nigel, Osbert, 236. 

Fitz-Ralph, Hugh, Sheriff of Notting- 
ham, 191. 

Fitz-Ralph, Anastasia, 245. 

Fitz-Ralph, Ralph, 243, 245. 

Fitz-Ralph, Robert, 235, 237, 239, 243, 

Fitz-Robert, Alice, 237. 

Fitz-Robert, Ralph, of Middleham, 

237» 243- 
Fitz- Walter, Theobald, 20. 

Fitz- Warin, Gwiemar, 236. 

Fitz- Warin, William, 130. 

Fitz- William, Earl of, 178. 

Fitz- William, Robert, priest, 95. 

Fitz- William, Thomas, 105. 
Flagons of Oil, a donation, 127. 
Flameville, Hugh, 130. 
Flameville, Ivetta, 13a 
Flameville, Matilda, 130. 
Flameville, Roger de, 130. 
Flanders, Baldwin, Eiarl of, 260. 
Flashy, 114, 160, 218. 
Flaskey in Northowram, 271. 
Flass, a place-name, 292. 
Fleetwood, 76. 
Fleming, Reyner, 260. 
Flemings colonise Ross in Wales, 260. 
Flemings did not introduce the cloth 

trade, 259. 
Flemings introduced by Edward III.,264. 
Flemings introduced into Wales by 

Henry I., 260. 
Flemings introduced into Yorkshire at 

the Conquest, 26a 
Flemings obtain permission to introduce 

woollen cloths, 262. 
Flemings protectionists in trade, 265. 
Fletcher, Mr. Caleb, 122, 123. 
Fleteham, 213. 
Flint, John, 92, 99. 
Flocks not to be used in making cloth, 

265, 268. 
Flockton, Coal leased in, 273. 
Flodden, Weapons from, 1 14. 
Florence Merchants fined for false 

weights, 262. 
Fodringhay, Roger, 154. 
Foliot, Jordan, 229. 
Follifait, 95. 
Forest, Edward, 254. 
Forest of Knaresbiorough burnt by the 

Scots, 222, 223. 
Fomes, William, of Shelf, 272. 
Fortalice in Heywra Park, 226. 
Fortibus, Isabel, 154. 
Fortibus, Wm. de, 153, 214. 
Fortifications, later earthworks, 5, 18. 
Fortifications, Prehistoric^ 3, 42. 
Foster, Oapt. Thomas, holds Middleham 

Castle, 256. 
Fothergills, of London, 114. 
Fountains, Henry de', 207. 
Fountains, Monks of, 208. 
Fourness, Robert, 2571 
Foxholme in Galtres, 171 
France, King of, at Methley, 19 X. 
Frazer, Robert, 130. 
Freez, Frederick, printer, 84, 85 ; his 

son prosecuted, 85. 
Freez, Valentine, burnt for heresv, 85. 
Friars Minors, Church of at York^ 96. 
Friars Preachers introduced, 79. 



Frickley, 46. 

Frith, John, 269. 

Fulbeck, 190. 

Fulbrik, 222. 

Fullers, trade r^ulated by law, 262. 

Fulthorpe, Sir William, Judge, 247. 

Fulthorpe, Thomas, 254. 

Furnival, Thos. de, 179. 

Fustian, 267. 

Fylde district, Danish relics in, 76. 

Fynderum, Sir Thos., executed, 250. 

Gac^, Geoffrey de, 19. 

Galfrid, priest of Keldholm, 120. 

Galleghaye, 170. 

Gallows in the Forest, 216, 217. 

Gallows, punishment of, 179, 180, 202. 

Galon, Robt., of Scarbro', 104; Annice, 

his wife, 104 
Galtres, Forest of, 164, 165, 171, 172, 

Gant, Gilbert, introduces Flemings into 

Lincolnshire, 260. 
Gant, Walter, introduces Flemings into 

8waledale, 260. 
Gaol delivery at Nottingham, 191. 
Garforth family, 113. 
Gargrave, 113. 
Gargrave, John de, 1 77. 
Gargrave, Sir Thomas, 257, 271. 
Gascoigne, Judge, 171, 247. 
Gascoigne, Wm., of Harewood, 171. 
Gascoyne, Isabell, 106. 
Gascoyne, Richd. , 171. 
Gaukethoxpe, Henry, 157. 
Gaunless, rark of, see Wanneless. 
Gaunt, John of, 187, 188, 226, 244 ; 

obtains Tickhill, 18. 
Gaunt, Maurice's, Charter to Leeds, 

Gaveston, Peter, 280. 
Geoffrey, Abp. of York, 19, 21, 22 
Gerrarde, Thos., B.D., preaches at 

Jervaux, 254. 
Ghent, a cloth mart, 266. 
Gibson, Richard, a miner, 269. 
Giffard, John, of Brymmerfield, 211. 
Gig mills to be disused, 263. 
Gilbert, founder of the Order of 

Sempringham, buried at Malton, 


Gilda Tellariorum, the oldest London 

guild, 263. 
Gilding- WeUs, 7. 
Gilling, 72, 127. 
Gilling-Mor,* 117, 120. 
Gilpatric, Danish chief of Middleham, 


Gipsies, Correction of, 194. 

Gipsy-Springs, 39. 

Glanville, Ralph, 202, 207, 235, 236, 

Glanville, Bertha, his grand-daughter, 

Glendower, Owen, 247. 
Gloucester, G., Earl of, 214. 
Gloucester, Richard, Duke of, obtains 

Middleham, 244. 
Godard, dapifer, 151. 
Godfrid driven into exile, 73. 
Godley Lane in Northowram, 271. 
Goldesburc, Richd. de, 159, 215. 
Gcldesburgh, Alice, 213. 
Goldesburgh, Robt., 156. 
Goldesburgh, Wm. de, 213. 
Gomersal, 45, 47, 258. 
Goree, Thomas, executed, 250. 
Goscelin ( ? Archdeacon of Chichester), 

Goscelin, Wm., Son of, 201. 
Gospatric, Son of Oron, 20a 
Gowdale, 45, 47. 
Gra, Thos., may hunt in Galtres, 170. 

Grammary, Dispute with Beeston, 168. 
Gray, Abp. Walter, a great benefactor, 

78 ; resides much at Knares- 

borough, 213, 216. 
Gray, Abp. Walter, organises cloth- 
making, 262. 
Gray, John de, 215. 
Gray, Nicholas, Sheriff, 222. 
Gray, Sir Ralph, holds Bamborough 

Greentield, Abp., 220. 
Green's History of the English People, 

70, 78. 
Greenstreet, Rev. Mr., 1 13. 
Greenwood, J. B., Dewsbury Moor, 

Greenwood, Robert, advocate of York, 

Gregory Scar in Grassington, 42. 
Grenham, Ralph de, 219. 
Greseley, Agnes, 211. 
Greseley, Isabella, 211. 
Greseley, Ralph, 211. 
Gressacre, Wm., priest, 106. 
Grestinura, 166, 210, 214. 
Greyndorge, Wm. de, 218. 
Gros, Wm. le, loi. 
Grundebeof, Robert, 118. 
Grymes, Ro^er, 119. 
Gryscopp, Thos. Chapiman, of York, 
Gudrek, 73. 
Guild of St. Thomas a Becket, 264. 



Guilds, clothmakersS 261. 

Guilds, Huntingdon. 

Guilds, Lincola 

Guilds, London. 

Guilds j Nottingham. 

Guilds, Oxford. 

Guilds, York. 

Guisborough Church, Dimensions of, 

Guisborough Priory, 134-148. 

Guisborough Priory Church burnt down, 


Guisborough Priory, Norman Gateway, 

Gwiemar, Fitz-Warin, 236. 
Gysebum, 125. 

Habbeton, Little, 119, 120. 

Habbeton, Nicholas de, 119. 

Habbeton, William de, 119. 

Haea, an enclosure, 185. 

Haldein, Wm., of Eyton, hanged, 191. 

Haldesworth, John, 181. 

Halifax, 48, 176; coal-mining, 269-282. 

Hall, John, 194. 

Hall, a military outpost, 46, 58. 

Hall Tower-hill, an entrenchment at 

Barwick, 9. 
Hallam, 48. 
Hallamshire, 179. 
Hallas Rough Park, 48. 
Hallmote. a Saxon Court, 46. 
Hamerton, Richard, of Craven, 98. 
Hamerton, Johanna, his daughter, 98. 
Hamerton, Arms of, 99. 
Hammond, Peter, 161. 
Hampole, 45, 127. 
Hampsthwaite, 208, 214, 223. 
Hampsthwaite, Mill of, 208. 
Handsworth, coal-mines in, 269. 
Hanging, 191. 
Hanging in consequence of official 

perjury, 189. 
Hanse merchants, 264. 
Hanshus at Beverley, 58. 
Harcurt, Wm., 127, 226, 227. 
Hardcastle, C. D. on the Cloth trade, 268. 
Hardcastle, C. D., on Place-names 

connected with water, 290-94. 
Hardman, Mary, 194. 
Hard wick, 182. 

Hard wick, Forest of, 166, 175. 
Harewood, 149, 153, 158, 167, 171, 225. 
Harewood, Market and fair at, 167. 
Harkale, Richard, son of, 200. 
Barker, Bailey J., on Grassington, 41-3. 
Harold, Earl, married Morcar's sister, 


Harr(^ate, 226. 

Hartha, Arthington, 148. 

Hartlepool a wool port, 264. 

Hartshead Hall, 257. 

Hanim, Wm. de, 119. 

Harvie, John, of Shibden Hall, 274. 

Haslington, a clan-station, 48. 

Hastings, Robert, 130. 

Hastings, Matilda, 130. 

Hastings, Lord, beheaded at Durham, 

Hatfield, 176, 253. 

Hatfield Chace, 179. 

Hathersage, earthworks at, 8. 

Haunsard, Gilbert, 243. 

Haward the priest, 38. 

Hawe, 178. 

Hawkeswick, place-name, 35. 

Haybote and Housebote, 191. 

Haye Park, 209, 225. 

Hazlewood, 166, 

Headingley, 155, 167. 

Hebden, 50. 

Hedgley Moor, affair at, 249. 

Hedlaysyk, in Wakefield, 177. 

Helagh Park, 169. 

Heleford, 213. 

Helewie, 154. 

Helewisia de Glanville, 235, 236, 237. 

Helgaeli, 16. 

Helmsley, 11, 38, 200. 

Helmsley Stocks, 198. 

Hell-gartlv at Brough, 69. 

Helthwaite, 154, 158. 

Henage, Sir Thos., 271. 

Hengrave, Gilbert de, 190. 

Hengrave, Richard de, 190. 

Henry, Abp. of York, 130. 

Henry L, 115, 116, 118, 119. 

Henry II. ordeis a castle at Scarbro', 

Henry II., charter to Knarosbrough, 

Henry VII., 233. 
Henry VIII., his preference for Colet, 

Herdewyke, Henry de, 94. 
Herdewyke, Margery, 94. 
Hermits of Kirkstall, probably Salavagi, 

Heron, a gentleman of Northumberland, 

visits Mountgrace, 254. 
Herthington, Wm. de, 95. 
Hervey, Henry Fitz, 207. 
Heseles, Les, 182. 
Hesilrigg, Lady Joan, 122. 
Heton, Lady Isabella de, 122. 
Heton, Sir John, 106, 107, 108. 



Heton, Margaret, his wife, 106, 107. 

Hexham, affair at, 249. 

Heydon, Richard, 175, 180. 

Heywra Park, 166, 171, 210, 225, 226. 

Hill, Benedict, 225. 

Hinton, John de, 215. 

Hipperholme, coal mines in, 271, 275. 

Hirst, John, 109. 

Hirst, Samuel, 109, 

Holdemess, 220. 

Holderness, Poaching in, 165. 

Holgate, Robt., obtains the grant of 
Malton, 134. 

Holgate, Robt., Abp., 183. 

Holknd, wine bought in, 209. 

Holm, James de, 1 19. 

Holmes, J,, on Ilkley Tablet, 66. 

Holmes, Richard, on Dr. Whitaker's 
blunder, 228. 

Holmesfield, Earthworks at, 8. 

Hook, Dr., rebuilds Leeds Parish 
Church, 65. 

Hopton family, 108. 

Hopton, Sir Ingram io8. 

Hopton, Roger, 193 289. 

Horbury, coal mines in, 269. 

Homeby, 243. 

Homecliffe, Nicholas, 253. 

Homington, a clan-station, 57. 

Horseford, 120, 167. 

Horsford, Nigel, 156. 

Horsele, Roger, 230. 

Horses, Spanish, 210. 

Hcrsfall, Richard, 109; Ann, 109. 

Hospital of Jesus at Middleham, 255. 

Hospitallers, Knights, 153. 

Hospitallers, Knights, a relic of, 256. 

Hotham, John, 130. 

Hou, Robert de, of Stokesley, a cheat- 
ing clothmaker, 262. 

Houeden, Roger de, 102, 118, 119, 129, 
203, 260. 

Hovingham, Dan John, 97. 

Howe Hill, at Brough, 69. 

Hubba, the Dane, 150. 

Hubberholm, 150. 

Hubert, Abp. of Canterbury, 21. 

Huby, 253. 

Hudersal, Swane de, 201. 

Hull, founded, 263 ; a wool port, 264. 

Hull, Carthusian Priory, 96 ; convent 
of friars-preachers in, 79. 

Humez, Agnes, 252. 

Humez, Emma de, 131. 

Humez, Richard, 252. 

Hungerford, Lord, executed, 250. 

Hunsingore, a clan-station, 48. 

Hunt, ThomaS) executed, 250. 

Hunt, Walter, executed, 250. 

Hunter, Adam, 182. 

Hunter, John and Thomas, mine coals 

at Bradford, 274. 
Huntingfield, Isabel, 203. 
Huntingfield, Wm. de, 203. 
Huntman, Adam, 264. 
Husye, SirThos., executed, 250. 
Hutton, Richard, 255. 
Hyrigyr, a leader at Brunanburgh, 74, 


Idle, 45, 47, 49. 
Ightenhill, co. Lane, 225. 
Ilkley, a Roman station, 56 ; discover- 
ies at, 61. 
lUineworth, a clan-station, 48. 
Ingaldesthorpe, Edmund, 249. 
Ingethlingum (Gilling), 72. 
Ingfangcheof, 179. 
Ingham, Mrs., of Blake Hall, iii. 
Ingham, Oliver, 230. 
Ingleborough, Hill-fort at, 4 ; cave at, 

Ingleby, 120. 

Ingleby, Arms of, 99. 

Ingleton, 5, 

Ingle wood Forest, 217. 

Insula, Amice de, 214. 

Insula, Baldwin de, 214. 

Insula, Brian de, 187, 204, 206, 207, 
208, 209, 213, 214. 

Insula, Robert de, 206, 224, 225. 

Insula, Simon, warden of Richmond, 

Interments, ancient, 2, 3, 40. 

Inthekill, 119. 

Ireby, Wm. de, 93, 219, 224. 

Irenpurs, Robert, a cheating cloth- 
maker, 262. 

Ironstone mines at Rosedale, 128. 

Isabel, Queen, holds the forest, 224. 

Ismay, Mr., of Winfield, 106, 108, 109 ; 
Maria, 108 ; Thomas, 108. 

Isurium, 42. 

Jackson, Robert, priest, 98. 

Jacobs, Mr. Bethel, 69. 

James, St., Chantry of Malton, 134. 

Jarpeville, Roger de, 214. 

Jervaux, Gerrard's sermon at, 254. 

Jessop, Rev. Thos., 100. 

Jews follow the wool and woollen 

trades, 264. 
Jews of York, 80. 
Joan, Fitz- Ralph, 245. 
John, King, 116, 123. 
John, King, besieges Tickhill, 20. 



John stopped at Knaresbrough, 204, 
205, 208, 209, 210, 213, 215, 237. 
John, King, at Scarbro^ 116. 
John of Lancaster, Prince, 247. 
Johnston, J., 197. 

Kaingham, Preaching in, 165. 

Karleton, Reginald de, hanged, 191. 

Karwindelawe, Robert de, 117. 

Katilscroft at Bunscarlit, 126. 

Kay, Robert, 98. 

Keldholm, 120, 129. 

Keldholme Hall, 123. 

Keldholme Priory, 1 15-123. 

Keldre, river, 177. 

Kellingley, a clan-station, 47, 57. 

Kellington, a clan-station, 47, 57. 

Kemp, John, Cardinal, 82. 

Kendall Castle, 203. 

Kenilworth, 230. 

Kenil worth, Dictum of, 218. 

Kenilworth, Earthworks at, 13. 

Kent, Edward, Earl of, 127. 

Kent, Margaret, Countess of, 243. 

Kesewick, 219. 

Ketel, 41. 

Kettlewell, 37, 42, 50. 

Kiddal, 45, 47. 

Kildale Church, 4a 

Kildwick, 111-115, ^5^' 

Kildwick Church, granted to Christ 

Church, Oxford, 112. 
Kildwick Hall, 113. 
Kersemere, an ancient name of cloth, 

Kersemere becomes a patronymic, 265, 

Killinghall, 166, 208, 210, ^23. 
Killinghall, a clan-station, 48. 
Kilnese, Poaching in, 165. 
Kime, Philip, 164. 
Kime, Rohcis, 157. 
Kime, Simon, 156, 157. 
King's bailiffs refused entry upon lands, 

King*s Newton, Derbyshire, 3. 
King's purveyors extortionate, 192. 
Kippax, 37, 188. 

Kirbymoorside, 11, 115, 116, 118, 120. 
Kirbymoorside, Castle of, 34. 
Kirkby Hill Church, 34. 
Kirkby, ancient name of Pomfret, 26, 

Kirkby Malsart, 172. 
Kirkbymoorside, Elizabeth, 128. 
Kirkdale Cave and Church, 34. 
Kirk Deighton, 92. 
Kirk Deighton Church, 93. 

Kirk Deighton, Manor of, 95. 
Kirk Deighton, Norman lord of, 92. 
Kirkleatham, 3. 
Kirklees, Prioress of, 257. 
Kirk Deighton, Rector of, 96. 
Kirklees Priory, 106, 107. 
Kirklees Priory founded, 260. 
Kirklington, near Ripon, 121, 196. 
Kirkstall, 150, 155, 156, 157, 166, 167, 

Knaresborough, 26, 44, 71, 72, 116, 124, 

129, 165, 170, 171, 173, 192, 234, 

Knaresborough Castle and Forest, 199. 
Knaresborough Castle seized by the 

rebels under Lancaster, 222. 
Knaresborough, Constables of, 187. 
Knaresborough, place name, 201. 
Knaresburgh, Advowson of the Church 

of, 217. 
Knaresburgh, Chase of the Castle, 220. 
Knaresburgh, Henry, minister, 220, 

Knaresburgh, Hospital of, 222. 
Knaresburgh, Prison in Oastle of* 166. 
Knight, Rev. Titus, of Halifax, a 

collier, 282. 
Knottingley, 27, 28, 47, 57, 188. 
Knowl, 47. 
Knout, Eva, 93. 
Knout, Richard, 93. 
Kyrkeby, Richard de, i 9. 

Laci, Alice de, 177. 

Laci, Edmund, owns Tick bill, 17. 

Lacy, Heu'y de, 185. 

Laci, Henry, Earl of Lincoln, 103, 227. 

Lacy, 17, 27, 28. 

Lacy, John de, admitted to his lands, 

228, 229. 
Lacy, Roger's charter to burgesses, 228, 

Laiston, Rog^er de, 126. 
Lancaster Castle, 20, 23. 
Lancaster, Duchy of, 189. 
Lancaster, Henry, Duke of, 187. 
Lancaster, Thomas, Earl of, 18, 33, 

221, 222. 
Lancaster, Thomas, Elarl of, defence at 

Boroughbridge, 223. 
Lancaster, Thos., Earl of, trial and 

execution of, 229, 230. 
Langberg, 225. 
LangefieTd, Wm. de, 177. 
Langescales, 214. 
Langeton, 129, 130, 131, 
Lang kirk in Craven, 112. 
Langestrode Ohace, 172. 



Langtoft, Margaret de, 127. 

Langton, Wm., 96. 

Lanval, Hugh de, 27. 

Lascels, Ro^er de, 130. 

Lassell, Wm., 156. 

Latch more, J., on Dowkerbottom 

Cave, 35-37. 
Latimer, Bp., denounces cheating in 

cloth trade, 268. *« 

Latimer, Wm., 130. 
Laughton-en-le- M orthen , Church of, 

Laughton-en-le-Morthen, Earthworks 

at, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 16. 
T^ughtonen-le-Morthen, Manor of, 1 8. 
Laurence, Rosedale dedicated to, 128. 
Lawton, Adam, fined for taking coals 

in Darton, 269. 
Lazinby, George, a refractory monk, 

Lazingcroft, a clan-station, 47. 
Leadv mines, 49. 
Leathley, 218, 220. 
Leathley stocks, 197. 
Leathley, Walter, Parson of, in trouble, 

Ledenham, 190. 
Ledes, Paulinus de, 102. 
Ledsham, 57. 
Lee, Abp , renounced the papal 

authority, 84. 
Leeds, 57, 188; coal mined in, 273. 
Leeds Cross taken into Sussex, 65. 
Leeds, Paganel's charter to, 228. 
Leeds Parish Church rebuilt, 65. 
Leeds, Robinson, vicar of, 85 ; puritan- 
ism of, 86. 
Leeds stocks, 196. 
Lefsi, Alan, son of, 201. 
Legedium, 28, 57. 
Le Haye, in Wakefield, 177. 
L'Hermitage in Tanfield, 171. 
Leland, IJ, 26, 31, 32 ; Description of 

Middleham, 255. 
Lelay, Hugh, 157, 167, 169. 
Lelay, Ralph, 165. 
Lelay, Robert, 157, 168. 
Lelay, William, 169. 
Leonard's, St., Chantry, Malton, 134. 
Lepers, House of, 217. 
Leprosy, a terrible scourge, 79. 
Letwell, 7. 

Leventhorpe, Nicholas, 192, 233. 
Leyburn, Robert, 230. 
Leybume, Idonea de, 179, 180. 
Leybume, Roger de, 180. 
Leys, Earthworks at, 8. 
Lightfoot, Christopher, 253. 

Ligulf, of Kildale, 40. 

Liley, 108. 

Lime-kiln at Chatwait, 1 16. 

Lincoln, 208, 214. 

Lincoln, a great wool mart, 263. 

Lincoln Cathedral, 105 ; Ornament at, 

Lincoln, Countess of, 214. 

Lincoln, foreign merchants may deal 

there freely, 263. 
Lincoln, Henry, Earl of, 227. 
Lincoln, John, Earl of, 229. . 
Lindley, 218. 
Lindley Wood, 197. 
Lindley, Falcasius de, 218. 
Liolfhanne, 219. 
Lister, Dorothy, his widow, marries Mr. 

Sterne, 278. 
Lister, J., M.A., on ancient coal 

mining, 269. 
Lister, James, of Shibden, 277, 281. 
Lister, John, of Overbrea, leases coal in 

Northowram, 277. 
Lister, Nicholas, 264. 
Lister, Samuel, of Shibden, 277, 278. 
Lister, Wm., of Halifax, draper, 268. 
Little Park under the Castle, 225. 
Litton Dale, 37, 172. 
Liversedge, Great and Little, 257. 
Lochen, Henry, a thief, 219. 
Lockton, 125, 126. 
Lofthouse, 211. 

Lofthouse Moor, Mining in, 272. 
Lofthus, 207, 208. 
Loftus ofEly, Edward Visct,, 256. 
Lokton, Agnes de, 134. 
Lombard horses, 207. 
Longbottom, Lydia, whipped, 194. 
Lorraine, Cloth trade of, 261. 
Loscars at Brough, 69. 
Louis, Duke of Aquitaine, 74. 
Lounde, Agnes, 225. 
Lounde, Robert, 225. 
Louth, King John at, 119. 
Lovell, John, Lord, 49. 
Loversall, 45, 48. 
Lucas, J., on Grassington lead mines, 

Lumby, 96. 

Lumley, Isabella de, 128. 

Lungespee, Matilda de, 211. 

Lupus, Robert, 211, 212. 

Lusignan, Geoffrey de, 17. 

I.usignan, Ralph de, 17. 

Luton, 214. 

Lutterel, Galfrid, 126. 

Luvel, Wm., 119. 

Lynom, Thomas, 252, 253. 



Lyon, Family of, 122. 
Lytton, Lord, describes Middleham in 
"The Last of the Barons," 249. 

Macclesfield, 225. 

Mackworth, Thomas, keeper of West 
Park, 252. 

Maesbeli, Mexborough, Saxons de- 
feated at, 12. 

Ma£;nas, King of Norway, 19. 

Malebisse, Hugh, 236. 

Malkake, Alan, 126. 

Malkake, William, 126. 

Malteby, Robt. de, 119. 

Malteby, Emma, his wile, 119. 

Maltemby, 201. 

Malton, II ; Scotch King at, 23 ; 
Castle held against Stephen, 129. 

Malton, Church of, 130.- 

Malton, Dreadful accident at, 131. 

Malton, John de, 21S. 

Malton, Priory of Our Lady of, 129-34. 

Malton, 194, 202, 205. 

Manesthorp, 26. 

Mankanholes in Sourebishire, 177. 

Manningham, a dan-station, 47. 

Manslaughter concealed for bribes, 

Mare, £dw. de la, executed, 250. 

Mareschal, W.,EarI, 214. 

Margaret, Countess of Kent, 243. 

Market towns. First establishment of, 

MarkevalC) Wm., 226. 

Markington, a clan-station, 48. 

Marshall, Maria, 128. 

Marshall, Richard, priest, 96. 

Martin the Sergeant, 117. 

Marton, Henry, 252. 

Marton in Burgeshire, Church of, 130. 

Mary of Middleham, 237, 243, 245. 

Massam, Nicholas, executed, 250. 

Mastac, William de, 124. 

Mather, Christopher, leases coal in 

Leeds, 273. 
Matilda, Queen, 16. 
Maud, Empress, lives at Tickhill, 7. 
Maude, Rev. R., of Mirfield, no, in. 
Mauleverer, Ralph, 201. 
Mauleverer, Alice, 201. 
Mauleverer, William, 201. 
Mealton, old form of Malton, 130 
Measure of cloth to be uniform, 261. 
Meauton, old form of Malton, 131. 
Meger, Catherine, a nun of Rosedale, 

Mek, Robert le, 80. 
Mekesburgh, Uichard, steals coals, 269* 

Melbum, 230. 

Meldrum, Sir John, 105. 

Melsanby, 190, 191. 

Melsuuby, Parson of, 191. 

Melton, Abp., 127. 

Melton, Nicholas, 93. 

Menewit, 214, 223. 

Merewell, Richard de, 264. 

Merfyan, Robt., executed, 250. 

Merkevale, Richard, 220. 

Merlawe, Dennis de, 18. 

Merlesweyn, 92. 

Metcalfe, Brian, 253. 

Metcalfe, Jas- , the King's Serg., 251, 

Metcalfe, Miles, 252. 

Metcalfe, Thomas, 252, 255. 

Metham, Thos., Justice, 171. 

Methelay, Thos. de, 178. 

Methley, 3. 

Methley, King of France a prisoner at, 

Mexborough, Earthworks at, 11, 12. 
Middleham Castle, 235-56. 
Middleham, Charter of market, 238. 
Middleham, Earthworks at, 5 ; — 200. 
Middleham descends to Annie Neville, 

Middleham, Duke of Somerset rebels at, 

Middleham involved in Simnel's rebel- 
lion, 253 
Middleham sold to citizens of London, 

Middleham, Kmg Edward stopping at, 

Middleham, Knights fees of, 245. 
Middleham Parks enclosed, 173, 246. 
Middleham, Parson the Dean of, 255. 
Middleham, Rebels march from, under 

the Earl of Salisbury, 244. 
Middleton, 125, 127, 169, 218. 
Middleton, Henry de, 190. 
Middle^^on, Richaid, clerk, may hunt, 

Mideldayl, in Pykering, 126. 
Miller, Gilbert the, hanged, 191. 
Milnegrene in Neusom, 119. 
Minskipp, 223. 
Mirfield, 257. 
Mirfield Church, 105- in. 
Mirfield, Sir Wm., 256. 
Misricords of Malton, 133. 
Monasteries become corrupt, 80. 
Monasteries suppressed, 85. 
Monasteries visited, 84. 
Monkish system condemned, 84. 
Monkish system, its extravagance, 85. 



Monks, Diversions of, 186. 
Monks, vagabond, to be arrested, 190, 
Montabum, Roger de, 21. 
Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, 183. 
Montagu, Marquis, 244, 249. 
Monte Begun, Roger de, 126. 
Monteford, Simon de, 179. 
Montgomery, Hugh, 19. 
Morcar, Earl, 7. 
Moreby, 201. 
Moreton, Roger, 128. 
Morton, Rol^rt de, 182. 
Morton, Wm., Earl of, 115. 
Morville, Hugh de, 203, 206. 
Mosborough, Earthworks at, 8. 
Mosele, Richard, Warden of Sandal. 1 76. 
Moulins, WiUiam de, 19. 
Mountegrace Priory, 254, 255. 
Mowbray, Roger, 118. 
Mowbray, Thomas, Earl Marshal, 172. 

Mowbray, Wm., dispute as to his barony, 

Mulcaster, Walter de, 117. 
Multon, Ellen, 227. 
Murdac, Ralph, 21. 
Muscamp, Robt. de, 211. 
Muscamp, Isabella, 211. 
Musleye, Richard de, parson of Fryston, 

Myddelton Hall, 54. 

Nailer, Richard the, a miner, 269. 

Noirford, Adam de, 190. 

Nairford, Hugh de, 190. 

Naj)pey, 252. 

National cost of the monkish system 

Nayler, James, in the pillory, 195. 

Neirford, Maud de, mistress of Earl 

Warren, 177. 

Nelson, John, shot while fetching ale, 

Nesfield, 49. 

Nessebit, John de, 264. 

Netilton, Wm., 188, 189. 

Nettleton, Thomas, 108. 

Neufchatel, seat of the Buslis, 19. 

Neusom, Bridge of, 119. 

Neusom, John de, 225. 

Neusom, Wm., 225. 

Neville, Alexandra de, 105, 106. 

Neville, Annie, widow of Edward, 

Prince of Wales, 250. 
Neville, Galfrid, 127, 213, 227, 237. 
Neville, George, Abp. of York, 244, 

Neville, Henry, 130, 131, 187. 

Neville, Hugh de, 1 19, 206, 207. 

Neville, Isabel, 249. 

Neville, John de, 105, 244, 249. 

Neville, Margaret, 105, 106. 

Neville, Ralph, 228, 243, 244, 246, 

Neville, Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland, 

122, 129. 
Neville, Richard, 244. 
Neville, Robert de, 208, 237, 243, 244, 

245, 246. 
Neville, Sir John, 189, 2 1 8. 
Neville, Stephen, 243, 
Neville's Cross, 246. 
Newall, 45, 48. 
Newark, 24. 
Newby, 3. 

New Park, Wakefield, 177. 
New Temple, London, 215. 
Newton, Wold, 39. 
Newburgh, Wm., historian, loi, 131, 

Newcastle, Keep of, 200. 
Newcastle, Rebels executed at, 250. 
Neweland, Robert, 8a 
Newton, 125, 126, 129. 
Newton, Adam, 126. 
Newton, Alice, 126. 
Newton, John^ 126. 
Newton, Ralph de, 126. 
Newton, Thomas, 126. 
Nidd, 223. 
Nidderdale, 44. 
Nordrane, 126. 
Norman, Anthony, 183. 
Norman Engineers, their treatment of 

English earthworks, 13, 16. 
Norman, John, priest, 96. 
Norman, Juliana, 96. 
Norman, Richard, 96. 
Normans gain lands by their marriages, 

Normanton, Henry de, Sub-sheriff, 183. 
Normanville, Roger, 226. 
Norsemen, last descent at Scarbro', 102. 
Norse names extirpated, 200. 
Norse settlements, 92. 
Northampton, 209. 
Northallerton, 249. 
Northorpe, no. 
Northowram, 258. 

Northowram, Coal mines in, 269, 271. 
Northumberland, Earl of, 105. 
Northumberland, a fief of the Scottish 

King, 23. 
Northumberland, John Neville, Earl of, 




Northumbrian, Witan at Tanshelf, 26. 

North Yorkshire, 5/ 

Norwich, Sir John, 96. 

Nostel Priory. 28. 

Nostel PriorV) Knaresburgh Church 

given to, 212. 
Nostel, place-name, 45. 
Nottingham, 206. 209, 211. 
Nottingham Castle, 17, 20, 21. 
Nottingham gaol, 201. 
Nottingham, gaol delivery, 191. 
Nottingham, Sheriff of, 191. 
Nottinghamshire, 178. 
Nunnington, 119, 120. 

Officials, their acts scandalous, 208. 


Okeden, 225. 

Olicana, 41, 56. 

Oly, John de, 126. 

Ord, History of Cleveland, 135. 

Ordinations, Hasty, 82. 

Ordsal, 45, 48, 201. 

Oreston, John de, hanged, 191. 

Orm, Gamal*s son, 38. 

Orme, of Kildale, 40. 

Ornsby, Canon, on Diocesan History of 

York, 77. 
Osgodcros, 188. 
Ostrefield, 179. 

Oswald's Cross, Wapentake of, 26. 
Oswin, King, killed at Gilling, 72. 
Othlyn, Plain of, a point In Brunan- 

burgh, 72. 
Otho, Emperor of Germany, 74. 
Otter, Thomas, 253. 
Ouse, free of tolls, 219. 
Ouston, 188. 

Oven, common, of 'Leeds, i88. 
Oxford, Turbulent scholars of, 193. 


Paen, Ralph, 119. 

Paen, Columba, his wife, 119; 

Paganel, Maurice, 22$. 

Pampeluna, Gilon de, 210. 

Pannal, 45, 48. 

Parishes, Scheme for dividing the 

large, 86. 
Parks, Trespassers in, 190. 
Parks of Knaresborough, 209, 2io, 

Parks of Knaresborough granted to 

Robt. de Crepping, 207. 
Parlington, a clan-station, 47. 
Parsy, John, 105. 

Partition of Middleham lands, 243, 245. 
Pateley Bridge, 49. 

Pateshal, Simon de, 119, 125, 126, 205. 

Patronymics, how changed, 20a 

Paulinus, Bishop, 10, 24. 

Paulinus flees from York, 77. 

Pavagium for Pomfret, 227. 

Payn, Henry, 227. 

Paynell, Hugh, hanged, 191. 

Peacock of the North, 244, 246. 

Peak, Castle of, 17, 20. 

Peel, Frank, on a relic of the lOiights 

Hospitallers, 256-8. 
Pembroke, Walter, Earl of, 214. 
Penbroke, Serlo de, 199. 
Penhill, 255. 

Pennington, Wm., executed, 250. 
Percehay, Aenes. 133. 
Percehay, Walter, 119, 133. 
Percy, Anastasia, 245. 
Percy Family of Scarbro*, 104, 105. 
Percy, Henry, 22a 
Percy, Henry, Lord, 104. 
Percy, Henry, Earl of Northumberland, 

247, 248. 
Percy, Robert de, 213. 
Percy, Wm., Lord of Dighton, 92. 
Percy, Wm. de, 125, 211. 
Percy, Wm., Ix)rd, 245. 
Pereson, John, yeoman, 96. 
Pereson, Robert, priest, 96. 
Pereson, Thomas, sub-dean of York, 

Perpunt, Henry de, 219. 

Petilius Cerealis, Propraetor, 42. 

Peyvre, Paulin, 215. 

Phases of Old Parish Life, 194-8. 

Philippa, Queen, 18. 

Philippopolis, John, Bp., consecrates 
Cowthorpe Church, 97. 

Richard, Alan, a cheating dothmaker, 

Pickerinc;, 125, 129, 230, 231. 

Pickering Castle, 9 ; Entrenchments at, 
10, 12, 16. 

Pigs at pannage to be sufficiently rung, 

Pilkington, Sir John, 182. 

Pilkington, Joan, his widow, 182. 

Pillory, 194. 

Pillory at Knaresburgh, 202. 

Pitfall mills in Leeds, 263. 

Place names in ** Al", 45. 

Place-names connected with water. 

Plague of 1249, 82 ; in Mirfield, 109, 

Plumpton, 212. 

Plumpton, Arms of, 99, 

Plumpton, Juliana, 212. 

Plumpton, Nigel de,92,93,2o6,207,2i2. 



Plumpton, Peter de, 212. 

Plumpton, Robert de, 49, 93, 95, 215; 

Arms of, 100. 
Plumpton, Serlo de, 95 ; Walter, his 

son, 95. 
Pocklington, 218. 
Poictou, 127. 
Pole, De la, 94. 
Pole, Edward, 96. 
Pole, Michael, 96* 
Pole, Richard de la, 264. 
Pole, Sir Wm. de la, 96 ; Katherine, 

his wife, 96. 
Policemen introduced, 196 
PoUington, a clan-station, 47, 57. 
Pomfret, 186, 188, 191, 192, 193, 223, 

230» 2J3, 234, 247, 253. 
Pomfret cakes, 226. 
Pomfret, Castle of, 25-33. 
Pomfret, Chapel of St Clement, 28, 

Pomfret, Chapel of St. Ellen, 227. 
Pomfret, dauntless courage of the inha- 
bitants, 228. 
Pomfret, Edw. IV. at, 250. 
Pomfret, King John at, 27. 
Pomfret Monastery, 27, 28. 
Pomfret, Nobles executed at, after 

Wakefield battle, 233. 
Pomfret, Norman works at, 31, 32. 
Pomfret, of Saxo-Danish origin, 228. 
Pomfret, Priory of, 227. 
Pomfret, place-name, 27, 28, 226. 
Pomfret, Sensational associations of, 228. 
Pope Nicholas's Taxation, 120. 
Popular power, 204- 
Porchester, 15. 
Poreton, 226. 

Porter, John, priest of Keldholm, 120. 
Portsmouth, 204. 
Poteme, James de, 126. 
Pottery in ancient times, 2. 
Poulton, Mr. E. B., on Caves, 35, 36, 37. 
Preemunire, Statute of, 82. 
Pratellis, Peter de, 119. 
Preston, 230. 
Priestman, Roger, 181. 
Prioresses of Keldholm, 121. 
Prison of Scarbro', 105. 
Provisions of Knaresburgh Castle, 208, 

Provisors, Statute of, 82. 
Pudsey, Henry, 98, 252. 
Pundeburg, 26, 72, 116, 202, 203. 
Purveyor-, their extortions, 192. 
Puture, a forest custom, 224. 
Pykering, Joan, a nun of Rosedale, 121, 


Quarrells sent from Knaresborough, 204. 

Quay of Scarbro*, 105. 

Quency, Roger de, 126. 

Quo JVarran/o Commissiontrs, 119,217. 

Racine, Rc^er, 126. 

Radale, 252. 

Rafenys-broke-loyne, 106, 107. 

Rafnesfeld, John de, 181. 

Ragnar Lothbrog, a destnictive Dane, 

Ramesdale, 127. 

Ramsden, Wm., 107. 

Ralph of Engleby, 119. 

Ralph, son of Ribald, 235. 

Rangers appointed by the King. 219. 

Rangers of the forest, 219. 

Rannulf, 119. 

Ranulf de Middleham, 190. 

Rasgate, La, 182. 

Raskall, 253. 

Raskell, 131. 

Raudon, 214. 

Raunde, 252. 

Ravensburgh, 76. 

Ravenser, a wool and cloth port, 263, 

Ravensthorpe, 35, 95. 
Ravenswick wood, 123. 
Rawtenstall, 48.' 
Read, Edward, 196. 
Red Bear Inn, Leeds, 194. 
Redcar, 134. 

Redeman, Norman de, II 9« 
Rees, Griffin ap, 230 
Reformation, 84. 

Revenues of the smaller monasteries, 84. 
Revolt of the Scropes, 247. 
Reygate, Castle of, 1 77. 
Rhodes of Northorpe, no. 
Ribald, son of Alan Fergaunt, 235. 
Ribald, Beatrice, his wife, 235. 
Ribblesdale mounds, 10. 
Ribchester, 76. 
Ribston, 207, 212, 220 
Ribston, Preceptory of, 92. 
Richard, King of Alimann, obtains 

Knaresburgh, 215. 
Richard, King of the Romans, 18. 
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, marries 

Anne Neville, 250. 
Richard much at Middleham, 251.' 
Richard confirms Henry's charter to 

Knaresburgh, 202. 
Richard I., 103, 116, 123. 
Richard I., treachery of his brother 

John, 19, 20. 
Richard I. visits Sherwood Forest, 21. 



Richard I. at the siege of Tickhill, 21. 
Richard II. at Pomfret, 30, 31, 32. 
Richard II., Death of, 231. 
Richard III. at Middleham, 241, 243. 
Richard, son of King John, 187. 
Richardson, Dr., of Bierley Hall, 113. 
Richardson, Wm., 210. 
Ricnmond, 72, 20(3, 208, 210, 217, 235, 

Richmond, Archdeacon of, 217. 
Richmond, Earl of, 209, 210. 
Richmond, Honour of, 18, 190, 251, 

252, 253, 25s, 256. 
Richmond, non-destruction of Castle, 

Richmondshire given to Simon de 

Insula, 236; to Peter de Savoy, 


Rievaulx, I04« 

Rigton, 219. 

Ring Stones Hill, Encampment at, 75. 

Ripace, Alice, 227. 

Riperiis, Robert de, 180. 

Ripley, Bernard de, 208. 

Ripon, 48. 

Ripon, Margaret, 128. 

Ripon Minster. Early treasures of, 78. 

Rippinghall, Alice de, 127. 

Riscough in Melsanby, 191. 

Rither, Wm., 94. 

Rivall, Peter de, 124, 216, 217. 

Roads, State of, 210. 

Roald, son of Alan, 236. 

Robert of the Hospital, 130. 

Robin Hood, 108. 

Robinson, Christ. ^ Esq., 123. 

Robinson, Vicar of Leeds, 85. 

Robinson, Walter, 227. 

Roche Abbey, Earthworks at, 8. 

Roche, Grange of, at Amthorpe, Un- 
lawful arrest at, 180. 

Rochester, 239, 241. 

Rockingham, Lord, Coming of age, 

Rodlande in Thornes, 177. 

Rof ham, Alexander de, 207. 

Rogeberg, 120. 

Roger, the King's Son, 179. 

Roger, son of Thomas, 178. 

Roger, Abp. of York, 102, 236. 

Rokeby, Sir Thos., Sheriff, 247, 248. 

Roman Encampment at Grassington, 

Roman Tablet found at Ilkley, 65. 

Romans, Imperfect colonisation of, 57. 

Romanus, John, 214. 

Romanus, Walter, 119. 

Romilli, Cecilia de, 11 1, 112. 

Roodesmoore, Mining in, 272. 
Rooke, William, A&yor of Leeds, a 

clothmaker, 263. 
Roos, Lord, executed, 250. 
Roos, Thomas, of Kendal 94, 96. 
Roos, Thomas, of Kendal, Arms of, 99. 
Rooston, Henry, 264. 
Ros of Ingmantborpe, 92, 96. 
Ros, John de, 127. 
Ros, Maria de, 127. 
Ros, Robert de, 215. 
Rosedale and Ferry Hill Iron Company, 

Rosedale Priory, 123*129. 
Rosedale, number of nuns, 128. 
Rosedale, nuns dispersed, 127. 
Rosedale, Prioresses of, 127. 
Roselle, John, executed, 250. 
Roshixst, 223. 
Ross, Anthony de, 96. 
Ross, Robert de, 192. 
Rossington, a clan-station, 48. 
Rotherham, 180, 181. 
Rotherham, Earthworks at, 1 1, 48. 
Rothferlington, 207. 
Roth well, 188, 212. 
Rothwell, Mines in, 272. 
Rothwell Haigh, 185, 193. 
Roucliff, Jchn, 96. 
Roucliff, Robert, 96. 
Roucliff, Roger, 96. 
Roucliff, Thomas, 96. 
Roucliff, William, 96. 
Roucliffe, Arms of, 98, 99. 
Roucliffe, Brian, 95, 96, 97. 
Roucliffe, Guy, 95, gS, 
Roucliffe, Jennet, 96b 
Roucliffe, Joan, 95, 96, 98. 
Roucliffe, Tomb of, gS, 
Rouen, Abp. of, 20. 
Roukesburgh, Sir Richard, 94, 95. 
Roundhay, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189. 
Roundhay Park, King John at, 185-189. 
Rous, Thomas le, 220, 225. 
Routhecliffe, 220. 
Rowal, 45, 47,57. 
Rowson, Thomas, 227. 
Royal Festivities, 186, 187. 
Rubrok, Terrie de, 127. 
Rudston, 39, 40. 
Rugemont, 225. 
Runde Heia, 185. 
Runes on Crosses, 54. 
Rusendale, ancient form of name, 123. 
Russedale, Wm, de, 124, 
Russedale, Turgis de, 124. 
Russell, Thomas, 219. 
Rydal deanery, 125. 



Ryllyngton, Robert, i. 

Salavagus, a wandering monk-crafts- 
man, 259. 

Salisbury, Alice, Countess of, 252. 

Salisbury, Archdeacon of, 237. 

Salisbury, Earl of, 22. 

Salisbury, Richard Neville, Earl of, 244, 

Saltbum, 134. 

Saltenstall, 48. 

Salvan, Gerard, 249. 

Samford, Agnes, 211. 

Samford, Hugh de, 211. 

Samford, Robin de, 186, 210, 211. 

Sampson, John, 219. 

Sandal, 45, 47, 48, 230, 253. 

Sandal, Castle of, 178. 

Sanda^ Park of, 178. 

Sandford, co. Devon, 16, 19. 

Sandford Family, 121. 

Sandiacre, Galfrid de, 181. 

Sapy, Robert, 223. 

Sarum, Wm., Earl of, 209, 211. 

Sauceye, Wm. de, 207. 

Sauleia, Abbot of, 203. 

Saverby, Walter de, 117. 

Savile, Alice, marries W. Lister, 268. 

Savile, Cuthbert, 107. 

Savile, Family of, 178. 

Savile, Thomas, 107, 108. 

Savoy, Earl of, 125. 

Savoy, Peter, 131, I90, 243. 

Saxifield, 75. 

Saxon Architecture, LaughtonChurch,8. 

Saxon Architecture, WirlM worth Church, 

Saxon Camp at Cottingham, bracelets 

found there, 69. 
Saxton, Peter, Vicar of Leeds, 86. 
Sayvile, Sir John, 178. 
Scalepark, 42, 252. 
Scallebi, 103. 

Scamridge, Entrenchments, 4. 
Scarborough, Stone house at, 81. 
Scarbro', Burgesses of, 103. 
Scarbro*, King John at, 124. 
Scarburgh, 4, 220, 241. 
Scarburgh, Church of St. Mary,ioi-io5. 
Scarburgh, Convent of Friar Preachers 

in, 79. 
Scarburgh petitions for a trone for 

weighing wool, 264. 
Scardeburgh, Americ de, 127. 
Scardeburgh, Matilda, 127. 
Scarlet a favourite colour, 266. 
Scholars of Oxford, Violence of, 193. 
Scholes, 188. 

Scots delegates at Knaresborough, 223. 

Scots King at Brunanburgh, 69. 

Scots King at Clipston, 23. 

Scott, Wm., 256. 

Scriven, 223. 

Scriven, Agnes, 226. 

Scriven, Henry, 219, 226. 

Scrope, Archbishop, betrayed, 247. 

Scrope, Emanuel, Lord, 255, 256. 

Scrope, Geoffrey le, 246. 

Scrope of Masham, 245, 247. 

Scrope, Philip, 126. 

Scrope, Richard, Archbishop, 82. 

Scrope's Rebellion, 96. 

Seacroft, 188, 189. 

Seamer, 4. 

Seaton, Wm., priest, 96. 

Selby, Abbot of, a disgraceful character, 

80, 177. 
Selby, Thomas, 206. 
Selby, William, 206. 
Semer, Adam de, 264. 
Sempringham, 130 ; Malton one of the 

finest houses of, 134. 
Sendale, John, Canon, 96. 
Seneschals of Knaresburgh, 219. 
Setterington, 134. 
Setton, 219. 
Seward, Anna, 181. 
Sewerby, Elizabeth, her goods, 267. 
Shadwell, 188, 189, 212. 
Shaw, Christopher, 108. 
Shaw, Geo. , 108. 

Sheep-scoring Numerals, Celtic, 44. 
ShefHeld, 16, 48, 179. 
ShefHeld Castle crenellated, 179. 
Shelf, Mining in, 272. 
Shelfield, Ancient encampment at, 75. 
Sherburn, 204. 

Sherbum, Cloth-makers in, 262. 
Sheriffs, Extortions of, 208. 
Sheriff- Hutton descends to Anne Neville, 

250. • 

Sheriff-Hutton Park enclosed, 246, 253. 
Sherwood, 182. 
Shibden, Coal mines in, 269. 
Shibden, John, leases coal, 270. 
Shipton Moor, Encampment of rebels 

on, 247. 
Shires, John de, 180. 
Shrewsbury, Hugh Montgomery, Earl 

of, 19. 
Sicklinghall, 45, 47, 48. 
Siddal, 45, 48. 

Sihtric, grandson of Ragnar Lodbrog,73. 
Silchestone, 26. 
Silton, John, priest, 96. 
Simnel's Rebellion, 253. 



Singin, a leader at Brunanbargh, 74. 

Singing at work, a custom of cloth- 
workers, 268. 

Siward, 16. 

Skargill, Wm., 177. 

Skai?, Henry, 181. 

Skellow, 46, 48. 

Skelton, 125, 127. 

Skene, Mr., on Bmnanburgh, 71, 72. 

Skidby, 67. 

Skinling, Thos., 219. 

Skipse, 214. 

Skipton, 114, 200, 213, 214, 218, 222, 

Slingsby, il. 

Slingesby, Agnes, 226. 

Slingesby, Joan, 226. 

Slingsby, Mr. F. £., of Famhill, 114. 

Slingesby, VVm., 220, 225, 226. 

Smalesikesheued, 125. 

Smaller monasteries suppressed, 84, 85. 

Smeathall, 45, 47. 

Smithson, Major, 256. 

Snitton, 219. 

Snorre*s Castle, 26. 

Snydale, 45, 47, 48. 

Social Punishments, 194. 

Society and Crime, 189-93. 

Somerset, Duke of, rebels at Middleham, 

249, 250. 
Somerville, Roger de, 178. 
Somerville, Matilda, his widow, 178. 
Somerwater, 253. 
Somery, John de, 230. 
Sonnescogh, Park of, 252, 253, 255. 
Soothill, Elizabeth, 108. 
Soothill, John, does senrice for lands, 

Soothill, Thomas, 108. 
Southstrindebroc, 177. 
Southwell, 23. 
Southwell Minster, 24. 
Southwell Palace, 24. 
Sowerby, 203. 
Spaunton Moor, 118. 
Spilar, Wm., executed, 250. 
Spofforth, 216, 220. 
Spot, Wulfric, 7, 8. 
Sprotton, John de, 95. 
St. George, Alan de. Constable of 

Knaresborough, 204, 206. 
St. John of Beverley buried at Driffield, 

St. Lawrence of Rosedale, 125. 

St. Leonard's Hospital, York, 102. 

St. Marys Abbey, York, 1 16, 210. 

St. Michael, patron of Crusaders, 95. 

St Omer, Cloth-making at, 264. 

St. Oswald, Prior of. Warden of Pom- 
fret, 227. 

St. Robert of Knaresburgh, 210,216,21 7. 

Stafford, 183, 23a 

Stainburgh, 182. 

Stainbum, 219. 

Staincliffe, Wapentake of, 218. 

Staingartes, 219. 

Stainmore, Honor of, 180. 

Stalling, Walter, hanjp^ed, 191. 

Stamford, Robbery of merchants going 
to, 23. 

Stammel, a coarse cloth, 266, 267. 

Standi, 45, 48. 

Standard, Battle of the, 115. 

Standish, Arais of, 99. 

Stanetone, 16. 

Stanhope, Aid. Henry, of Leeds, 109. 

Stanley, Agnes de, 215. 

Stanley, Alan de, 215. 

Stanley, Manor of, 177. 

Stanley^ Sir George, 192. 

Stanley, Sir Wm. , 49. 

Stanningley, a clan-station, 47, 48. 

Stansfeld, John, son of Elias, 181. 

Stansfeld, Ralph, 257. 

Stanth'Ker, Agnes de, hanged, 191. 
. Stapelton Family, 121. 

Stapleton, Milo, 219. 

Stapleton, Nicholas, 237. 

Stapleton, Wm., 229. 

Staveley, 208. 

Staveley, Adam, 208, 211. 

Staveley, Adam, sub-custos of Knares- 
borough, 213. 

Staveley, Alice, 211. 

Stayncross, 188. 

Steelyard, Merchants of, 264. 

Stephen, 115. 

Stephen, Earl, 235. 

StevetoD, Sir Robert, Tomb of, 112. 

Stivelington, 116. 

Stockel, Walter de, 212, 215. 

Stockeld, Richard de, 95. 

Stocks, 195. 

Stodledge, Thomas, 8a 

Stokesley, Robert, 225. 

Stores of Knaresborough Castle, 214, 

Storth, Alan de, 182. 

Stowe's Annals, 233, 250. 

Stra John, of Handsworth, a miner, 269. 

Strange, Lord le, 192. 

Street, Mr. G. E., 113. 

Streethagh, 177. 

Stuteville, 19-20. 

Stuteville, Bernard, 203. 

Stuteville, Bertha, 207. 



Stuteville, Eustace, 116, 124, 125, 126, 

202, 211. 
Stuteville, Eustace, his forges, 129. 
Stuteville, Helewisia, 115, 203. 
Stuteville, Johanna, 124. 
Stuteville, Nicholaa, 125, 211. 
Stuteville, Nicholas, 116, 117, 123, 

124, 126. 
Stuteville, Nicholas de, 205. 
Stuteville, Robt, 80, 115, 116, 118, 

123, 125, 126, 202. 

Stuteville, Wm., Constable of Knares- 

boTough, 200-203. 
Stuteville, Wm., made Sheriff of 

Yorkshire, 123-126. 
Stuteville, Wm. de, 116, 117, 118, 119, 

124, 125, 191, 202, 205, 206, 207, 

Suffolk, De la Poles, Earls of, 94. 

Sumery, Nichola, 245. 

Sumery, Roger, 245. 

Sun dial, Kirkdale, 38 ; Edston, 38. 

Surdeval, Robert de, 1 19. 

Sutton, 131, 213, 253. 

Swaledale, 44, 252. 

Swaneby, Abbey founded at, then 

removed to Coverham, 237. 
Swaneby, Bernard, of Ripon, a cheating 

clothmaker, 262. 
Sweine, Adam Fitz, 26. 
Swetton, Wm. de, 189. 
Swinstey, 208. 

Swillington, a clan-station, 47. 
Swynesheued, Adam de, 218. 
Swynnington Regis, 129. 
Sykelinghall, Bro. Robt. of the Temple, 

Synigthwaite, 127. 
Syvene, 119, 125. 
Sywerdherges, pasture, 210. 

Tabarer, Wm., founds a hospital in 

Pomfret, 230. 
Tadcaster, 100. 

Tadcaster, Advowson of the Church of, 
Tait, Mr. lawson, 3, 203. 
Tammin, Tammy, a coarse cloth, 267. 
Tamworth, 14. 

Tanbark granted to Rosedale, 126. 
Taney, Luke de, 219. 
Tanner of Tamworth, 216. 
Tanshelf, 26, 188; or Tateshall, a 

place-name, 46, 47. 
Tatershall Joan, 245. 
Tatershall, Robert, 190, 236, 245. 
Taverner, Hugh, 264. 
Taverner, Wm., 227. 
Taylbois, Agatha, 235. 

Taylbois, Ralph, 235, 246. 

Taylor, bellfounder, no. 

Tempest, Arms of, 99. 

Tempest, Sir Nicholas, joins Scrope's 

revolt, 248. 
Templars, 200, 203, 22a 
Templars allowed to sell their wool 

beyond seas, 263. 
Temple, Robert of the, 130. 
Tenchebrai, Battle of, 115, 118. 
Tenters used in the early cloth trade,262. 
Tete d'Anc, Ralph, 19. 
Teynturer, a dyer, hence a patronymic, 

Thanage after the Conquest, 201. 
Theodmarsh, Edmund, 225. 
Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, 78. 
Thickerdales at Brough, 68. 
Thickheued Priory, 127. 
Thompson, Mr., on Brunanbuigh, 69. 
Thoraldby, 245. 
Thoresby, Archbishop, 82. 
Thorfer, 20a 
Thorne, 15. 

ThomC) Camera in, 179. 
Thome, Manor of, 177, 179. 
Thorner, 188, 189. 
Thomes, Beskrode in, 177. 
Thomes, Graveship, 177. 
Thomes, Rodlande in, 177. 
Thomhill Lees, 108. 
Thornthwaite, 214. 
Thornton, 129, 252. 
Thornton, Steward, 42. 
Thorolf, 69. 70, 73, 74. 
Thoroughgood, John, 253. 
Thorp, Dorothy, 109 ; Richard, 109. 
Thorpe, 39, 217. 
Thorpe-Salvin, 7. 
Thorpenhow, 129. 
Thundercliff, 16. 

Thurgarland, Geo., 108 ; Ann, 108. 
Thurgarland, Margaret, 108. 
Thurs cross, 223. 
Thursdai-market in York, 80. 
Thursden, Vale of. Lanes. , 75. 
Thurston, 178. 
Thweng, Katherine de, 128. 
Tickhill, 181, 203, 212, 213. 
Tickhill, the place-name, 16. 
Tickhill, Camp and Castle, 13-18; 

Si^e of, 19-23. 
Tickhill Castle besieged by Thomas of 

Lancaster, 18. 
Tickhill Castle besieged by King John, 

Tickhill, Chapel of St. Nicholas, 17, 



Tickhill, Chapdry of, 103. 

Tickhill, Earthworks at, 7, 8, 12, 16. 

Tickhill granted to Prince Edward, 17. 

Tickhill, Honour o^ 16, 17, 18. 

TickhiU, King John at, 17. 

Tickhill, Maud the Empress lives at, 7. 

Timber, Sales of, 219. 

Timble,2o8, 219, 223. 

Tinctor,adyer, hence a patronymic, 266. 

Tingley, 257. 

Tinsley, iBl. 

Tithes in the Forest, Value of, 214. 

Tocke, of Pykering, 126. 

Todd, C. S., F.S.A., on Brunan- 

burgh, 65-70. 
Tod wick, Earthworks at, 8. 
Toftes, Le, York, 81. 
ToUs, Levy of, 179. 
Tolvestan, Agnes de, 201. 
Tolvestan, Thurstan de, 201. 
Tomlinson, Mr. G. W., 66. 
Tonsburg, 202. 
Torenton, 117, 120. 
Torp, Simon de, 124. 
Torpenhow Church, 125, 126, 127. 
Tosti, Earl, 38. 

Tourleymosse in Sourebishire, 177. 
Towers, Wm., 253. 
Tracy, Henry de, 187. 
Trading, Early, in cloth, 262. 
Trajan, 36, 50. 
Trnnetheme, 119, 120. 
Transversus, Wm. 28. 
Trespassers in Vert and Venison, 217, 

Trumpour, John le, 230. 
Tuggehale, 131. 
Tuit, Hnghle, 117. 
Tumbrel, Punishment of, 179, 202. 
Tumuli at Kiiby Moorside, 118. 
Tunbridge, 14. 
Tunnock, Richard, 81, 82. 
Tunstal, Wm., 105. 
Turketul at Brunanburgh, 74. 
Tumham, Robert, 125, 205. 
Turribus, Gilbert de, 102. 
Tusser, William, 271. 
Tutebury, 230. 
Tyersall, 45, 47. 
Tyler, Sir Wm., Kt., 253. 

(Jckeman, 213. 
Uctred, of Burton, 212. 
Ugga, of Burton, 212. 
Ughtred, Arms of, 99. 
Ughtred, Thomas, 80. 
Ughtred, Thomas de, warden of 
Pickering, 230. 

Ulage, Thomas, 252. 

Ulchel, of Mexborough, 12. 

Ulf, of Middleton, 127 ; Alan, of 

Middleton, 127. 
Ulfac, of Mexborough, 12. 
Ulric, of Abbeton, 119. 
Undercroft, 119. 
Underheath, Heton, 119. 
Upholsterers prohibited the use of 

flocks, 265. 
Ursula, St. , of Cowthorpe, 97. 
Usebum, Kirkeby, 203, 208. 
Uthdred, Robt., son of, 201. 

Vagabond monks to be arrested, 190. 

Vai, De la, Hugh, 28. 

Valencia, Sybil, 126. 

Valencia, Wm. de, 214. 

Valoines, Wm. de, 212. 

Valoynes, Theobald, 237. 

Vans, Wm. de, 220. 

Vavasour, Richard, priest, 106. 

Venality of officials, 180, 181, 189. 

Ver, Baldwin de, 124. 

Verdoun, John de, 94. 

Veigil, Polydore, on death of Ric II., 

Vesci, Agnes, 202. 

Vesci, Eustace, 125, 205, 202, 211. 

Vesci, Ivo, 129. 

Vesci, John de, 129. 

Vesd, Lady Agnes, 129, 130, 131. 

Vesci, Lord John, 129. 

Vesci, Warin, 130. 

Vesci, William de, 117, 129, 130, 202. 

Vesci, Burga, his wife, 117, 130. 

Vetripont, Idonea de, 179, 180. 

Vetripont, Isabel de, 180. 

Viccarisclose in Pomfret, 192. 

Villeret, Goulfier de, 19. 

Vinheidi, Vinnskodi, points in the field 

of Brunanburgh, 72. 

Vipont, Robert de, 17, 19. 

Vipont, Idonea, his wife, 17, 19. 

* Wake, Baldwin, 126, 219. 
Wake, Guy, 124. 

Wake, Hugh, 124, 125; Isabel, 125. 
Wake, Joan, 119, 124, 125. 
Wake, John, 126 ; Sir Baldwin, 126. 
Wake, of Lyddel, 115. 
Wake, Thomas. 125, 126, 127. 
Wakes, Patrons of Rosedale Priory, 

Wakefield, 179, 180, 194, 253. 
Wakefield, Chantry of All Saints, 177. 
Wakefield, Chantry of Our Lady, 177. 
Wakefield Court Rolls, 269. 



Wakefield, Hedlaysyk in, 177. 
Wakefield, Manor of, 179. 
Wakefield, Outwood, 178. 
Wakefield Park, Mines of, 272. 
Wakefield, Town improvements of, 177. 
Walcott, Rev. Mackenzie, on Scarbro' 

Church, 103. 
Walcott, Rev. Mackenzie, M.A., on 

Malton Priory, 132. 
Waldbi, 200. 
Waleis, Henry le, 201. 
Waleran, of Middleham, 237. 
Walesgrave, 103, 105. 
Walis, 7. 

Walkington, a dan-station, 48. 
Walkyngham, Adam, 93, 95. 
Walkyngham, Alan, 93, 95, 119. 
Walkyngham, Agnes, 93. 
Walkyngham, Elizabeth, 96. 
Walkyngham, Joan de, 95, 96. 
Walkyngham, John de, 93, 95, 96. 
Walkyngham, Thomas de, 94. 
Wall, Mr., Ilkley, 65. 
Waller's Brasses, 97. 
Walmsley, Thomas, 99. 
Walo, Wm., son of, 130. 
Walplo, 207. 
Walter, Htibert, 237. 
Walter, Roger, janitor of King Henry, 

executed, 250. 
Wambewellewode, Robert de, 179. 
Wandesford Family, 121, 122. 
Wanneles, Park of, 252, 25$. 
Wantley, Dragon of, 183. 
Warcock Hill, 76. 
Warde, of Topcliffe, executed, 250. 
Warden's Notes of Ilkley, 66. 
Wardens of the King's Forests, 218. 
Warmfield, 188. 
Wamutts at Brough, 69. 
Warr, Robert de la, 2a 
Warren, Earl, 22. 
Warren, Earl of, 179, 181. 
Warren, Earl John, 179. 
Warren, Earl William, 179. 
Warren, Matilda, Countess of, 179. 
Warren, John de, 177, 178, 179. 
Warren, Thomas, 177. 
Warren, William, 179. 
Warren, Matilda, his Countess, 179. 
Warsill, 45, 48. 

Warwick, Earl, grandeur of his life, 250. 
Warwick, Richard, Earl of, confines 

Edward IV. at Middleham, 244, 

248, 249. 
Waterton of Methley, 191. 
Wath, 194. 
Watling Street, a general designation, 72. 

Watton Priory, 134. 

Watton, Richard, Prior of, 134. 

Waudby Wood, 69. 

Wauton, John, 225. 

Wauton, Robert, 105. 

Wawan, John, 105. 

Wawne Ferry, 67, 68. 

Waylford, Adam de, 191. 

Weapons, Ancient, 3, 36. 

Weaverthorpe, 2. 

Weig, Anglo-Saxon, a way, 67. 

Weigh ton, Little, 67, 70, 71. 

Weldale, 47. 

Welle, 245. 

Wdle, Galfrid, parson of Wensley, 

Welle, Hugo de, 126. 
Wells, Archdeacon of, 116. 
Wendel Hill, an Entrenchment at Bar- 
wick, 9, 10. 
Wendeval, William de, 21. 
Wensley, a poor town, 255. 
Wensleydale, 190, 235. 
Wensleydale, Forest of, 236, 237, 243, 

251, 252, 255. 
Wensleydale, Revolt in, 236. 
Wentworth, Barbara, 103. 
Wentworth, Oliver, executed, 250. 
Wentworth, Roger, 183. 
Wentworth, Sir Philip, executed, 250. 
Wentworth, Sir Thomas, 181, 255. 
W-antworth- Woodhouse, Park of, 1 78- 

Weondune, site of Brunanburgh, 66, 72. 
Werrebi, Geffrey, 92. 
Werstan, bp. of Sherborne, 74, 75. 
West, Wm., fined for coal-poaching, 

West park, 252, 255. 
Westanwoods at Brough, 68. 
Westhall, co. Oxon, 222. 
Westmoreland, 203. 
Westmoreland, Ralph Neville, Earl of, 

122, 244, 246, 247. 
Westtout, 219. 
Wetherby, 248. 
Wetherby stocks, 197. 
Whalley Abbey, 10. 
Whalley, James, 178. 
V/halley, Rauf, 178. 
Wharfedale, Forest of, disafforested, 

Whamecliffe Chace, 178, 182, 183. 
Wheatley, Richard, 108. 
Wheater, W., on place-names, in Al, 

Wheater, W., on Ilkley and Crowlc 

Crosses, 56-61. 



Whcatcr, W., on Keldholme Priory, 

Wheatcr, W., on Rosedale Priory, 
Wheater, W., on Guisbro' Priory, 
Wheater, W., on Arthington Priory, 
Wheater, W., on Knaresborough Castle 

and Forest, 
Wheater, W., on Middleham Castle, 
Whipping Post, 194. 
Whitby, a wool-port, 264. 
White, a bleacher, hence a patronymic, 

Whyteby, Isabella, I27. 
Wiall, Richard de, 210. 
Wicker, The, Sheffield, 16. 
Wickwaine, Abp., a reformer of the 

Monasteries, 8a 
Wiggington, Wm. de, priest, 96. 
WighiU, 100. 
Wigmore, Castle of, 248. 
Wigton, Gilbert, 223. 
Wilbore, Tames, 256. 
Wilbore, Henry, 256. 
Wildbru, Wm., 126. 
Wilfrid, St., of Ripon, 77. 
Wilkinson, Robt., of Halifax, granted 

Kildwick, 112. 
Wilkinson, T. T., on Brunanburgh, 75. 
William, Archbishop of York, 82. 
William the Lion, King of Scots, 129. 
William, son of Ingald, 119. 
William, son of the presbyter, 119. 
William, son of Ralph of tingleby, 119. 
William, Havice, his wife, 119. 
Willing, Wm., priest, 106. 
Wilton, Laurence de, 80. 
Winchester, Bishop of, 204. 
Winchester, Wolsey, Bp. of, 84. 
Wincobank, Earthworks at. 12. 
Windsor, Siege of, 19, 20. 
Wine, King's, to be sold, 209. 
Wingerworth, Leticia de, hanged, 191. 
Winmoor, 185. 
Winteringham, Church of St. Peter of, 

Winteringham, John, Prior of Malton, 

Wirksworth Church, Saxon remains, 

Withins, in Sourebishire, 177. 

Witton, East and West, 190, 236. 

Witty, Mr. E., on Brunanburgh, 68. 

Wodeham, Simon, 23a 

Wodekirke, 178. 

Wolds, Yorkshire, Barrows on, 1-3. 

Wolds, Yorkshire, Entrenchments, 4. 

Wolds, Yorkshire, Gipsy Springs, 39. 

Wolsey, Card , never at York, 84. 

Wolves common, 211. 

Women whipped, 194. 

Wood, General, owns Middleham, 244. 

Wood, Walter del, 208. 

Wcodchopper, Ralph Taylbois, sur- 
name of, 235. 

Woodhall, Park of, 251, 252. 

Woodkirk, 257. 

Woodsetts, 7. 

Wool, the " Sovereigne Tresor *' of the 
kingdom, 265. 

Wooldale, 45, 48. 

Woollen in ancient graves, 2. 

Worcester, Philip de, 21. 

Worcester, Ralph de, 21. 

Worksop, Scots King at, 23. 

Worrall, 45, 48. 

Worsley, John, 97. 

Worsthom, Werstan's Hume, 75. 

Wortley, 182. 

Wortley, Nicholas de, 102. 

Wortley, Sir Thomas, 182, 183. 

Wortley, Joan, his wife, 182. 

Wortley, Sir Thos., 253. 

Wraith, Henry, I la 

Wrelton, a lady of, spins her own 
wedding dress, 259, 

Wright, feter, 193. 

Wrongful imprisonment, i8a 

Wulfstan, Abp,, gives fealty to Eadred, 

Wykham, 127. 

Wyllyam of Cloudeslee, 217. 

Wynlteworthewodehus, Wm. de. 

Wysham, John de, 222, 223, 225. 

Wyskarderode, Robert, 179. 

Yale, 230. 

Yawdwath, 122. 

Yeland, John de, 119. 

Yeoman, 5. 

Yeomen of the Forest, 215. 

Yerdeley, Richard de, 95. 

Yerdley, Adam de, 95. 

Yerdley, Alice, 95. 

Yevewith, Wood of, 119. 

York, 67, 68, 81, 208, 209, 211. 

York, AnlafiTs stronghold at, demo- 
lished. 73. 

York, Ancient state of castle. 

York, Archbishop of, 21. 

York, Abp. of, holds Knaresborough, 

York, Abp., Warden of Knaresborough 
Forest, 215. 



York, Abp., interdicts processions to 

Lancaster's shrine, 231. 
York, Bishopric founded, 77. 
York, Archbishopric, 78. 
York, Bridge of, 82. 
York, CasUe mills for cloth making, 

York, Duke of, 248. 
York an early wool emporium, 263. 
York, Edward IV. at, 250. 
York, glimpse of the city in 1300, 80. 

York, Jews in the city, 80. 

York, Hanging through official per- 
jury, 189. 

York, Rebels in Somerset's rebellion 
executed, 250. 

York, Richard Duke of, 253. 

York, Sheriff of, 22, 222. 

York, St. Mary's Abbey, 23$. 

Ypres a cloth mart, 266. 

Zouche, Alan la, 179. 



Armitage, Capt. Godfrey, J.P., The Court, Ackworth. 
Atkinson, Samuel, Moor AUerton Lodge, Leeds. 

Brayshaw, Thomas, Stackhouse, Settle. 

Brooke, Thomas, F.S.A., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield. 

Ford, J. R., Solicitor, 25, Albion Street, Leeds. 

Gaunt, Leonard, Farsley, Leeds. 

Hainsworth, Lewis, 118, Bowling Old Lane, Bradford. 

Halifax, Visct^, Hickleton, Doncaster. 

Hargraves, John, Settle. 

Haughton, R., Librarian, Subscription Library, York. 

Henderson, Wm. , Dunholme, The Park, Cheltenham. 

How^ate, J. P. , Brick House, Ravensthorpe. 

Mathers, J. S. , F.S.A., Hanover House, Leeds. 

Milne, S. M., Calverley House, Calverley. 

Milne-Redhead, R., F.L.S., Holden Clough, Bolton by Bowland, Clitheroe. 

Mitchell, H. B., York Villas, Norfolk Road, Sheffield. 

Ormerod, Hanson, Boothroyde, Brighouse. 

Pike, Albert, 433, Third Street, N. W., Washington City, U.S.A. 
Pollington, Viscount, 8, John Street, Berkeley Square. 
Pulleine, Mrs. A. C, Clifton Castle, Bedale. 

Roberts, Arthub, Studley House, Leopold Street, New Leeds. 

Scott, Joseph, Solicitor, 27, Albion Street, Leeds. 
Simpkin, Marshall, and Co. , London. 
Stansfeld, John, Iron Merchant, Leeds. 

Swithenbank, Geo. Edwin, LL.D., F.S.A., Ormleigh, Mowbray Road, Upper Nor- 
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Taylor, J. Thorpe, Oaklands, SheiTield. 

Tew, Thos. Wro., J. P., Carleton Grange, Pontefract. 

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Terrace, Blackburn. 
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Andrews, Wm., F.R.H.S., Literary Club, Hull. 
Armitage, H., Albion Street, Morley. 
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Askham, Joel, 14, May Day Green, Bamsley. 
Aspinall, Rev. G. E., M.A., East Hardwick Vicarage, Pontefract. 

Barber, Henry Jocelyn, Solicitor, Brighouse. 

Barwick, John Marshall, M.A., Low Hall, Yeadon. 

Batty, Arthur, Commercial Street, Rothwell. 

Batty, John, F.R.H.S., East Ardsley, Wakefield. 

Beaumont, Professor John, The Yorkshire College, Leeds. 

Bethell, Wm., J.P., Rise Park, Hull. 

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Binks, John, Wakefield. 

Bolland, Rev. Arthur, M.A., 12, St. Mary's Terrace, Scarborough. 

Boothman, David, Headingley, Leeds. 

Bottomley, Thomas, Crossbills, Leeds. 

Bradley, Geo., Junr., Solicitor, Castleford. 

Brammall, J. H., Sale Hill House, Sheffield. 

Brigg, Wm., RA., Hollin Lane, Headingley. 

Brigg, J. F., Greenhead Hall, Huddersfield. 

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Brown, Thomas, Mount Cross House, Bramley. 

Bruce, Samuel, LLO., St. John's House, Wakefield. 

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Bulmer, Charles, Blenheim Lodge, Leeds. 

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Cameron, W. S., Mercury Office, Leeds. 

Carter, J. H., Gledholt Lane, Marsh, Huddersfield. 

Cartwright, J. J., M.A., F.S. A., Rolls House, Chancery Lane, London. 

Chad wick, S. J., Knowl, Mirfield. 

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Clark, Richard Ecroyd, Rutland House, Doncaster. 

Clay, J. W., Rastrick House, Brighouse. 

Cole, William, 268, Manchester Road, Bradford. 

Collier, Rev. Chas., M.A., FS.A., The Vicarage, Andover, Hants. 

Constable, Wm., Newbig^n House, Malton. 

Cooke, John, Waverley House, Coupland Street, Beeston Hill, Leeds. 

Crowther, Dr. G. H., i. Bond Street, St. John's, Wakefield. 

Crowther, Joseph, Spring View, Luddendentoot. 

Davis, Jas. W., F.S.A., F.G.S., F.L.S., Chevinedge, Halifax. 
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Fewtrell, Rev. Ed^r Alfred, M. A., The Philbends, Maidenhead, Berks. 

Firth, Frederick, Sevor House, Heckmondwike. 

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Foster, John T. Little Driffield, East Vorks. 

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Fryer, Isabella, Catterick, N. Yorks. 

Galloway, Fred. C, 120, Bowling Old Lane, Bradford. 

Gamett, Wm., J.P., Lucan House, Hipon. 

Gannt, Leonara, Farsley, Leeds. 

Gaunt, Reuben, Springwood, Farsley. 

Glossop, Wm., Chartered Accountant, 3^Kirkgate, Bradford. 

Greaves, Elizabeth, Wraythome Lodge, Hyde Fark Road, Leeds. 

Gregson, Wm., Baldersby, Thirsk. 

Groves, Henry, Arkengarth-dale, Richmond. 

Guest, W. H. , Cross Street Chambers, Manchester, 

Hainsworth, Lewis, 118, Bowling Old Lane, Bradford. 

Hall, John, 26, West^te, Wakefield. 

Hammond, Geo. T., 24, Kendal Place, Hanover Square, Leeds. 

Hanby, Richard, Chetham's Library, Manchester. 

Hanson, Geo,, Librarian, Free Public Library, Rochdale. 

Hanson, Mrs. Sophia, 9, SpringclifTe, Manningham. 

Hardcastle, C. D., 31, Victoria Place, Leeds. 

Hardcastle, John, Accountant, Leeds. 

Heaton, Mrs., 4, Brookfield Terrace, Headii^ley. 

Higgin, George, Broadway Chambers, Westmmster. 

Hill, John, 47, Victoria Road, Morley. 

Hoblurk, Chas. P., F.L.S., Dewsbury. 

Hollings, Robert, M.D., Grove House, Wakefield. 

Holmes, John, The Holmsted, Roundhay, Leeds. 

Holmes, Richard, Pontefract. 

Holroyd, Abraham, Elwick, Shipley, Bradford. 

Howitt,J[ohn, 12, Whiston Grove, Rotherham. 

Hurst, lliomas. Central Free Library, Sheffield. (5 copies.) 

Jackson, Rev. F. W., M.A., Ebbertson Vicarage, York. 

Jackson, Sir Louis S., CLE., Hadleigh Hall, Suffolk. 

James, Philip, Postmaster, Brough. 

Jebb, Rev. H. G., J. P., Firbeck Hall, Rotherham. 

Jepson, E. G., Spnngfield Mount, Leeds. (2 copies.) 

Jessop, Charley, Church Street, Brighouse. 

Jowett, George, High Street, Morley. 

KiRKMAN, Stephen, Stanningley. 

Laycock, William, Sunnybank, Braithwaite, Keighley. 
Layton, C. Miller, Shortlands, Castle Hill Avenue, Folkestone. 



Leadman, Alex. D. H., Boroughbridge. 

Leader, J. D., F.S.A., Oakbum, Broomhall Park, Sheffield. 

Lee, William, 29, Hanover Square, Bradford. 

Lister, John, M.A„ Shibden Hall, Halifax. 

Liversidge, Wm., J.P., Millgate House, Selby. 

Lock wood, TIios., 2, Olive Grove, Burley Lawn, Leeds. 

Longbottom, Richard, 38, Hunger Hill, Queensbury, Bradford. 

Longley, Mrs., Bleak Housie, Hunslet. 

MacAlister, J. Y. W., Librarian, Leeds Library. 
Mainprize, Rev. W., Mow Cop House, Cleethorpes. 
Margerison, Samuel, Calverley Lodge, Leeds. 
Marriott, Chas. H., J.P , Manor House, Dewsbury. 
Marsh-Jackson, Wm. F., Smethwick, Staffordshire. 
Mason, Anthony, Arkingarth Dale, North Yorks. 
Maw, William, 9, Fairfield Road, Manningham. 
Mayhall, John, Horsforth, and County Court, Leeds. 
Mc Carthy, D. W., Aire and Calder Docks. Leeds. 
Mellin, Ventry de M., The Polygon, Ardwick, Manchester. 
Middieion, George, Prestwich, Manchester. 
Mitchell, Fred., Architect, Huddersfield. 
Mitchell, H. B., York Villas, Norfolk Road, Sheffield. 
Moore, J. H.^5, Uttoxeter New Road, Derby. 
Morrell, W. W. , author of the History of Selhy^ York. 
Morrison, Walter, J. P., D.L., Malham Tarn, Bell Busk. 
Mortimer, Charles, 791, Franklin Street, Milwaukee, U.S. 
Mortimer, Edward, SUver Street, Halifax. 

Nettleton, Joshua, Beacon Cottage, Ravensthorpe. 

Nixon, Edward, Saville House, Methley. 

NordifTe, Rev. C. Best, M.A., Langton Hall, Malton. 

Oates, Charles G., Meanwood Side, Leeds. 
Oxlee, Rev. John, Cowerby Rectory, Thirsk. 
Oxley, Henry, J. P., Weetwood, Leeds. 

(2 copies.) 

(2 copies.) 

(2 copies.) 

(2 copies.) 

Paine, Wm. Dunkley, Cockshot Hill, Reigate. 

Pape, Henry, Journalist, 27, Clifton Lane, Rotherham. 

Park, John, Appleton Wiske, Northallerton. 

Parkinson, Frank, High Street, Market- Weighton. 

Parkinson, Rev. Thos., F.R.H.S., North Otterington Vicarage, Northallerton. 

Pashley, J. W., Morton Hall, Gainsborough. 

Peacock, Fred. Gilbert, Solicitor, 5, Whetley Grove, Manningham, Bradford. 

Peel, Frank, Market Place, Heckmondwike. (2 copies.) 

Preston, Miss, Undercliffe, Settle. 

Preston, Richard, Solicitor, Oak Mount, Burnley. 

QuARMBY, W. Dawson, High Bailiff, C.C., Dewsbury. 

Ramskill, Josiah, 29, Meadow Lane, Leeds. 

Rayner, John, 26a, York Street, Manchester. 

Rayner, Simeon, Chapeltown, Pudsey. 

Rhodes, W. Venables, Northgate, Hleckmondwike. 

Roberts, Thomas, Bolton Percy. 

Robinson, Rev. H. J., Wesleyan Minister, Holmfirth. 

Robinson, James, Brunswick House, Morley. 

Robinson, J. B., The Inner Hey, Marsden, Huddersfield. 

Robinson, W. P. , Summit Avenue, Somerville, Mass. 

Rookledge, John, F.R.M.S., Union Bank, Easingwold. 


Ross, Frederick, F.R.H.S., 4, Tinsley Terrace, Stamford Hill, London. 
Roiindell, Chas. S., J-P., D.L., 16, Curzon Street, May Fair, London. 

Scarborough Philosophical Society, The Museum, Scarborough. 
Scholefield, Charles, The Grange, Hemsworth, Pontefract. 
Schofield, Samuel, Church Street, Morley. 
Scniton, William, 3 J, .Cloueh Street, West Bowling, Bradford. 
Sharp, Rev. John, M.A., Horbury Vicarage, Wakefield. 
Sheard, Michael, Land Agent, Batley. 
Smithson, C. Wm., Market Place, Northallerton. 
Spofforth, Tames Wade, The Green, Thome, Doncaster. 
Spofforth, Markham, Royal Courts of Justice, London. 
Stafford, Rev. Luke, Briggate, Knaresborough. 
Stanhope, N., Galloway Place, Calverley, Leeds. 
Stead, John James, Albert Cottage, Heckmondwike. 
Stead, T. Bailan, Express Office, Leeds. 
Stephenson, C. H., Crichton Club, Adelphi Terrace, Strand. 
Storey, John, ^6, Loraine Place, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Strangeways, W. N., 59, Westmoreland Road, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
Surtees.Rev. Scott, M.A., Dinsdale -upon -Tees, Darlington. 
Sutton, Chas. H., 21, Clifton Crescent, Rotherham. 
Swales, Kidson, 10 and 12, Wellington Street, Leeds. 

Swithenbank, Geo. Edwin, L.L.D., F.S.A., Ormleigh, Mowbray Road, Upper 
Norwood . (2 copies. ) 

Sykes, John, M.D., J. P., F.S.A., Doncaster. fiL 

Taylor, Rev. R. V., B.A., Melbecks Vicarage, Richmond. 

Teal, J., Bookseller, 16, Southgate, Halifax. (6 copies.) 

Terry, F. C. Birkbeck, M.A., The College, Dumfries Road, Cardiff. 

Tetlev, Samuel, 23, Parsonage Road, West Bowling. 

Thacteray, Chas. Wm., I, Mannheim Road, Tottenham, Bradford. 

Tillotson, Miss E. H., 12, Whiston Grove, Rotherham. 

Tinkler, Rev. John, M.A., Arkengarth Dale Vicarage, Richmond. 

Tomlinson, G. W., F.S.A., The Elms, Huddersfield. 

Tomlinson, John, Polton Toft, Thorne Road, Doncaster. 

Tomlinson, Miss, „ ,, „ 

Tomlinson, W. H. B., J.P., Calder House, Wakefield. 

Turner, Thomas, Old Market, Halifax. 

Wake, C. Staniland, Welton, near Brough, E.R.Y. 

Walker, Edmund, The Grange, Otley. 

Ward, George, Buckingham Terrace, Headingley. 

Ward, John, Pymont House, Lofthouse, Wakefield. 

Ward, W., 32, Hyde Terrace, Leeds. 

Wardman, Henry, Bridge Road, Holbeck. 

West, George, The Field, Swinfleet, E.R.Y. 

Whitehead, Edwin, Roth well, Leeds. 

Whitehead, Geo., 12, Effingham Street, Rotherham. 

Wildridge, T. Tindall, St. John Street, Beverley. 

Williams, — , Free Library, Doncaster. 

Wilkinson, J. H., F.R.G.S., Newlay Grove, Horsforth. 

Wilson, Chas. Macro, Waldershaigh, Bolsterstone, Sheffield. 

Wilson, Edmund, F.S.A., 8, Osborne Terrace, Leeds. 

Wood, Basil T.jJf.P., Conyngham Hall, Knaresborough. 

Worsford, Rev. J. N., M.A., Haddlesey Rectory, Selby. 

Wright, W. H. K., Free Public Library, Plymouth. 

Yai'KS, James, F.R.H.S., Librarian, Public Library, Leeds. (10 copies,^